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Time and History in Hegelian
Thought and Spirit
Time and History in
Hegelian Thought
and Spirit
S A L LY SE D G W IC K
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
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© Sally Sedgwick 2023
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
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Library of Congress Control Number: 2022946816
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contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
In memoriam
Graham Bird
Axel Kopido
Amélie Oksenberg Rorty
Judith Jarvis Thomson
Contents
Acknowledgements ix
Abbreviations xi
Introduction1
1. History and Human Finitude: Kant versus Hegel 18
1.1 Kant on World History and Finitude: Introduction 20
1.2 Principal Theses of Kant’s “Idea for a Universal History” 23
1.3 Comparing Kant and Hegel on World History: Points of Intersection 35
1.4 Hegel versus Kant on World History 39
2. Hegel’s “Philosophic” Approach to World History 45
2.1 Three Methods for Considering History: Original, Reflective,
Philosophic47
2.2 Resolving the Contradiction Between Original and
Reflective History 58
2.3 Our a priori Idea of History must Submit to the Test of History 65
3. Necessity in Hegel’s Philosophy of History 67
3.1 The Necessity of History: Three Initial Interpretations 69
3.2 History’s Necessity: Further Precision 73
3.3 External versus Internal Purposes 89
3.4 On the Subjectivity and Resulting Externality of Kantian Purposes 93
3.5 Conclusion: The Idea of Freedom Gives History Its Necessity 95
4. Hegel’s Fatalism as a Theory of Freedom 98
4.1 Ancient versus Modern Conceptions of Necessity 101
4.2 Reconciling Ourselves to Necessity: Three Interpretative Proposals 108
4.3 Conclusion 113
5. Freedom’s Necessary Limits 117
5.1 Human Freedom: In but not Reducible to Nature 118
5.2 Freedom: Achieved versus Given 124
5.3 Generating Freedom’s Content 128
5.4 Contingency in the Course of Human History 132
5.5 Conclusion 137
6. Thought’s Temporality 139
6.1 Preliminary Evidence of Hegel’s Commitment to Thought’s
Temporality143
6.2 The Knowability Thesis 151
viii Contents
This book has been about a decade in the making, and I have accumulated many
debts along the way. I began turning my attention to the philosophy of history
during a research leave in 2011–2012 as a Humanities Institute Fellow at the
University of Illinois at Chicago. In the first half of 2015, I had the good fortune to
spend a semester at the Freie Universität of Berlin, thanks to the Fulbright Scholar
Research program. I enjoyed a further research leave at the Freie Universität in
the spring of 2017, supported by the generosity of the Alexander von Humboldt-
Stiftung and my hosts Professors Georg Bertram and Dina Emundts. In Chicago,
I benefitted from conversations especially with Mark Alznauer, Karl Ameriks,
Elizabeth Millán Brusslan, Nicolás García Mills (who gave me extensive com-
ments on Chapter 5), and Rachel Zuckert. Over the years, my thinking about the
subject matter of this book has been enriched as well by conversations with fur-
ther friends and colleagues, including Giulia Battistoni, Willem deVries, Thomas
Khurana, Daniel Feige, Rolf-Peter Horstmann, Stephen Houlgate, Claus Langbehn,
Francesca Menegoni, Dean Moyar, Angelica Nuzzo, Julia Peters, Terry Pinkard,
Paul Redding, Michael Rosen, Birgit Sandkaulen, and Allen Speight. I am also
indebted to the two anonymous reviewers for Oxford University Press whose sug-
gestions guided me in making improvements to the manuscript. I owe thanks to
my editor, Peter Momtchiloff, for his professionalism and encouragement. Finally,
I wish to express my love and gratitude to my two most constant personal sources
of support, Peter Hylton and Robert Sedgwick.
