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The Law and the Free Press 214 Characteristics of Successful Interest Groups 271
The History of the Press in America 217 Leadership Accountability 271
The Colonial Era, 1620 to 1750 217 Membership Stability 272
The Founding Era, 1750 to 1790 221 Financial Stability 273
The Partisan Era, 1790 to 1900 221 Influence in the Public Sphere 274
The Professional Era, 1900 to 1950 223 Interest Groups and Democracy 274
The Television Era, 1950 to 2000 224
The Mass Media in the Twenty-First Century 225 Chapter 9: Political Parties 279
The Changing Media Environment 225
The Decline of Newspapers 226 The Role of Political Parties in American
Democracy 280
The Durability of Radio 227
What Are Political Parties? 280
The Transformation of TV News 227
What Political Parties Do 281
Infotainment 228
The Party Nomination Process 285
Blogs 229
The Dynamics of Early Party Development 290
Social Networking 230
Political Factions: Federalist versus Antifederalist 290
The News Media and Latino Voters 231
Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, and the Emergence
The News Media and the Millennials 232
of the Democratic Party 291
The Impact of the News Media on the Public 233
The Antislavery Movement and the Formation
The Propaganda Model 234 of the Republican Party 292
The Minimal Effects Model 234 Party Loyalty and Patronage 293
The Not-So-Minimal Effects Model 234 Reform and the Erosion of Party Control 294
Evaluating the News Media 236 The Effects of a Two-Party System 295
Are the Media Biased? 237 Limited Political Choice 295
Quality of Information 238 The Structural Limits 296
Implications of the Internet 239 The Role of Third Parties 296
The Era of Media Choice 240 The Tea Party 299
The News, Social Media, and Democracy 240 Obstacles to Third Parties and Independents 301
Challenges to Party Power from Interest Groups 301
Chapter 8: Interest Groups 245 Party Alignment and Ideology 304
The Parties after the Civil War 304
Interest Groups and Politics 246 The New Deal and the Role of Ideology in Party
What Are Interest Groups? 246 Politics 304
The Right to Assemble and to Petition 247 Civil Rights, the Great Society, and Nixon’s Southern
The History of Interest Groups 248 Strategy 306
Types of Interest Groups 250 The Reagan Revolution and Conservative Party Politics 307
Economic Interest Groups 250 The Modern Partisan Landscape 307
Ideological and Issue-Oriented Groups 253 Political Parties and Democracy 310
Foreign Policy and International Groups 254
What Interest Groups Do 256 Elections and
Chapter 10:
Inform 256 Campaigns 315
Lobby 257
Campaign Activities 261 The Constitutional Requirements for Elections 316
The Impact of Interest Groups on Democratic Presidential Elections 316
Processes 265 Congressional Elections 321
Natural Balance or Disproportionate Power 265 Other Elections 324
Self-Service or Public Service 267 The Presidential Campaign 324
Open or Closed Routes of Influence 268 Evolution of the Modern Campaign 325
vi Contents
Copyright 2016 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
The Decision to Run and the Invisible Primary 326 Voting Laws and Regulations 375
The Caucuses and Primaries 328 Reforms to Voting Laws in the 1890s 375
The National Convention 328 The National Voter Registration Act 376
The Presidential Debates 329 New Forms of Voting 377
Issues in Presidential Campaigns 329 Participation beyond Voting 378
Fundraising and Money 330 Involvement in Political Campaigns 378
Swing States 332 Protest Politics 380
Microtargeting 333 E-Participation 381
Campaign Issues 334 Voting and Participation and Democracy 382
Negativity 335
Polls and Prediction Models 336
Congressional Campaigns 337
Chapter 12: Congress 387
The Decision to Run and the Primaries 337 Congress as the Legislative Branch 388
The Fall Campaign 337 Representation and Bicameralism 388
Issues in Congressional Campaigns 338 Constitutional Differences between the House
Fundraising and Money 338 and Senate 389
The Role of Political Parties 339 The Powers of Congress 394
Incumbency Advantage 339 Taxation and Appropriation 394
Relative Lack of Interest 340 War Powers 395
Elections, Campaigns, and Democracy 344 Regulation of Commerce 395
Appointments and Treaties 397
Chapter 11:Voting and Impeachment and Removal from Office 397
Participation 349 Lawmaking 397
Authorization of Courts 398
The Practice and Theory of Voting 350 Oversight 398
The Constitution and Voting 350 The Organization of Congress 400
Competing Views of Participation 351 The Role of Political Parties 400
The History of Voting in America 352 The House of Representatives 401
Expansion of Voting, 1790s to 1870 352 The Senate 404
The Road to Women’s Suffrage, 1848 to 1920 353 The Committee System 406
The Denial of African American Suffrage, 1870 to 1965 355 Advocacy Caucuses 408
The Civil Rights Movement and African American Voting, The Lawmaking Process 409
1950s and 1960s 357
The Procedural Rules of the House and
The Latino Vote 359 Senate 409
The Vote for 18-Year-Olds, 1971 362 Legislative Proposals 412
Who Votes? 363 Committee Action 413
Turnout 364 Floor Action and the Vote 413
The Demographics of Turnout 364 Conference Committee 414
Why Citizens Vote 367 The Budget Process and Reconciliation 415
An Economic Model of Voting 367 Presidential Signature or Veto, and the Veto
A Psychological Model of Voting 368 Override 418
An Institutional Model of Voting 369 The Member of Congress at Work 418
Is Voting in Your Genes? 370 Offices and Staff 418
Weather 370 Legislative Responsibilities 419
Assessing Turnout 370 Communication with Constituents 421
Is Turnout Low? 371 The Next Election 421
Do Turnout Rates Create Inequality? 374 Congress and Democracy 423
Contents vii
Chapter 13: The Presidency 427 The Historical Evolution of the Bureaucracy 479
The Expansion of Executive Branch Departments 480
Presidential Qualifications 428
The Growth of Regulatory Agencies and Other
Constitutional Eligibility and Presidential Succession 428 Organizations 480
Background and Experience 430 From Patronage to the Civil Service 481
The Expansion of the Presidency 433 Career Civil Service 485
Presidential Power: Constitutional Grants Political Appointees 485
and Limits 434
Diversity in the Federal Bureaucracy 487
Commander in Chief 435
Private-Sector Contract Workers 487
Power to Pardon 435
Bureaucrats and Politics 488
Treaties and Recognition of Foreign Nations 435
Accountability and Responsiveness
Executive and Judicial Nominations 436 in the Bureaucracy 490
Veto and the Veto Override 438 The Roles of the Legislative and Judicial
Other Powers 439 Branches 490
Congress’s Ultimate Check on the Executive: Efficiency and Transparency 493
Impeachment 440 Whistleblowing 494
The Growth of Executive Influence 442 Bureaucratic Failure 494
Presidential Directives and Signing Statements 442 The Bureaucracy and Democracy 495
Power to Persuade 444
Agenda Setting 447 Chapter 15: The Judiciary 499
The President in Wartime 448
The Role and Powers of the Judiciary 500
Power Struggles between the President and Congress 449
English Legal Traditions 500
Power Struggles between the President
Constitutional Grants of Power 501
and the Judiciary 454
State and Lower Federal Courts 503
The Organization of the Modern White House 455
State Courts in the Federal Judicial System 503
The Executive Office of the President 455
The District Courts 506
The Office of the Vice President 456
The Courts of Appeals 508
The Office of the First Lady 457
The Supreme Court 510
Presidential Greatness 458
Granting Review 510
Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1933–45): The New Deal
and World War II 458 Oral Arguments 511
Lyndon Baines Johnson (1963–69): The Great Society The Decision 512
and Vietnam 459 Judicial Decision Making 514
Ronald Reagan (1981–89): The Reagan Revolution Judicial Restraint: The Legal Approach 515
and the End of the Cold War 461 Judicial Activism: The Extralegal Approach 516
The Presidency and Democracy 463 Restraint and Activism in Judicial Decision Making 518
The Impact of Court Rulings 519
Chapter 14: The Bureaucracy 467 The Appointment Process for Federal Judges
and Justices 521
The American Bureaucracy 468 The District Courts 522
What Is the Bureaucracy? 469 The Courts of Appeals 522
Constitutional Foundations 470 The Supreme Court 523
The Structure of the Bureaucracy 470 Demographic Diversity on the Court 526
Core Components of the Bureaucracy 476 Historical Trends in Supreme Court Rulings 528
Mission 476 Expansion of National Power under the Marshall Court 528
Hierarchical Decision-Making Process 476 Limits on National Power, 1830s to 1930s 528
Expertise 477 Strengthened National Power, 1930s to the Present 529
Bureaucratic Culture 477 The Judiciary and Democracy 532
viii Contents
Economic, Domestic,
Chapter 16: Monetary Policy 559
and Foreign Policy 537 Trade Policy 560
Foreign Policy 562
Public Policy under a Constitutional System 538 An Overview: International Relations and U.S. Foreign Policy
The Process of Policy Making 539 Goals 566
The Regulatory Process 541 Foreign Policy Tools 569
Blocking Implementation 542 Public Policy and Democracy 574
State Governments and Public Policy 542
Domestic Policy 544
Entitlement Programs, Income Security, and Health Care Appendix
Overview 544 A. The Declaration of Independence 578
The Affordable Care Act (ACA) 547 B. The Constitution of the United States 582
Immigration Policy Overview 548 C. Federalist Papers 10 and 51 598
Energy, Environmental Policy, and Climate Change
Overview 553 Glossary 606
Economic Policy 555 Endnotes 617
An Overview: Intervention in the Economy 555 Index 645
Fiscal Policy 558
Contents ix
x
Letter to Instructor...
Dear Introduction to American Government Instructor:
As teachers and scholars of American government, we have come together to write a textbook
that would engage students in both the process and the policy outcomes of U.S. government. The book
presents an updated lens through which we can examine the theoretical and structural foundations of
American democracy and the resulting political process that demands an active and informed citizenry. To
help students understand American democracy and see how they can be involved in their government, we
peel back the layers of the political system to expose its inner workings and to examine how competing
interests can both facilitate and block the people’s will. In doing so, we use the conceptual framework of
gateways. We contend that there are gates—formal and informal—that present obstacles to participation
and empowerment. But there are also gateways that give students a chance to influence the process and
to overcome the obstacles. The gateways framework helps students conceptualize participation and civic
engagement—even democracy itself. Our book is both realistic and optimistic, contending that
the American system can be open to the influence of students and responsive to their hopes and
dreams—if they have information about how the system works. But we avoid cheerleading by also
pointing out the many gates that undermine the workings of government. Although the size and
complexity of the American constitutional system is daunting, it is imperative to prepare for the
demands of democratic citizenship. This has never been truer than today, when we have a rapidly
changing demographic balance within our population. Today groups that were formerly underrepre-
sented in American politics and society, such as second- and third-generation Latinos, are a powerful
force in our government. It is our hope that this textbook can awaken students and motivate them
not only to learn about politics but to also participate actively throughout every stage of their lives.
In keeping with the theme of gates and gateways in American politics, we also open each chapter with
a vignette that tells the story of people who have successfully navigated their own way in politics. The
important role of the vignette for the instructor is to show the students how people like them have made
a difference in American political and social life; our vignette subjects vary by historical era, career choice,
gender, race, ethnicity, and party affiliation. We also include landmark Supreme Court cases related to
every chapter’s subject to show students the continuous and vital role it plays in both upholding and
knocking down gates to policy implementation and political participation. We include policy features in
each chapter to illustrate how the chapter’s core content operates on a real-time, real-life basis. To round
out our emphasis on how the core structure of a political system can encourage or discourage participa-
tion, we include a Global Gateway feature in each chapter, which informs students about politics around
the globe and how it compares to what they see in the American context.
New to This Edition

