Appetite 51 (2008) 331–334

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Appetite
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/appet

Short communication

Beliefs about fast food in Australia: A qualitative analysis

Kirsten I. Dunn a,b,c,*, Philip B. Mohr b,c, Carlene J. Wilson b,c, Gary A. Wittert a,c
a
University of Adelaide, North Terrace, Adelaide, South Australia 5000, Australia
b
CSIRO Human Nutrition, Gate 13, Kintore Avenue, Adelaide, South Australia 5000, Australia
c
NOBLE Research Group, Australia1

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Article history: The consumption of energy-dense fast foods has been implicated as a causal factor in the development of
Received 23 April 2007 obesity. The development of strategies to modify food choice behaviour requires an understanding of the
Received in revised form 3 March 2008 behaviour and the driving factors. This study examined the rationale behind decisions to either choose or
Accepted 6 March 2008
avoid fast foods. Drawing partly on the Theory of Planned Behaviour (Ajzen, (1988)), a qualitative design
was employed to examine the beliefs and perceptions associated with fast-food consumption within an
Keywords:
Australian sample. Findings provided an indication that positive affective reactions to fast food,
Attitudes
convenience, and self-serving cognitions may override cognitive analyses of the longer-term health risks
Fast food
Theory of Planned Behaviour
associated with frequent fast-food consumption.
ß 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

In Australia, almost 60% of men and women are either
overweight or obese, a rate 2.5 times higher than in 1980
(Cameron et al., 2003). Australian lifestyles have changed
dramatically over past decades with more women in the workforce
and people working longer hours (Australian Bureau of Statistics,
2006). By necessity, food and mealtimes have also changed and the
fast-food industry has been quick to facilitate solutions for those
needing cheap, convenient, and satisfying meals. However, energy-
dense fast food is also regularly highlighted as being a problematic
part of the obesity issue (e.g. Duffey, Gordon-Larsen, Jacobs,
Williams, & Popkin, 2007; Nelson, Gordon-Larson, North, & Adair,
2006; Nielsen & Popkin, 2003; Pereira et al., 2005; Rodriguez &
Moreno, 2006). Although food-intake is only part of the complex
aetiology of obesity and overweight, it is nevertheless important to
understand the social and attitudinal factors that influence eating
behaviours, particularly those associated with weight gain.
Food-related beliefs and attitudes
Expectancy-value theory suggests that people form attitudes
which maximise the chance of a desirable outcome (and minimise
the chance of an undesirable outcome) with some findings from
food-related research suggesting that varying outcome beliefs
underpin attitudes towards specific food groups (e.g. Armitage &
Conner, 1999; Towler & Shepherd, 1992). In addition to differences
* Corresponding author at: Discipline of Psychiatry, University of Adelaide, Level
4 Eleanor Harrald Building, Frome Road, Adelaide, 5000, Australia.
E-mail address: kirsten.dunn@adelaide.edu.au (K.I. Dunn).
1
www.noblestudy.com.au.
in outcome beliefs across food groups, Pettinger, Holdsworth, and
Gerber (2004) also found differences with culture. With these
apparent variations in outcome beliefs, comes a need to explore and
understand what drives varying attitudes towards different food
groups, particularly if consumption behaviours are to be influenced.
The Theory of Planned Behaviour (Ajzen, 1988)
Founded on expectancy-value theory, the Theory of Planned
Behaviour (TPB) (Ajzen, 1988), is one of the most widely
researched and accepted models of the belief–attitude–behaviour
relationship within the health literature (Bagozzi, Wong, Abe, &
Bergami, 2000; Conner & Armitage, 1998; Sheppard, Hartwick, &
Warshaw, 1988). The TPB suggests that behavioural intentions are
influenced by three sets of considerations drawn from the
individual’s schemata (Armitage & Conner, 2001). First, beliefs
about the outcome of the behaviour, as well as evaluations of these
outcomes are said to produce an ‘attitude towards the behaviour’.
Second, the beliefs an individual holds regarding the expectations
held by others (about the behaviour) as well as the individual’s
motivation to comply with these expectations give rise to a
‘subjective norm’ (SN). Third, beliefs about any factors (such as
skills, resources, opportunities, etc.) that may either impede or
facilitate completion of the behaviour, as well as the strength of
each of these beliefs, determines ‘perceived behavioural control’
(PBC)—beliefs about the levels of personal control over the
specified behaviour. Aizen (2002) suggested that the more positive
the attitude and subjective norm and the stronger the perceived
behavioural control, the greater the intention will be for the
individual to perform the behaviour.