Earlier versions of some of my discussions have appeared elsewhere. Chapter 2
draws heavily from my paper, “Philosophy of History”, Oxford Handbook on 19th
Century German Philosophy, eds Michael Forster and Kirstin Gjesdal (Oxford
University Press, 2015), 436–452. Material of Chapter 3, section 3.2, appears in my
papers, “Two Kantian Arguments for the Speculative Basis of our Science of Nature”,
in Ethics and Religion between German Classical Philosophy and Contemporary
Thought, eds Luca Illeterati and Michael Quante (Padova University Press, 2020),
39–57, and in “Remarks on History, Contingency and Necessity in Hegel’s Logic”, in
Hegel on Philosophy in History, eds Rachel Zuckert and James Kreines (Cambridge
University Press, 2017), 33–49. Sections 3.3 and 3.4 of Chapter 3 draw from my
paper, “Innere versus äußere Zweckmäßigkeit in Hegels Philosophie der
Geschichte”, Hegel-Studien 51 (2017): 11–28. Material from my paper, “Reconciling
Ourselves to the Contingency that is a Moment of Actuality: Hegel on Freedom’s
Transformative Nature”, makes its way into Chapter 4, section 4.1. In Wirklichkeit:
Beiträge zu einem Schlüsselbegriff der Hegelschen Philosophie, eds Luca Illetterati and
x Acknowledgements
In the body of this work and in footnotes, I provide page references first to English and
then to German editions of primary texts, and separate pages of the two editions with an
oblique (/). Below, are the abbreviations I use for works of Kant and Hegel that I cite most
frequently. I list the English translations I most often consult (and occasionally modify).
Aesth I Hegel’s Aesthetics: Lectures on Fine Art, vol. I, trans. T. M. Knox (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1975).
Vorlesung über die Ästhetik I. In Werke vol. 13.
EL The Encyclopaedia Logic, trans. T. F. Geraets, W. A. Suchting, and H. S. Harris
(Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. 1991). This is a
translation of the third edition of Hegel’s Enzyklopädie (the Philosophische
Bibliothek edition of 1830, an expanded version of his first edition published
in 1817).
Georg Friedrich Wilhelm Hegel: Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences in Basic
Outline: Part I, Science of Logic, trans. Klaus Brinkman and Daniel O. Dahlstrom
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).
Enzyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrissen (1830), erster
Teil: Die Wissenschaft der Logik. In Werke vol. 8.
EG Hegel’s Philosophy of Mind, Part Three of the Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical
Sciences (1830), trans. William Wallace (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971).
Enzyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrissen (1830), dritter
Teil: die Philosophie des Geistes. In Werke vol. 10.
PH Introduction to the Philosophy of History, trans. Leo Rauch (Indianapolis and
Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, 1988).
Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der Geschichte. In Werke vol. 12.
PhG Phenomenology of Spirit, ed. and trans. Terry Pinkard (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2018).
Phänomenologie des Geistes. In Werke vol. 3.
PR Elements of the Philosophy of Right, trans. H. B. Nisbet, ed. Allen Wood
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
xii Abbreviations
Immanuel Kant
References to Kant’s works in German are to the Akademie edition [“Ak”], Kants gesammelte
Schriften, Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1900–1942).
In the case of the Critique of Pure Reason, I provide the pagination of the “A” and “B”
Akademie editions, respectively.
1 “Everything around us can be considered an instance of the dialectical [Alles, was uns umgibt,
kann als Beispiel des Dialektischen betrachtet werden]” (EL §81A1). Here, and frequently in this work,
I quote from an “Addition [Zusatz]”, in this case Addition 1. The Additions to Hegel’s texts are compi-
lations of student notes taken during his lectures; they should not be assumed to represent his words
verbatim.
2 Time and History in Hegelian Thought and Spirit
this how he hopes to ensure that even his dauntingly abstract Science of Logic will
be a lively read?
It might be thought that, especially in the case of Hegel’s most obviously histor-
ical works, the answer to these questions is relatively banal: he structures his dis-
cussions developmentally because he is a philosopher who takes a serious interest
in history. He immerses himself in studies of the past, discovers differences in the
thinking of his predecessors and contemporaries, and sets out to catalogue the
vast variety in the history of ideas. This explanation becomes even more plausible
if we add to it an acknowledgement of Hegel’s faith in progress. It then seems that
we can account for his preoccupation with the past by noting his confidence that
the present is an improvement. Whether the focus of his attention is religion,
logic, or living organisms, his story is not one of mere change but of growth. He
looks back and records development in order to reassure us that, despite the
abundant conflict and suffering in our midst, the arc of history is bending towards
justice. He aims to establish that there has been progress in our thinking, in our
self-consciousness and freedom.