●● A new dedicated focus on Latino politics and participation reflects the changing demographic
infrastructure in America today by providing new coverage of the politics and issues affecting Latinos
in every chapter of the book:
●● New sections on the history of Latino civil rights, including a time line of significant events in
Latino political history
●● New Supreme Court cases of significance to Latino constitutional and voting rights
●● New section on Latino political leaders and grassroots organizations
●● New chapter vignettes highlighting the gateways used by Latinos
●● Expanded discussion of the Latino vote and its implications for elections and governing
●● New freestanding chapter on domestic, economic, and foreign policy making
●● Revamped policy features embedded in each chapter that reflect the most current issues related to
each chapter’s subject
xi
●● Updated opening vignette, Global Gateways, and new Supreme Court cases to incorporate the
changes in American politics since the publication of the second edition
●● Streamlined learning objectives and outcomes
●● New coverage of the impact of the changes in campaign spending that arose from recent Supreme
Court decisions
●● Revamped discussion of microtargeting in light of the success of the Obama campaign in 2012
●● New coverage of social media and its role in forging opportunities for participation
●● Up-to-date coverage of the 2014 midterm elections examining the impact of the Tea Party, turnout
trends, and the role of money in 2014 campaigns
Mindtap
As an instructor, MindTap is here to simplify your workload, organize and immediately grade your
students’ assignments, and allow you to customize your course as you see fit. Through deep-seated inte-
gration with your Learning Management System, grades are easily exported, and analytics are pulled with
just the click of a button. MindTap provides you with a platform to easily add in current events videos and
RSS feeds from national or local news sources. Looking to include more currency in the course? Add in our
KnowNow American Government Blog link for weekly updated news coverage and pedagogy.
Teaching American government remains a vitally important but constantly challenging task for all of
us. We know that there are many books to choose from to use in your course. We believe that Gateways is
a book that has an innovative approach in reaching and engaging students across a range of backgrounds
and enables instructors to more easily achieve their pedagogical goals in American government courses.
We have seen it work for our students, and we know it will work for yours.
Sincerely,
John G. Geer, john.g.geer@vanderbilt.edu

Wendy J. Schiller, Wendy_Schiller@Brown.edu
Jeffrey A. Segal, jeffrey.segal@stonybrook.edu
Richard Herrera, Richard.Herrera@asu.edu
xii
Letter to Student...
Dear Student:
Our book begins with a simple question: How does anyone exert political influence in a country of
more than 318 million people? Students in American government classrooms across the country are grap-
pling with this question as they develop an appreciation of their role in American public life. In our own
classrooms, students ask us, What is my responsibility? Can I make a difference? Does my participation
matter? How can I get my opinions represented? These are gateway questions that probe the opportuni-
ties and limits on citizen involvement in a democracy. For that reason, we not only provide you with essen-
tial information about the American political system but also show you how to become a more powerful
advocate for yourself within that system. It is not enough to know what you want your government and
society to be—you must learn how to make it happen. This book shows you how people from all walks of
life have opened gates to influence public policy, and it shows you the relevance of government in your
life. It is our hope that this textbook motivates you not only to learn about politics but also to participate
actively throughout every stage of your life.
In keeping with the theme of gates and gateways in American politics, we open each chapter with a
vignette that tells the story of people who have successfully navigated their own way in politics. These are
people like you who have different gender, ethnic, racial, and partisan backgrounds, and who have made
a difference in American political and social life. We also include other features focusing on the Supreme
Court, public policy, and global governance that show you how politics plays out in the United States and
around the world. All of these special features are designed to relate specifically to you—the student—to
give you a blueprint with which to navigate the political system. What makes our book different?
●● Streamlined learning objectives and outcomes help you better understand the material and prepare
for the graded assignments that go with the class. We have checkpoint questions at the end of each
main section, as well as key terms study guide questions throughout each chapter.
●● Latino politics and participation coverage reflects the changing demographic infrastructure in
America, especially among young people by providing new coverage of the politics and issues
affecting Latinos in every chapter of the book.
●● Updated accounts are included of people who are changing American politics today.
●● Current policy case studies are included on issues such as voting participation, environmental
protection, military conflict, and personal privacy.
As a student, the benefits of using MindTap with this book are endless. With automatically graded
practice quizzes and activities, automatic detailed revision plans on your essay assignments offered
through Write Experience, an easily navigated learning path, and an interactive eBook, you will be able to
test yourself inside and outside the classroom with ease. The accessibility of current events coupled with
interactive media makes the content fun and engaging. On your computer, phone, or tablet, MindTap is
there when you need it, giving you easy access to flashcards, quizzes, readings, and assignments.
As teachers, our main goal both in this book and in the classroom is to empower you as active par-
ticipants in American democracy. We know that you balance a lot of competing demands for your time,
from other classes, to work, to family responsibilities. This book provides you with the core information
you need to succeed in your American government classes, and just as important, to knock open the gates
that may stand in your way to achieve your goals within the political system.
Sincerely,
John G. Geer, john.g.geer@vanderbilt.edu