0195-6663/$ – see front matter ß 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.appet.2008.03.003
332 K.I. Dunn et al. / Appetite 51 (2008) 331–334
A number of researchers (e.g. Backman, Haddad, Lee, Johnston,
& Hodgkin, 2002; Conner, Norman, & Bell, 2002; Povey, Conner,
Sparks, James, & Shepherd, 2000) have successfully applied the TPB
in order to explain healthy dietary choices, although there are
relatively few studies examining the predictors of less healthy food
choices and no known published research specifically examining
Australian beliefs regarding fast food. The present study was the
first in a two-part application of the TPB to fast-food consumption.
As the predictive framework of the TPB rests on relevant outcome
beliefs and because the unique nature of the fast-food environment
suggests that beliefs regarding fast food are likely to differ from
beliefs regarding foods more generally, the primary aim was to
identify the underlying outcome beliefs (behavioural, normative,
and control) relevant to frequent fast-food consumption. This
information provided the basis for the development of quantitative
measures of those constructs for use in a subsequent predictive
TPB study (not reported here).
Method
Participants
A random sample of South Australian participants (18 years or
older) was drawn from the North West Adelaide Health Study
(NWAHS) participant group. All households in the north-western
area of Adelaide with a telephone number listed in the Electronic
White Pages were eligible for selection in the NWAHS. One hundred
people (2.5% of the NWAHS group) were randomly selected for
invitation to take part in the present study on the assumption of a
50% response rate. Sixty-nine people returned consent forms. A total
of 66 people were interviewed as three were not contactable at the
specified times. Each interview was conducted over the telephone
by the principal researcher and took approximately 25 min. Of the
group, 35 (53%) were women. The participants ranged from 21 to 85
years of age (M = 43.98 years, S.D. = 17.3 years).
Interview questions
A list of foods was compiled by the researchers to reflect the
largest fast-food retailers as well as a sample of comparison
convenience foods readily available in the local area (such as pizza,
McDonalds, Subway, frozen meals, and sandwiches). Participants
were read the list of foods and asked to indicate which types they
would categorise as fast food. They were also asked to indicate the
frequency with which they consume fast food (and frequency was
coded from 1 = ‘never eat it’ through to 9 = ‘eat it more than once a
day’).
The central interview questions were designed according to the
format specified by Aizen (2002) and were intended to capture
underlying beliefs relevant to fast-food consumption. Participants
were asked what they believed to be the advantages and the
disadvantages of eating fast food frequently (attitude), who would
approve and who would disapprove of them eating fast food
frequently (SN), and what factors would make it easier and more
difficult for them to eat fast food frequently (PBC). Participants
were also asked to imagine that they were eating a fast-food meal
and to describe how the food made them feel (affective responses)
and to describe the thoughts that came to mind regarding the food
when they were eating a fast-food meal (cognitive responses).
Results and Discussion
Definition and a prototype of fast food
In response to the first question of the interview, most people
were quite inclusive stating that they believed the majority of
foods on the list provided could be described as fast. Foods not
categorised as fast (such as sandwiches and frozen meals) shared
either a lack of branding or a resemblance to foods that are more
likely to be prepared in the home.
Although many participants were initially inclusive in their
categorisation of fast foods, a different tendency emerged as soon
as people answered subsequent questions requiring them to put
fast food into a context. In those circumstances, people’s
spontaneous associations were with food that is high in fats,
low in nutritional value, and purchased from large chains
(exclusively pizza, burgers, chips, and fried chicken). In other
words, participants appeared to hold a strong prototypic belief
about fast food (which differed from their more considered
opinion) and to which they quickly reverted when discussing fast
food more generally. This tendency was pervasive and supported
by a unanimous opinion indicating that frequent fast-food
consumption would be a poor choice in terms of health.
Behaviour
Only three of the 66 interviewed stated that they never eat fast
food at all and over 75% of the group reported eating it at least once
a fortnight. Associations were found between consumption rates
and age, and after dividing the sample at the median age of 38
years, a one-way between groups ANOVA showed that participants
in the younger group (M = 4.88, S.D. = 1.25) ate fast food
significantly more frequently F (1, 64) = 6.75, p < .05 than the
older group (M = 3.97, S.D. = 1.60). This finding is consistent with
other observations indicating that fast-food consumption rates
tend to drop away from age 40–45 (Mohr, Wilson, Dunn, Brindal, &
Wittert, 2007; Nielsen, Siega-Riz, & Popkin, 2002). Specifically,
more of the older participants (34.4% compared to 11.7% of
younger participants) reported using fast food as an ‘occasional’
meal, whereas more of the younger participants (32.4% compared
to 15.6% of older participants) reported consumption rates
between two and six times a week.
Outcome beliefs: cognitive
People had quite varied responses to the thought of fast-food
consumption. Just over half of the group replied with predominantly
negative beliefs while others were either quite positive or balanced,
listing both the pros and cons of a fast-food meal. Positive beliefs
most commonly reflected factors related to convenience, whilst the
most frequent concerns were health-related.
Outcome beliefs: affective
Although people reported experiencing a wide range of
affective responses while eating fast food, just over two thirds
reported positive emotions or feelings such as enjoyment
associated with the taste, happiness, and immediate satisfaction
(at least in the initial stages of their fast-food meals).
Eighteen percent of the group described specific, negative
feelings, using adjectives ranging from laziness and lethargy
through to disappointment and inadequacy, with a few extreme