No doubt, Hegel was both keenly interested in history and convinced that it
contains evidence of progress; but there is nonetheless more to say about why he
crafted his major works as developmental stories. Although he defends the
thesis that his own age is in significant respects an improvement over the past,
his purpose in structuring his philosophical works as progressive narratives
is presumably not just to please or comfort us. His motivation is as much
metaphysical as it is practical. That is, Hegel intends his developmental
accounts to reveal something significant about who we are as thinking, willing
natures. He wishes to demonstrate that, in a certain respect, our reason and
freedom themselves have ‘lower’ and ‘higher’ forms. Expressed differently, he
undertakes his study of past or ‘lower’ forms in order to establish how there
have been advances in the nature of human thought or reason itself and in our
resulting freedom.
It is this metaphysical lesson that I am principally concerned to explore in the
present work. If we assume, as I think we should, that Hegel is committed to the
assumption that there is development in human reason itself, then questions such
as the following arise: Is it his view that everything about human reason develops,
including the features that distinguish it as a capacity from our other capacities?
Or, does he rather hold that what develops is merely our idea of reason, or per-
haps reason’s laws and concepts? And how does the development come about?
Development cannot for Hegel be the product of mere chance, if by this we mean
that there are no necessary connections among thoughts or events. If there are
only accidental connections, then there is nothing by means of which we can dis-
cover a pattern or unifying idea; and without a pattern or unity, there can be
nothing identifiable as development. There has to be a pattern, but how and out of
what does the pattern emerge?
Introduction 3
Hegel sometimes conveys the impression that he is convinced not just that
there is a pattern but that the pattern is set in advance. It is as if he takes the pro-
gressive unfolding of our thought and freedom to be predetermined, perhaps
planned—or at least as if planned—by a sub specie aeternitatis or divine intelli-
gence. After all, he frequently describes his developmental tales as unfolding with
“necessity”.2 He refers to his philosophy of history as a “theodicy [Theodizee]”—a
“justification of the ways of God”—and portrays world history as the “march of
God in the world” (PH 16–18/26–33, 39/53; PR §258A). He compares the journey
of Spirit to the growth of a plant whose properties are originally contained in a
simple seed (PH 82/75; EL §161A). Spirit’s “first traces [ersten Spuren]”, he says,
“virtually contain all history” (PH 21/31).
There is a long tradition of interpreting Hegel in this way, that is, as committed
to the thesis that the course of reason’s development is to a significant extent fixed
in advance. Whether cast in theological or in secular terms, the basic idea is that
the basic forms or concepts of Hegel’s Logic and philosophy of Spirit have a pre-
determined content, a content set by nature or pure reason or perhaps by a tran-
scendent and all-powerful cause (a “puppet-master”, as Stephen Houlgate aptly
terms it).3 On this reading, Hegel awards history no role in generating our most
basic laws and concepts of reason or freedom. History is the theater in which the
predetermined forms unfold. In some instances, history supplies the impetus for
their activation or expression.
This general line of interpretation motivates for example Karl Marx’s charge, in
The German Ideology, that the Hegelian deploys presumably ready-made ideas in
its consideration of nature and human activity, and in this manner “descends
from heaven to earth”.4 It underlies John Dewey’s remark, in The Quest for
Certainty, that Hegel locates the human mind and its forms wholly outside
history, “outside what is known”, and therefore clings to a “spectator” theory of
knowledge.5 The assumption that Hegel considers the mind to have pre-given and
fixed concepts and laws is evident in contemporary readings as well. It shows up,
for instance, as resistance to the suggestion that basic Hegelian concepts (such as
Being and Essence) are empirical or changeable.6 It is responsible, too, for a cer-
tain skepticism about the thesis that Hegelian freedom, rather than an inborn
2 The “immanent development [inneren Gang] of Spirit”, Hegel asserts in his Lectures on the
Philosophy of History, is “necessary [Notwendige]” (PH 28/41).