Wendy J. Schiller, Wendy_Schiller@Brown.edu
Jeffrey A. Segal, jeffrey.segal@stonybrook.edu
Richard Herrera, Richard.Herrera@asu.edu
xiii
Resources for Students
and Instructors
Students
Access your Gateways to Democracy, 3e, resources via
www.cengagebrain.com/shop/isbn/9781285852904.
If you purchased MindTap or CourseReader access with your book, enter your access code, and click
Register. You can also purchase the book’s resources here separately through the Study Tools tab or
access the free companion website through the Free Materials tab.
Instructors
Access your Gateways to Democracy, 3e, resources via
www.cengage.com/login.
Log in using your Cengage Learning single sign-on user name and password, or create a new instructor
account by clicking on New Faculty User and following the instructions.
Gateways to Democracy, 3e – Text Only Edition

ISBN: 978-1-285-85854-8
This copy of the book does not come bundled with MindTap.
MindTap for
Gateways to Democracy, 3e
Instant Access Code: 978-1-305-08464-3
Printed Access Code: 978-1-285-85853-1
MindTap for American Government is a fully
online, personalized learning experience built
upon Cengage Learning content. MindTap
combines student learning tools—readings, multimedia,
activities, and assessments—into a singular Learning Path
that guides students through their course. Through a wealth
of activities written to learning outcomes, it provides
students with ample opportunities to check themselves for
understanding, while also providing faculty and students alike
with a clear way to measure and assess student progress.
xiv
Faculty can use MindTap as a turnkey solution or customize it by adding YouTube videos, RSS feeds,
or their own documents directly within the eBook or within each chapter’s Learning Path. The product
can be used fully online with its interactive eBook for Gateways to Democracy or in conjunction with
the printed text.
Instructor Companion
Website for Gateways to Democracy, 3e
ISBN: 978-1-285-86564-5
This Instructor Companion website is an all-in-one multimedia online resource for class preparation,
presentation, and testing. Accessible through Cengage.com/login with your faculty account, you
will find available for download: book-specific Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentations, a test bank
compatible with multiple Learning Management Systems, an Instructor’s Manual, Microsoft®
PowerPoint® Image Slides, and a JPEG Image Library.
The test bank, offered in Blackboard, Moodle, Desire2Learn, Canvas, and Angel formats, con-
tains learning objective-specific multiple-choice, short answer, and essay questions for each chapter.
Import the test bank into your Learning Management System to edit and manage questions, as well
as to create tests.
The Instructor’s Manual contains chapter-specific learning objectives, an outline, key terms
with definitions, and a chapter summary. Additionally, the Instructor’s Manual features a crit-
ical thinking question, lecture launching suggestion, and an in-class activity for each learning
objective.
The Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentations are ready-to-use visual outlines of each chapter.
These presentations are easily customized for your lectures and offered along with chapter-specific
Microsoft® PowerPoint® Image Slides and JPEG Image Libraries. Access the Instructor Companion
Website at www.cengage.com/login.
Student Companion
Website for Gateways to Democracy, 3e
ISBN: 978-1-285-86563-8
This free companion website for Gateways to Democracy, 3e, is accessible through cengagebrain
.com and allows students access to chapter-specific interactive learning tools, including flashcards,
glossaries, and more.
Cognero for Gateways to Democracy, 3e

ISBN: 978-1-305-08475-9
Cengage Learning Testing Powered by Cognero is a flexible, online system that allows you to author,
edit, and manage test bank content from multiple Cengage Learning solutions, create multiple test
versions in an instant, and deliver tests from your Learning Management System, your classroom,
or wherever you want. The test bank for Gateways to Democracy contains learning objective-specific
multiple-choice, short answer, and essay questions for each chapter.
xv
CourseReader for
American Government
CourseReader 0-30 Instant Access Code: 978-1-111-47997-8
CourseReader 0-30 Printed Access Code: 978-1-111-47995-4
CourseReader: American Government allows instructors to create your reader, your way, in
just minutes. This affordable, fully customizable online reader provides access to thousands of
permissions-cleared readings, articles, primary sources, and audio and video selections from the
regularly updated Gale research library database. This easy-to-use solution allows you to search
for and select just the material you want for your courses. Each selection opens with a descriptive
introduction to provide context and concludes with critical-thinking and multiple-choice questions
to reinforce key points. CourseReader is loaded with convenient tools such as highlighting, printing,
note-taking, and downloadable PDFs and MP3 audio files for each reading. CourseReader is the
perfect complement to any political science course. It can be bundled with your current textbook,
sold alone, or integrated into your Learning Management System. CourseReader 0-30 allows access
to up to 30 selections in the reader. Instructors can contact their Cengage Learning consultant for
details. Students should only purchase CourseReader if assigned by their instructor.
Election 2014 Supplement

ISBN: 978-1-305-50018-1
Written by John Clark and Brian Schaffner, this booklet addresses the 2014 campaigns and elections,
with real-time analysis and references.
xvi
Acknowledgments
Writing the third edition of an introductory textbook requires a dedicated and professional publish-
ing team. We are thrilled that Richard Herrera, associate professor of political science at Arizona State
University, has joined our team and brought with him his deep and rich understanding of Latino politics.
We were also extremely fortunate to continue to work with a number of excellent people at Cengage
Learning, including Carolyn Merrill. Carolyn has been a rock-steady foundation, and her choice of Naomi
Friedman as our development editor was outstanding. Naomi has guided us through a comprehensive
revision of the book to focus more on the vital role that traditionally underrepresented groups, such as
Latinos, play in knocking down the gates that stand in the way of participation. Edward Dionne and Jill
Traut have been vigilant managers of the copyedit process, and Reba Frederics has been terrific in updat-
ing our photo and images in the book. We also want to thank the entire sales force at Cengage Learning
for their tireless efforts to promote the book.
Our gratitude goes to all of those who worked on the various supplements offered with this text,
especially the test bank author, Nate Vanden Brook from Oklahoma City Community College, and the
Instructor’s Manual author, Adam Newmark from Appalachian State University.
By definition, an American government textbook is a sweeping endeavor, and it would not be possible
to succeed without our reviewers. They provided truly constructive input throughout the review and revi-
sion process, especially on our new comprehensive policy chapter. We list their names on the following
page, and we are grateful to them for their contributions to the development of this textbook.
Each of us would also like to thank the individuals who supported us throughout the project.
John G. Geer: I would like to thank Carrie Roush and Marc Trussler for their help with revising this
textbook. Special mention goes to Drew Engelhardt for his amazing efforts in pulling together new
material for this third edition. I owe many thanks to Jeff, Rick, and Wendy. They are fabulous collabora-
tors and even better friends. I am lucky to know them and to have the chance to work with them on this
project. My deepest and most heartfelt appreciation goes to Beth Prichard Geer. Beth has made possible
a new edition of my life that I will be forever grateful for.
Wendy J. Schiller: I would also like to express my appreciation for the opportunity to work with John,
Jeff, and Rick—each excellent scholars and colleagues. For her support on this edition, I would like to give a
big thanks to Kaitlin Sidorsky for all her research assistance. I would also like to thank my husband, Robert
Kalunian, who provides an endless supply of patience, support, and perspective.
Jeffrey A. Segal: I thank my previous co-authors, John and Wendy, for once again making the endeavor
of the new edition a totally enjoyable experience; Naomi Friedman for her fresh look at the materials;
Rick Herrera for joining the “Gater” team; and Carolyn Merrill for the foresight of asking him aboard. For
the second straight edition, Justine D’Elia has provided invaluable research assistance. My professional
colleagues, both at Stony Brook and beyond, have cheerfully answered innumerable queries from me.
I appreciate their assistance.
Richard Herrera: I would like to thank John, Wendy, and Jeff for inviting me to join the author team.
They are an exciting group of scholars with whom to work. The creative process that produced this edition
has been a wonderful experience. Their support, along with Naomi Friedman’s, has been most valuable as
I navigated my way through the revision process. I would also like to thank Marian Norris for her support,
patience, and encouragement throughout this new adventure.
xvii
Reviewers
We would also like to thank the instructors who have contributed their valuable feedback through reviews
of the second edition in preparation for this third edition:
Martin Adamian, California State University, Los Angeles Lori Han, Chapman University
Lynn Brink, North Lake College Sally Hansen, Daytona State College
Jeffrey Christiansen, Seminole State College Debra St. John, Collin County Community College
Monte Freidig, Santa Rosa Junior College
We also thank the reviewers of the previous editions:
Steve Anthony, Georgia State University James McCann, Purdue University