responses incorporating disgust and repulsion. Approximately 5%
of the group also reported experiencing some self-consciousness
when either purchasing or eating fast food, believing that other
people may judge them, perceiving them as being ‘too fat to eat
that’. It would be interesting to explore whether such beliefs
influence people to use alternative methods (such as drive-through
or home delivery) in order to obtain fast food.
Overall, the role of emotional and physiological feedback in
people’s decisions about eating fast food appears to be a complex
 K.I. Dunn et al. / Appetite 51 (2008) 331–334
one. It seems that enjoyment of the flavours and textures along
with almost instant feelings of satiation are likely to be important
factors influencing people to eat fast foods even though they are
likely to be aware of at least some of the longer-term associated
health risks.
Normative beliefs: social influence
Thirty-six percent of participants referred to people who are
overweight, poorly educated, or of lower socio-economic status as
those who would probably approve of frequent fast-food
consumption. Such beliefs suggest the existence of a stereotype
of the fast-food consumer as a lesser individual, lacking in
knowledge or self-control, and possibly driven by hedonistic or
economic factors. Almost unanimously, participants believed that
anybody working as a medical professional (dietician, nutritionist,
GP, etc.) as well as anybody from their immediate family would
disapprove of frequent fast-food consumption.
When asked who had the greatest bearing on their fast-food
choices, 77% of people reported being influenced by their partner,
children, or parents. Other less frequent sources of influence were
friends, medical practitioners, dietary advisers, sporting role
models, and media sources.
These responses provide some support for the generally
negative stereotype that people seem to hold about fast food. It
appears that participants believed that fast food is commonly
consumed by those who are relatively naı̈ve or easily tempted.
Ironically, the findings of this research provide some contradictory
evidence to the stereotype as all participants voiced an awareness
that fast food is not a healthy choice although over half of the group
reported eating it at least once a week and a quarter of the group
reported eating it anywhere between two and six times a week.
Such patterns suggest the operation of an optimistic bias, with
people assessing their personal risk for negative health-outcomes
as being lower than the risks faced by others.
Control beliefs: facilitating and impeding factors
Factors reported as facilitating fast-food consumption were
perceptions of value for money, new products, or some form of
incentive. In terms of personal circumstances, people referred to
factors such as working long hours, eating alone, and being unable
to prepare meals as increasing their fast-food consumption.
Several people also mentioned that their physiological or
emotional state might also impact on their decision to eat fast
food, particularly if they were feeling exhausted, depressed, or
experiencing cravings. Although people frequently referred to
feelings of guilt and regret, typically they reported experiencing
these emotions after a fast-food meal had been consumed although
several women described a fear of getting fat as a factor preventing
them from eating fast food frequently.
Key conclusions
Definitions as to what constitutes fast food vary in the
literature. Some (e.g. Harrison & Marske, 2005; Pereira et al.,
2005) define it broadly as pre-packed meals or ready-to eat/
convenience food whereas others (e.g. Reidpath, Burns, Garrard,
Mahoney, & Townsend, 2002) adopt a narrower definition of fast
food as that which is purchased from one of the five largest
(Australian) food chains namely Pizza Hut, McDonalds, Hungry
Jack’s, KFC, or Red Rooster. Results from this study indicate that
most laypeople seem to concur more with this latter definition,
differentiating between fast foods and other convenience foods
based on how healthy they perceive the food to be.
333
Consistent with previous findings (e.g., Aikman, Min, & Graham,
2006), it appears that although education about the potential
health consequences of poor food choices seems to have been
successful in terms of improving knowledge, this does not
necessarily result in congruent behaviour. Responses drawn here
provide some insight into this, suggesting that the influence of
education is hindered on a number of fronts. The responses to the
social influence questions indicate that in terms of food choices,
people are more influenced by their family members than they are
by medical or nutritional experts. It is also likely that the outcomes
of both enjoyment and satisfaction that people expect from fast
food is an important determinant of consumption, as is the high
level of convenience.
In terms of understanding food choices, the beliefs uncovered in
this study differ from findings investigating beliefs about low-fat
or healthier food choices which indicate that nutritional benefits,
satisfaction, and healthiness (Backman et al., 2002; Kyungwon,
Reicks, & Sjoberg, 2003; Verbeke & Vackier, 2005) are often salient.
This is important as it highlights the need to investigate attitudes
according to specific food groups.
Also apparent is that many consider fast food to be a poor choice
of food to the extent that it carries a label and stereotype to
differentiate it from all other foods and frequent consumers of fast
food are perceived as poorly-educated and driven by hedonistic
motivators. Despite this, participants were consuming fast food
quite frequently and appear to be proficient at overcoming
dissonance, relying on cognitive processes and biases to justify
their own regular consumption of fast food, convincing themselves
that their personal health risks are relatively low.
A primary target for future research is to examine the extent to
which attitudes, social influences, and cognitive biases influence
behaviour in order to more accurately explain the apparent lack of
consistency between fast-food consumption behaviour and knowl-
edge-based beliefs.
Acknowledgements
The North West Adelaide Health Study was initially funded in
1999 by grants from The University of Adelaide and the South
Australian Department of Health. The authors wish to acknowl-
edge the ongoing contribution of the NWAHS participants and the
Study Team.
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