3 In Freedom, Truth and History: An Introduction to Hegel’s Philosophy (London: Routledge, 1991), 38.
Frederick Beiser provides a useful overview (and critique) of such “Platonic” readings of Hegel in
“Hegel’s Historicism”, in Cambridge Companion to Hegel, ed. F. Beiser (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1983), 276–278.
4 In Part I, section A.
5 In The Quest for Certainty (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1929), 23.
6 In “Hegel and Brandom on Norms, Concepts and Logical Categories”, Stephen Houlgate chastises
Robert Brandom for ignoring the special status of certain Hegelian concepts, namely those that “con-
stitute the implicit preconditions of the employment of empirical concepts”, 143. In German Idealism:
Contemporary Perspectives, ed. E. Hammer (New York: Routledge, 2007), 137–152. Houlgate would
4 Time and History in Hegelian Thought and Spirit
therefore seem to be on the side of those who insist that certain concepts are for Hegel absolutely a
priori. I assess the extent to which Houlgate is right about this in Chapter 6, section 2.
7 For a good recent example of this debate, see John McDowell’s critique of Robert Pippin’s
“achievement” interpretation of Hegelian Spirit, in “Why Does it Matter to Hegel that Geist has a
History?”, in Hegel on Philosophy in History, eds R. Zuckert and J. Kreines (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2017), 18, 21. I return to this issue in section two of Chapter 5.
8 It is not the case, then, that Hegel is out to eliminate contingency entirely. In defending this posi-
tion, I ally myself with, among others, John W. Burbridge, Hegel’s Systematic Congingency (New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 190; Emil Fackenheim, Religious Dimension: “the entire Hegelian
Introduction 5
philosophy, far from denying the contingent, . . . seeks to demonstrate its inescapability” (p. 4, see also
p. 19); Dieter Henrich, “Hegels Theorie über den Zufall”, Kant-Studien 50 (1958–1959): 131–148;
Houlgate, Freedom, Truth and History, see especially, 18; Catherine Malabou, The Future of Hegel:
Plasticity, Temporality and Dialectic, trans. L. During (New York: Routledge, 2005); Terry Pinkard,
Does History Make Sense? Hegel on the Historical Shapes of Justice (Cambridge and London: Harvard
University Press, 2017); see also Paul Redding, who characterizes Hegel’s system as “radically fallibilist”,
in Analytic Philosophy and the Return of Hegelian Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2007), 228f.
9 A moment ago, I characterized Hegel’s concern as “metaphysical”. My point in that context was
that his developmental narratives serve not just practical ends but are intended to reveal something
important about the very nature or being of reason and Spirit. My reading of Hegel nonetheless
belongs among those typically classified as “non-metaphysical”. The “non-metaphysical” reading
assumes that Hegel’s system avoids reliance on a purportedly transcendent or extra-temporal reason.
Of course, this leaves open just how and to what extent Hegelian reason is of nature (or naturalized).
Leaving that complication aside for now, the non-metaphysical (or anti-Platonic) reading has a long
list of adherents, and much has recently been written about Hegel’s “naturalism” especially by those
who read Hegel as much more of an Aristotelean than a Platonist. In this work, which foregrounds
Hegel’s philosophy of history, I have been most influenced by the views of Emil Fackenheim, Stephen
Houlgate, Walter Jaeschke, Joseph McCarney, and Terry Pinkard.
6 Time and History in Hegelian Thought and Spirit
actual one. He grants that we can in a certain respect coherently articulate the
idea, for instance, of a noumenal realm lurking behind this empirically accessible
realm of phenomena. On the interpretation I defend, however, Hegel holds that
even our thoughts of other possible worlds are rooted in and therefore beholden
to this actual world. None of us is able to wholly transcend our time in thought.