Wayne Ault, Southwestern Illinois College John Mercurio, San Diego State University
Jane Bryant, John A. Logan College Michael Moore, University of Texas at Arlington
Jared Burkholder, Grace College Jonathan Morris, East Carolina University
David Dulio, Oakland University James Newman, Idaho State University
Joshua Dyck, University of Massachusetts, Lowell Mark Peplowski, College of Southern Nevada
Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha, University of North Texas Jamie Pimlott, Niagara University
Jeff Fine, Clemson University Dave Price, Santa Fe Community College
Charles Finocchiaro, University of South Carolina Narges Rabii, Saddleback College
James Goss, Tarrant County College, Trinity River Tim Reynolds, Alvin Community College
Rhonda Gunter, Maryland Community College David Ross, Stark State College
Bill Horner, University of Missouri, Columbia Margaret Scranton, University of Arkansas at Little Rock
Amy Jasperson, Rhodes College John Shively, Longview Community College
Mark Jendrysik, University of North Dakota Alec Thomson, Schoolcraft College
Aaron Knight, Houston Community College, Northeast Nate Vander Brook, Oklahoma City College
Lyn Maurer, Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville Laura Wood, Tarrant County College, Northwest Campus
Heather Myabe, University of West Georgia Davis Woodward, Clemson University
xviii
About the Authors
John G. Geer
(PhD, Princeton University) is the Gertrude Conaway Vanderbilt Professor of Political Science and
co-directs the Vanderbilt Poll. Geer has published widely, including In Defense of Negativity, which
won the Goldsmith Prize from the Shorenstein Center at Harvard University. Geer has been a visiting
scholar at Harvard University and Princeton University. Geer teaches Introduction to American Politics,
as well as specialty courses on elections and campaigns. His teaching has drawn much note, winning
numerous teaching awards at both Arizona State University and Vanderbilt University. Geer is a frequent
commentator in the press, with appearances on all the major networks (e.g., Fox News, CBS Evening
News, CNN), and he has been quoted in newspapers ranging from The New York Times to The Washington
Post to the LA Times. He has done interviews for major international outlets as well, such as BBC and Al
Jazeera.
Wendy J. Schiller
(PhD, University of Rochester) is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Public Policy at Brown
University (Twitter acct @profwschiller). She was legislative assistant for Senator Daniel P. Moynihan,
a federal lobbyist for Governor Mario M. Cuomo, a Guest Scholar and PhD Fellow at the Brookings
Institution, and a post-doctoral fellow at Princeton University. She has published The Contemporary
Congress (2003, 2005) with Burdett Loomis, Partners and Rivals: Representation in U.S. Senate Delegations
(2000), and Electing the Senate: Indirect Democracy before the Seventeenth Amendment (2014) with Charles
Stewart III. She teaches courses on a wide range of American politics topics, including Introduction to
the American Political Process, The American Presidency, Congress and Public Policy, Parties and Interest
Groups, and The Philosophy of the American Founding. Professor Schiller is a political analyst for local and
national media outlets, including CNN.com, Bloomberg Radio, NPR, and WJAR10, the local NBC affiliate
in Providence.
Richard Herrera
(PhD, University of California Santa Barbara) is Associate Professor of Political Science and Associate
Director for the School of Politics and Global Studies at Arizona State University. He directs the ASU
Capital Scholars Washington, DC, Summer Internship program for ASU and coordinates the ASU-McCain
Institute for International Leadership Internship Program. He has contributed articles to the American
Political Science Review, Journal of Politics, Legislative Studies Quarterly, and State Politics and Policy
Quarterly. His current research interests are focused on U.S. governors, their ideology, policy agendas,
and representative functions. He teaches courses in American Politics, American Political Parties, and
American Politics and Film.
Jeffrey A. Segal
(PhD, Michigan State University) is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Chair of the Political Science
Department at Stony Brook University. He has served as Senior Visiting Research Scholar at Princeton
University and held a Guggenheim Fellowship. Segal is best known, with Harold Spaeth, as the leading pro-
ponent of the attitudinal model of Supreme Court decision making. Segal has twice won the Wadsworth
Award for a book (with Spaeth) or article 10 years or older with lasting influence on law and courts. He
has also won the C. Herman Pritchett Award (again with Spaeth) for best book on law and courts. His work
on the influence of strategic factors on Supreme Court decision making won the Franklin Burdette Award
from APSA. With Lee Epstein, Kevin Quinn, and Andrew Martin, he won Green Bag’s award for exemplary
legal writing. He has also won a national award sponsored by the American Bar Association for innovative
teaching and instructional methods and materials in law and courts.
xix
Career Opportunities: Political Science
Introduction
It is no secret that college graduates are facing one of the toughest job markets in the past fifty years.
Despite this challenge, those with a college degree have done much better than those without since the
2008 recession. One of the most important decisions a student has to make is the choice of a major; many
consider future job possibilities when making that call. A political science degree is incredibly useful for a
successful career in many different fields, from lawyer to policy advocate, pollster to humanitarian worker.
Employer surveys reveal that the skills that most employers value in successful employees—critical thinking,
analytical reasoning, and clarity of verbal and written communication—are precisely the tools that political
science courses should be helping you develop. This brief guide is intended to help spark ideas for what kinds
of careers you might pursue with a political science degree and the types of activities you can engage in now
to help you secure one of those positions after graduation.
Careers in Political Science

Law and CriminaL JustiCe
Do you find that your favorite parts of your political science classes are those that deal with the Consti-
tution, the legal system, and the courts? Then a career in law and criminal justice might be right for you.
Traditional jobs in the field range from lawyer or judge to police or parole officer. Since 9/11, there has
also been tremendous growth in the area of homeland security, which includes jobs in mission support,
immigration, travel security, as well as prevention and response.
PubLiC administration
The many offices of the federal government combined represent one of the largest employers in the
United States. Flip to the bureaucracy chapter of this textbook and consider that each federal department,
agency, and bureau you see looks to political science majors for future employees. A partial list of such
agencies would include the Department of Education, the Department of Health and Human Services,
and the Federal Trade Commission. This does not even begin to account for the multitude of similar jobs
in state and local governments that you might consider as well.
CamPaigns, eLeCtions, and PoLLing

Are campaigns and elections the most exciting part of political science for you? Then you might consider a
career in the growing industry based around political campaigns. From volunteering and interning to consult-
ing, marketing, and fundraising, there are many opportunities for those who enjoy the competitive and high-
stakes electoral arena. For those looking for careers that combine political knowledge with statistical skills,
there are careers in public opinion polling. Pollsters work for independent national organizations such as Gallup
and YouGov, or as part of news operations and campaigns. For those who are interested in survey methodology
there are also a wide variety of non-political career opportunities in marketing and survey design.
interest grouPs, internationaL and nongovernmentaL organizations

Is there a cause that you are especially passionate about? If so, there is a good chance that there are
interest groups out there that are working hard to see some progress made on similar issues. Many of
the positions that one might find in for-profit companies also exist in their non-profit interest group and
nongovernmental organization counterparts, including lobbying and high-level strategizing. Do not forget
that there are also quite a few major international organizations—such as the United Nations, the World
Health Organization, and the International Monetary Fund, where a degree in political science could be
put to good use. While competition for those jobs tends to be fierce, your interest and knowledge about
politics and policy will give you an advantage.
xx
Foreign serviCe
Does a career in diplomacy and foreign affairs, complete with the opportunity to live and work abroad,
sound exciting for you? Tens of thousands of people work for the State Department, both in Washington
D.C. and in consulates throughout the world. They represent the diplomatic interests of the United States
abroad. Entrance into the Foreign Service follows a very specific process, starting with the Foreign Service
Officers Test—an exam given three times a year that includes sections on American government, history,
economics, and world affairs. Being a political science major is a significant help in taking the FSOT.
graduate sChooL
While not a career, graduate school may be the appropriate next step for you after completing your under-
graduate degree. Following the academic route, being awarded a Ph.D. or Master’s degree in political
science could open additional doors to a career in academia, as well as many of the professions mentioned
earlier. If a career as a researcher in political science interests you, you should speak with your advisors
about continuing your education.
Preparing While Still on Campus

internshiPs
One of the most useful steps you can take while still on campus is to visit your college’s career center in regards
to an internship in your field of interest. Not only does it give you a chance to experience life in the political
science realm, it can lead to job opportunities later down the road and add experience to your resume.
skiLLs
In addition to your political science classes, there are a few skills any number of which will prove useful as
a complement to your degree:
Writing: Like anything else, writing improves with practice. Writing is one of those skills that is appli-
cable regardless of where your career might take you. Virtually every occupation relies on an ability to
write cleanly, concisely, and persuasively.
Public Speaking: An oft-quoted 1977 survey showed that public speaking was the most commonly
cited fear among respondents. And yet oral communication is a vital tool in the modern economy. You
can practice this skill in a formal class setting or through extracurricular activities that get you in front
of a group.
Quantitative Analysis: As the Internet aids in the collection of massive amounts of information, the
nation is facing a drastic shortage of people with basic statistical skills to interpret and use this data. A
political science degree can go hand-in-hand with courses in introductory statistics.
Foreign Language: One skill that often helps a student or future employee stand out in a crowded job
market is the ability to communicate in a language other than English. Solidify or set the foundation for
your verbal and written foreign language communication skills while in school.
student LeadershiP
One attribute that many employers look for is “leadership potential” which can be quite tricky to indicate
on a resume or cover letter. What can help is a demonstrated record of involvement in clubs and organiza-
tions, preferably in a leadership role. While many people think immediately of student government, most
student clubs allow you the opportunity to demonstrate your leadership skills.
Conclusion
Hopefully reading this has sparked some ideas on potential future careers. As a next step, visit your col-
lege’s career placement office, which is a great place to further explore what you have read here. You
might also visit your college’s alumni office to connect with graduates who are working in your field of
interest. Political science opens the door to a lot of exciting careers, have fun exploring the possibilities!
xxi
GatewayS
To dEmocracy an Introduction to
American Government
ThoMaS JefferSon, aTTribuTed To ThoMaS Sully,
u.S. SenaTe ColleCTion
“Educate and
inform the whole
mass of the
people. . . . They
are the only sure
reliance for the
preservation of
our liberty.”
Thomas Jefferson
The College of William and mary,
Williamsburg, Virginia
Mark SuMMerfield/alaMy
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
to see the ladies home.
“Quilting Bees” define themselves in their name. They were very
similar to spinning bees, except that the work was done after the
guests had assembled.
Of “Stoning Bees,” “Logging Bees” and “Raising Bees,” description is
unnecessary. The names are almost self-explaining, though just why
they were called “Bees” I cannot learn, unless it is because those
who came were expected to, and usually did, imitate the industrial
virtues of that insect. They were also sometimes called “frolics,”
possibly for the reason that the frolicking was often as hard and as
general as the work. Strong and hearty men were much inclined to
playful trials of strength and other frivolities when they met at such
times. This tendency was much enhanced in the earlier days by the
customary presence of intoxicants.
These amusements were varied and extended far beyond those
above mentioned. They exhibited and illustrate much of the
character, surroundings and habits of those early people. They
wanted no better amusement. It was, in their esteem, a wicked
waste of time and in conflict with their necessary economies to have
parties or gatherings of any kind exclusively for amusement, and
unaccompanied with some economic or industrial purpose like those
indicated above.
The dancing party or ball was a thing of later date, but even when it
came, and for many years after, it was looked upon by the more
serious people as not only wicked and degrading in a religious and
moral point of view, but very wasteful in an economic sense.
Their hard sense taught them that their industrio-social gatherings,
together with the church meetings and Sunday-schools, furnished
ample occasions for the young to meet and become acquainted,
while the elements of evil that crept into modern society elsewhere
were there reduced to a minimum.
A THRIFTY STOREKEEPER
A good story is told of Joseph Hoover dating well back in the first half
of the century. He went one day to the store of Mr. Jacob R——, in a
neighboring town, to get a gallon of molasses, taking with him the jug
usually used for that purpose. As it happened that day, the son,
Isaac, who usually waited on him, was otherwise engaged, and the
father, Jacob, went down cellar to draw the molasses. After being
gone some time, Jacob called up from the cellar to Joseph and said
that the jug did not hold a gallon. “Call Isaac,” replied Hoover, “and
let him try; he has always been able to get a gallon in that jug!”
THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC
A PAGE OF HISTORY CORRECTED
III
HALLECK AND POPE
The fourth letter[13] contains a sentence which almost takes one’s

breath. It is bunglingly constructed—a thing unusual in Pope’s
communications. He had received a letter from Halleck, dated
November 7, intimating that the Secretary of War would order a court
of inquiry, and he answers, conveying the following:
“The overt act at Alexandria, during the engagement near
Centreville, can be fully substantiated by letters from many officers
since I have been here [St. Paul], it is quite certain [Now mark!] that
my defeat was predetermined, [Now mark again!] and I think you
must now be conscious of it.”
Pope does not even intimate who predetermined that “overt act,”
although he intimates rather clearly that Halleck is conscious of the
facts. It is difficult to see, however, how either McClellan, Porter or
Griffin could “predetermine” either a victory or a defeat at that time.
On the 25th day of November, 1862, the very day set by General
Pope, Major-General Halleck ordered a general court-martial for the
trial of Major-General Fitz-John Porter, and on that same day he
made his official report of the battle in which he certified to Pope’s
efficiency, as the latter had demanded in those uncanny letters. And
on the 5th day of December, Major-General Pope declared under
oath:
“This is all I have yet done”: i. e., “in my official reports of the
operations of the army, to set forth all the facts as they transpired on
the field. I have not preferred charges against him. I have merely set
forth facts in my official reports,” etc.
The “Official Records” referred to show that he “set forth” certain
facts [or fancies] in his private letters to Halleck, which, by some
mysterious influence have found their way into print, and suggest
that an explanation is in order to reconcile his sworn testimony with
the fact that he was urging General Halleck to action, by military
court, and even threatening him in case he should neglect such
action.
He says: “No man knows better than yourself the constancy, the
energy, and the zeal with which I endeavored to carry out your
programme in Virginia. Your own letters and dispatches, from
beginning to end, are sufficient evidence of this fact, and also of the
fact that I not only committed no mistake, but that every act and
movement met with your heartiest concurrence.”
[Note.—This statement is fully corroborated by the “Official Records.”
It is as certain as anything can be that Halleck formulated the plan
and that Pope executed it. If he appeared to be making mistakes, he
was obeying orders, and Halleck should be chargeable.]
Pope continues: “Your own declarations to me up to the last hour I
remained in Washington bore testimony that I had shown every
quality to command success.”...
“Having, at your own urgent request [Mark that well! and what
follows also. This paragraph shows that Halleck himself was the
instigator of the charges against Porter], and from a sense of duty [!]
laid before the Government, the conduct of McClellan, Porter and
Griffin, and substantiated the facts stated by their own written
documents, I am not disposed to push the matter further, unless the
silence of the Government [this means Halleck, as has been shown
Halleck was the only objector to the gratification of Pope’s wishes], in
the midst of the unscrupulous slander and misrepresentation
purposely put in circulation against me and the restoration of these
officers, without trial, to their commands, coupled with my
banishment to a distant and unimportant department, render it
necessary as an act of justice to myself.”
How keenly Pope feels his disgrace, having been used as a tool and
then flung aside, is shown clearly. He continues:
“As I have already said, I challenge and seek examination of my
campaign in Virginia in all its details, and unless the Government by
some high mark of public confidence, such as they have given to me
in private, relieves me from the atrocious injury done to my character
as a soldier ... justice to myself and to all connected with me
demands that I should urge the court of inquiry.... This investigation,
under the circumstances above stated, I shall assuredly urge in
every way. If it cannot be accomplished by military courts, it will
undoubtedly be the subject of the inquiry in Congress.”
Then follows a darkly ominous hint: “It is especially hard, in view of
my relations with you [Note that!] that I should be compelled even to
ask at your hands the justice which it is your duty to assure to every
officer of the army.... I tell you frankly that by the time Congress
meets such influences as can not be resisted will be brought to bear
on this subject.... I prefer greatly that you should do me this justice of
your own accord.”[14]
Altogether this letter is a rare specimen of the chiaroscuro in the art
epistolary; it tells of Halleck’s acts of injustice which Pope will right
by every means in his power. At times it breathes hatred and
vengeance, and closes with such a loving assurance as this:
“I write you this letter with mixed feelings. Personal friendship and
interest in your welfare, I think, predominate. I am not so blinded as
not to know that it gave you pain to allow such scandal against me
and to take such action as you thought the peculiar circumstances
required. Much as I differ with you on the subject, I am not ready to
blame you or to feel bitterly.”
Then follows that warning: “I impress upon you the necessity for your
own sake of considering carefully the suggestions I have presented,”
and closes with the assurance, “I shall not again address you a letter
on such a subject.”
This assurance was not fulfilled. Indeed, Pope wrote several letters
on the subject, as will appear. Queer letters were they, to be written
by a major-general commanding a department, to his superior, the
general-in-chief, to whom he administers the medicine à la cheval de
trait.
To summarize: Pope makes these charges against Halleck.
(1) That the plan of campaign was Halleck’s.[15]
(2) That Pope was but an instrument in the hands of the general-in-
chief.[16]
(3) That Pope faithfully executed Halleck’s plans.[17]
(4) That the latter fully approved every act of the former, thereby
making himself responsible, so far as Pope was concerned, for the
final result.[18]
Here a pause. These charges are fully substantiated by letters and
telegrams passing between Halleck and Pope, which appear in parts
II and III, of Vol. XII, of the Official Records. Pope was regularly
advising Halleck of his movements, and Halleck was as regularly
approving the same. And as late as August 26, 11:45 a. m., Halleck
wired Pope: “Not the slightest dissatisfaction has been felt in regard
to your operations on the Rappahannock,” etc.
Returning to the charges:
(5) That Pope had made the charges against Generals McClellan,
Porter and Griffin “at Halleck’s own urgent request.”[19] Halleck was
the real instigator.
(6) That Halleck had not assigned him [Pope] to command of the
western department, which, as Pope says, “would at once have
freed me [Pope] from the odium and abuse which have so
shamefully and unjustly been heaped upon me by the papers and
people,” etc.[20]
(7) That he found himself banished to the frontier.[21]
(8) That his character and reputation as a soldier had been deeply
and irretrievably injured.[22]
(9) That the Government refused to allow him to publish the facts[23]
and
(10) That General-in-Chief Halleck declined to acknowledge his
services publicly.
All through the letters are insinuations and charges against
McClellan, Porter and Griffin. And he makes categorical demand in
these words:
“I said, and say now, that one of three things I was entitled to; any
one of them would have satisfied me. The dictates of the commonest
justice gave me the right to expect one of them at least:
1st. That the court of inquiry be at once held and the blame be fixed
where it belongs. It is now too late for that, as the delay has already
made the worst impression against me that is possible.
2d. That the Government should acknowledge publicly, as it had
done privately, my services in Virginia, or
3d. That in case neither of these things could be done, then that the
Government bestow upon me some mark of public confidence, as its
opinion of my ability warranted.
None of these things have been done,” etc.
He continues: “You know me well enough I think, to understand that I
will never submit if I can help it. The court of inquiry, which you
inform me has been ordered, will amount to nothing for several
reasons. It is too late, so far as I am concerned. Its proceedings, I
presume, will be secret, as in Harper’s Ferry business. The principal
witnesses are here with me, and I myself should be present. The
Mississippi River closes by the 25th of November [Note that date!];
frequently sooner than that. It is then next to impossible to get away
from this place. A journey through the snow of 200 miles is required
to communicate with any railroad.”[24]
And on the very day which Pope had named, November 25, 1862,
General-in-Chief Halleck issued his order for the court-martial of Fitz-
John Porter, and issued his report certifying to the efficiency of
General Pope, thus avoiding the court of inquiry which Pope had
threatened to demand.
Such a court, if honestly conducted, would have laid bare the truth,
and shown to the world that Halleck himself had prevented the
reinforcements from reaching Pope, caused the defeat of Second
Bull Run, imperiled the national capital, and opened the door of
Maryland to Jefferson Davis and Robert E. Lee.
This conclusion is supported both by Halleck’s official report and by
his testimony before the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War.
In the former, he says: “Had the Army of the Potomac arrived a few
days earlier, the rebel army could have been easily defeated and,
perhaps, destroyed.” His testimony before that committee, on March
11, 1863.[25]
“Question. To what do you attribute the disastrous result of General
Pope’s campaign?
Answer. I think our troops were not sufficiently concentrated so as to
be all brought into action on the field of battle; and there was great
delay in getting reinforcements from the Army of the Potomac to
General Pope’s assistance.
Question. To what is that delay attributable?
Answer. Partly, I think, to accidents, and partly to a want of energy in
the troops, or their officers, in getting forward to General Pope’s
assistance. I could not say that that was due to any particular
individual. It may have resulted from the officers generally not feeling
the absolute necessity of great haste in re-enforcing General Pope.
The troops, after they started from the Peninsula, were considerably
delayed by heavy storms that came on at that time.”
[Note.—General Halleck has not told that committee, what his own
letters and telegrams conclusively prove, that the principal delay of
those reinforcements was due to his own wilfully false telegrams to
Generals McClellan, Burnside, and Porter, and that he also
prevented General Franklin and the Sixth Army Corps from reaching
Pope from Alexandria by refusing to provide transportation. The next
question and answer fixes the blame directly upon Halleck himself]:
“Question. Had the Army of the Peninsula [i. e., the army under
McClellan, which embraced both Porter’s and Franklin’s corps] been
brought to co-operate with the Army of Virginia [under the command
of Pope] with the utmost energy that circumstances would have
permitted, in your judgment as a military man, would it not have
resulted in our victory instead of our defeat?
Answer. I thought so at the time, and still think so.”
And this is the opinion of all military critics who have pronounced
judgment in the case. It is also certainly true that Halleck’s own
orders and telegrams prove that he himself, and apparently
purposely, prevented such co-operation, and it throws a peculiar
significance on Pope’s charge in his letter to Halleck, dated
November 20, 1862, before quoted, “It is quite certain that my defeat
was predetermined, and I think you must now be conscious of it.”[26]
The consequences which followed the defeat of Pope were not
immediately and fully appreciated at the time in the North, on
account of the censorship of the press, nor do they seem to be so at
this day. Orders were given to prepare for the evacuation of
Washington; vessels were ordered to the arsenal to receive the
munitions of war for shipment northward; one warship was anchored
in the Potomac, ready to receive the President, the Cabinet and the
more important archives of the Government: Secretary Stanton
advised Mr. Hiram Barney, then Collector of the Port of New York, to
leave Washington at once, as communication might be cut off before
morning;[27] Stanton and Halleck assured President Lincoln that the
Capital was lost.
Singularly enough the designs against Washington in the East were
at the same time and in the same manner being duplicated against
Cincinnati, then the “Queen City of the West.”
On August 30, while Pope was fighting the second Bull Run battle in
Virginia, the Confederate Major-General, E. Kirby Smith, was fighting
the battle of Richmond, Ky. In his report to General Braxton Bragg,
Smith says:
“The enemy’s loss during the day is about 1400 killed and wounded,
and 4000 prisoners. Our loss is about 500 killed and wounded.
General Miller was killed, General Nelson wounded, and General
Manson taken prisoner. The remnant of the Federal force in
Kentucky is making its way, utterly demoralized and scattered, to the
Ohio. General Marshall is in communication with me. Our column is
moving upon Cincinnati.”
On September 2, Lexington was occupied by Kirby Smith’s infantry.
He reports to General Cooper that the Union killed and wounded
exceed 1000; “the prisoners amount to between 5000 and 6000; the
loss—besides some twenty pieces of artillery, including that taken
here (Lexington) and at Frankfort—9000 small arms and large
quantities of supplies.” The Confederate cavalry, he reports, pursued
the Union forces to within twelve miles of Louisville; and, he adds: “I
have sent a small force to Frankfort, to take possession of the
arsenal and public property there. I am pushing some forces in the
direction of Cincinnati, in order to give the people of Kentucky time to
organize. General Heth, with the advance, is at Cynthiana, with
orders to threaten Covington.”
This invasion of Kentucky was due to Halleck, as was proved before
the military court appointed “to inquire into and report upon the
operations of the forces under command of Major-General Buell in
the States of Tennessee and Kentucky, and particularly in reference
to General Buell suffering the State of Kentucky to be invaded by the
rebel forces under General Bragg,” etc.
That court was in session from November 27, 1862, until May 6,
1863, with the gallant Major-General Lew Wallace presiding. Its
opinion recited that Halleck had ordered General Buell to march
against Chattanooga and take it, with the ulterior object of dislodging
Kirby Smith and his rebel force from East Tennessee; that General
Buell had force sufficient to accomplish the object if he could have
marched promptly to Chattanooga; that the plan of operation
prescribed by General Halleck compelled General Buell to repair the
Memphis and Charleston railroad from Corinth to Decatur, and put it
in running order; that the road proved of comparatively little service;
that the work forced such delays that a prompt march upon
Chattanooga was impossible, while they made the rebel invasion of
Tennessee and Kentucky possible. Our forces were driven northward
to the Ohio, leaving the Memphis and Charleston railroad in
excellent condition for the use of the Confederates. Strangely
enough, Halleck’s orders to Buell had inured to the benefit of the
Confederates in the West, in the same manner and along the same
lines as his orders to McClellan and to Pope had inured to the
benefit of the Confederates in the East.
Both Washington and Cincinnati were imperiled at the same time,
and by the same officer, General-in-Chief Halleck, and in the same
way—by a succession of steps that appear to have been carefully
planned.
Now, mark what follows.
On March 1, 1872, the House of Representatives called upon the
Secretary of War for a copy of the proceedings of that military court;
and on April 13 the Secretary reported to the House, “that a careful
and exhaustive search among all the records and files in this
Department fails to discover what disposition was made of the
proceedings of the Commission,” etc.
But though the records of those proceedings which fix the blame for
that campaign upon Major-General Halleck were lost or stolen from
the archives of the War Department, Benn Pitman, the phonographic
reporter of the court, had possession of a report of those
proceedings. And, by Act of Congress, approved by President Grant
on June 5, 1872, the Secretary of War was “directed to employ at
once Benn Pitman to make a full and complete transcript of the
phonographic notes taken by him during the said investigation, and
to put the same on file among the records of the War Department,
and to furnish a copy of the same to Congress.”
The report of those proceedings may now be found in “Official
Records,” Series I, Vol. XVI, Part I, pp. 6 to 726, inclusive. The most
melancholy part of the story lies in the fact that Porter, who certainly
helped to save Washington from falling into Lee’s hands, had his life
blasted by Halleck, and died without knowledge that Halleck, not
Pope, was really guilty of the disaster which so nearly resulted in the
abandonment of the Capital to the Confederates, and while Halleck
was directing affairs in the West in such a manner as to imperil
Cincinnati.
The remarkable co-operation between Pope and Buell for the
surrender of those cities, and which was attempted by Halleck, does
not look like a concatenation of accidental circumstances. This is
accentuated by the charge against Halleck’s loyalty to the Republic
which was made by the gallant Wallace after he had presided over
that Buell military court. He was a careful man; and, being a good
lawyer, he understood the laws and effect of evidence. Porter, who
prevented the surrender of Washington, and Buell, who saved
Cincinnati, were both punished. It looks as if they had interfered with
Halleck’s plan of a general surrender.
L’ENVOI
In January, 1899, the writer commenced to unravel the mystery

surrounding the battle of Harper’s Ferry, which culminated in the
surrender of that post September 15, 1862. He was a member of
that garrison, and he knew that history had not truthfully recorded the
defense, some chronicles reading that “Harper’s Ferry fell without a
struggle,” others that “there was no defense”; in the main, historians
were a unit.
Such reports are wholly false. The defense of that post was stubborn
and prolonged, lasting from September 11, when the Confederates
showed themselves in Pleasant Valley, until the 15th, when the
garrison was subjected to one of the fiercest bombardments of the
Civil War. Never was hope abandoned until the last shell was
expended, though the little garrison of 12,500 men was besieged by
what was practically the whole of Lee’s army. Starting on a new line
of research, and abandoning the path beaten by others, he found
many battles lost in the same manner, and the responsibility shifted
from the shoulders of the guilty and carefully loaded upon those of
the innocent, and all by the use of the same means, a false report by
General-in-Chief Halleck, and a bogus trial by a military court.
Conspicuous among these was the battle of Second Bull Run,
followed by the trial of Fitz-John Porter. That battle was certainly lost
by Halleck, as shown by documents over that general’s own
signature. And Pope knew it, and charged that it was premeditated.
To avoid the odium which some papers were attaching to his name,
the latter applied the whip and spur to the former, who, under threat
of exposure, ordered the court-martial of the innocent and gallant
Major-General Fitz-John Porter. The battle of Harper’s Ferry
followed; the result was the same; lost by Halleck; responsibility lifted
from his shoulders, and carefully divided between General McClellan
(for not relieving the post) and Colonel Dixon S. Mills (for not
defending it). After that came Fredericksburg, with similar results;
lost by Halleck; responsibility lifted from his shoulders, and divided
between Burnside and Franklin.
Study the plans adopted in one instance; the plans adopted in the
others become manifest. The losing of the battles to the Union arms
was accomplished by carefully prepared plans, and reduced to an
exact science.
R. N. Arpe.
New York City.
FOOTNOTES:
[13] November 20, pp. 825-6.
[14] P. 818
[15] Page 817
[16] Ibid.
[17] Ibid.
[18] Ibid.
[19] P. 817.
[20] P. 818.
[21] Ibid.
[22] P. 921.
[23] Ibid.
[24] P. 822
[25] Vol. II, Part I, p. 454
[26] O. R., Vol. XII, Part III, p. 825.
[27] See Warden’s Chase, p. 415.
THE NORTHERN NECK OF VIRGINIA
PRESENT-DAY ASPECTS OF WASHINGTON’S BIRTHPLACE
Five Virginia counties lying between the Potomac and the

Rappahannock constitute the Northern Neck, the region in which
George Washington, Light Horse Harry Lee, and his more famous
son were born and bred. There are a scant thousand square miles in
these counties of King George, Westmoreland, Richmond,
Northumberland, and Lancaster, and the population of the five is
under fifty-five thousand. At no point are the rivers much more than
thirty miles apart, and near the northern boundary line of King
George the harbors on the two streams are only nine miles apart.
Washington was born on a lonely plantation in Westmoreland
County, bordering the beautiful Bridges Creek, within sight of the
Potomac. At Colonial Beach, two or three miles across the mouth of
Monroe Creek, also in Westmoreland County, stands a house in
good repair, which is declared to have been the residence of Light
Horse Harry Lee before he removed to Fairfax County. Washington
as an infant was taken by his parents to their new home opposite
Fredericksburg, in Stafford County, and at the age of twenty he
inherited from his half-brother Lawrence the fine estate of Mount
Vernon, in Fairfax County. Lawrence had named his estate in honor
of Admiral Vernon, with whom the young Virginian had served as an
officer in the campaign against the Spanish-American stronghold of
Cartagena. It was Lawrence’s acquaintance with Admiral Vernon that
won for George Washington the offer of a midshipman’s commission
in the royal navy, an appointment that only his mother’s strong
objection prevented him from accepting.
From the birthplace of Washington to his second home opposite
Fredericksburg is hardly more than fifty-five miles as the crow flies,
and from the birthplace to the scene of his death at Mount Vernon is
under seventy miles. The triangle enclosed by the lines connecting
these points includes a tract of Virginia that is full of historic interest,
and singularly rich and beautiful as an agricultural region. Most of the
counties of the Northern Neck are increasing in population, but they
lie far from railways, and their mode of communication with the
outside world is the steamboats that ply from Baltimore up and down
the two rivers.
In spite, therefore, of the rolling years, and of civil war, and
emancipation, the Northern Neck of Virginia is in many respects
much what it was when George Washington and Light Horse Harry
Lee were born a month apart in the quaint and lovely old
Westmoreland of the year 1732. The visitor to Mount Vernon comes
away with a strong impression of Washington, the local magnate and
world-wide hero. But Mount Vernon, in spite of its tomb and its relics,
many of them actually used and handled by Washington himself, can
hardly give one the eighteenth century atmosphere. To obtain that
one must make a pilgrimage to the region of Washington’s birth. A
fair shaft erected by the Federal Government now stands on the spot
occupied by the homestead of Augustine Washington, the birthplace
of his mighty son. The spot is as remote and lonely as it was when
Washington’s eyes first saw the light, and the aspect of the region
must be much what it was in that day. Doubtless the woodland has
shrunk in area and the plowed land has widened. But there, in full
view from the monument, are the land-locked tidal waters of the little
stream, and eastward lies the broad lazy flood of the Potomac, idly
moving beneath the soft overarching sky. Everywhere are the marks
of an old civilization. The road that leads from the wharf at Wakefield
on Monroe Creek to the monument is lined with cherry trees
escaped from the old orchards of the neighborhood. The
mockingbird sings in all the woodlands as it must have sung in the
ears of Augustine Washington as he moved about his fields, and
gray old log granaries of the eighteenth century pattern still stand
amid piles of last year’s corncobs. Even to-day brand-new corn cribs
are built in the same fashion of partly hewn logs. The crops are also
those of the earlier century. The monument itself stands in the midst
of a waving wheat field, and acres of Indian corn rustle green and
rich as they must have rustled in the first hot summer of George
Washington’s infancy.
The reality of it all is increased by the bodily presence of
Washington’s own kin, men and women bearing his name, the
descendants of his collateral relatives. A little boat rocking at anchor
off the wharf at Wakefield is the fishing dory of Lawrence
Washington, commonly called “Lal” Washington by his neighbors. He
is a man of substance and dignity. But he takes delight in fishing his
own pound nets, and the unpretentious fishermen of the region tell
how the old man’s enthusiasm was such that he rushed waist deep
into the water to help three or four young fellows drag ashore a
heavily laden seine. His brother was for years State’s Attorney of a
neighboring county, and other members of the family are landholders
in Westmoreland. Their neighbors accept these families of historic
name in a simple, matter-of-fact fashion, and with no humiliating
sense of inferiority. “They’re all smart people,” said the young
fisherman that sailed us across Monroe Creek to the wharf at
Wakefield, and that is what Westmoreland expects of the
Washingtons.
Neighboring plantations are stocked with fine old European nut and
fruit trees, such as the colonists with the increasing wealth of the
third and fourth generations were accustomed to import. In some
places the fig is cultivated, and within the shadow of the birthplace
monument is a dense colony of young fig shoots which have sprung
and resprung after every severe winter for perhaps more than a
century and a half. The steep bank of Bridges Creek to the southeast
of the monument is lined with cherry trees that to this day bear
excellent fruit, to be had merely for the picking. One gathers from all
the surroundings of the place a strong sense of the dignity and
simplicity that mark plantation life in Virginia.
It is a quiet life, indeed, that the people of these Westmoreland
plantations lead. Even to this day sailing craft slowly worm their way
far into the deep navigable inlets of the region, and carry freight to
Baltimore and Washington. Each plantation has its own wharf, and
each planter keeps a lookout for the coming schooner, just as their
ancestors of Washington’s day must have watched for the slow and
patient craft that plied up and down the Potomac, and away to
Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York, or across the Atlantic to
England, a voyage that might stretch out for six or eight, ten, or even
twelve weeks.
The very speech of the people has a slightly archaic flavor, and
family names are redolent of old English ancestry. Here still are the
Kendalls, who like to boast that one of their ancestors was the
earliest mail contractor in Virginia. The elder Kendall, a man of
substance and fair education, found satisfactory reasons for selling
all that he had and coming to Jamestown with Captain John Smith.
In coming away he left behind a son just grown to manhood and
some debts owing to the estate. The son was instructed to collect
what he could of the proceeds, invest it in blankets and trinkets such
as the Indians liked, and to follow the father to Jamestown. The
young man obeyed the paternal instructions, but in sailing up the
Potomac with his freight of gewgaws he mistook the Potomac for the
James. After vainly looking for Jamestown, he concluded that the
settlement had been destroyed by the Indians, and, having reached
the present site of Alexandria, he made a settlement and called it
Bell Haven. Some months later an Indian who visited Bell Haven
made the settlers to understand that there were white men on a river
further south. Young Kendall knew then that Jamestown was still in
being. So he wrote a letter to his father and entrusted it to the Indian
to be delivered at Jamestown, paying him for the service one gay
woolen blanket. Father and son thus came into communication, but
the son remained at Bell Haven, and from him are descended the
Kendalls of the Northern Neck.
The whole region teems with traditions of Washington. Down in
Northumberland County, the lovely little harbor of Lodge is named
from the fact that here stood the Masonic lodge that Washington
used to attend. The British destroyed the house during the
Revolutionary War, but the cornerstone was found and opened not
many years ago, and some of its treasures of old English money
were placed in the cornerstone of the Masonic lodge at Kinsale,
another charming little Virginia harbor. It is at Lodge that the maker
of canceling dies for the Post Office Department, exiled from
Washington because of the climate, has for nearly twenty years
carried on his business with the aid of country youths trained for the
purpose.
If the shore is much what it was in Washington’s infancy, the river
and its tributaries are even more so. Those who know the Potomac
at Washington or amid the mountains that hem it in further west and
north, may well have no suspicion of the vast flood which it becomes
in the lower part of its course. Fifty miles below Washington the river
is from four to six miles wide. Sixty miles below the capital it has
spread to a width of ten miles, and in the lower forty miles of its
course it is from ten to eighteen miles wide, a great estuary of the
Chesapeake, with tributaries, almost nameless on the map, that
fairly dwarf the Hudson. The busy steamers plying these waters to
carry the produce of the plantations to the markets of Baltimore and
Washington leave the Potomac from time to time to lose themselves
in its tortuous tributaries. Cape on cape recedes to unfold new and
unexpected depths of loveliness; little harbors sit low on the tidal
waters backed by wooded bluffs, behind which lie the rich
plantations of Northumberland and Westmoreland. A soft-spoken
race of easy-going Virginians haunts the landing-places. Fishermen,
still pursuing the traditional methods of the eighteenth century, fetch
in sea trout and striped bass and pike to sell them at absurdly low
prices, and for nine months of the year oystermen are busy. Every
planter who will can maintain his pound net in the shallows of the
Potomac or one of its tributaries, and all along the lower course of
the stream the planter may secure his own oysters almost without
leaving the shore. The dainties that filled colonial larders in
Washington’s youth are still the food of the region—oysters and
clams, soft-shell crabs, wild duck, geese, and swan in winter, and a
bewildering variety of fish.
Just across the Potomac from Washington’s birthplace is old
Catholic Maryland of the Calvert Palatinate, settled almost exactly a
century before his birth, and still rich in the names and traditions of
that earlier time. The great width of the separating flood makes one
shore invisible from the other, and the only means of communication
are either the local sailing craft or the steamers that weave from side
to side of the river and lengthen the voyage from Baltimore to
Washington to a matter of thirty hours. Communication between
Maryland and Virginia was almost as easy in Washington’s day, for
the steamboats have an annoying habit of neglecting many miles of
one shore or the other, and there are days when no steamer crosses
the stream. A man living in one of the little harbors of the Northern
Neck, being in a hurry to travel northward, found his most
expeditious mode of travel to be a drive of seventy miles to a railway
at Richmond. Shut in thus, the people of the Northern Neck have
nursed their traditions and held hard by their old family names, so
that the visiting stranger, if he have any touch of historic instinct,
finds himself singularly moved with a sense of his nearness in time
to George Washington and his contemporaries. The telephone,
indeed, has brought these people into tenuous communication with
the modern world, but he that looks out upon the sea-like flood of the
Potomac from the mouth of one of its many navigable tributaries in
the Northern Neck can hardly persuade himself that the capital of
80,000,000 people lies less than a hundred miles up stream.
Washington the man seems vastly more real and present than
Washington the city.
E. N. Vallandigham.
Evening Post, N. Y.

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