For this reason, none of us can generate an idea of a world beyond this one that is
entirely adequate to its object. Strictly speaking, then, it is not possible for us to
think about other possible worlds.10
As I just mentioned, my proposal that Hegelian reason and freedom are
indebted to and anchored in this actual world should not be taken to imply sim-
ply that it is in this actual world that these capacities manifest or express them-
selves. I am making the more controversial suggestion that, in a certain respect,
these faculties owe their nature to this actual world. This thesis is more difficult to
clarify as well as defend. We can appreciate some of the difficulty if we bear in
mind that the thesis cannot be reformulated as the suggestion that the nature and
content of human reason cannot for Hegel be fully accounted for with reference
to the physical forces governing nature and human behavior. On the interpreta-
tion I argue for here, reason emerges out of nature, on Hegel’s account, but it does
not reduce to nature in the following respect: human reason is significantly dis-
tinguishable from our other natural powers and not a mere species of instinct.
Human reason is anchored in nature, and in exercising it, we cannot completely
abstract our way out of this actual world. Nonetheless, our reason sets us apart
from other animal natures insofar as it endows us with special powers that they
lack, namely the powers to reflect and abstract, powers responsible for our self-
awareness and freedom.
Not only does Hegel avoid a reductive naturalism of the kind I just sketched, he
should also not be classified as a shallow historicist. For reasons I elaborate in
Chapter 3, it is not his objective to persuade us that the products of our reason
and freedom simply mirror the choices and preferences of temporally located
agents, whatever those choices and preferences happen to be. Hegel insists that
his histories of freedom and reason are more than mere records of actual prefer-
ences and opinions regarding what is good or true. He repeatedly tells us that, in
10 The Hegelian thesis that none of us can wholly transcend our time in thought provides the basis,
I believe, for his critique of “empty formalism”. In charging that, for example, Kant’s supreme moral
law or categorical imperative is an empty formalism, Hegel acknowledges Kant’s motivation for
defending the law’s emptiness. Kant needs the law to be empty of content, because he seeks to estab-
lish its universal and necessarily validity. In fact, however, the law “presupposes content”, Hegel argues,
because it rests on historically contingent assumptions about the nature of our freedom, assumptions
he believes world history has progressed beyond. For Hegel, any effort to defend the “emptiness” of
reason’s laws or concepts must fail precisely because human reason is in the world rather than beyond
it. I defend this interpretation of Hegel’s empty formalism critique in, “Hegel on the Empty Formalism
of Kant’s Categorical Imperative”, in A Companion to Hegel, eds S. Houlgate and M. Baur (Blackwell
Publishing, 2012), 265–280.
Introduction 7
arguing for the rationality of the actual, he is not voicing his allegiance to
“positive” accounts of the origin of our norms. Instead, he holds that there can
be independent rational standards for judging our philosophical systems and
practical laws. To put this point differently, Hegel’s system preserves a certain
dualism between “is” and “ought”. He insists that he can rationally justify his thesis
that human freedom has been making progress in its journey through time.11
Among the many challenges we will face in this work is that of explaining just
how Hegel can defend his commitment to independent rational standards. At this
point, we can provisionally suggest that a judgment can qualify as genuinely inde-
pendent, on his account, without deriving its authority from outside human
history—from a transcendent or God’s eye point of view. Hegel wishes to con-
vince us that our power of thought affords us enough abstraction to yield stan-
dards for judging that are based on reasons rather than mere preferences.12
Independent rational standards are possible, but independence does not require
total transcendence.
This completes my summary of what I intend to argue in this book. Again, the
general interpretative picture emphasizes the debt of Hegelian reason to what is.
The basic idea is that, for all its power to shape and master reality, reason’s nature
is also shaped by forces of nature and history, on Hegel’s account—forces over
which we have little or no control. As I read him, Hegel paves the way for the his-
torical materialisms of Marx and others who call into question a certain concep-
tion of human reason’s autonomy, and ask us to appreciate the extent to which
ideas are responsive to and anchored in material reality, whether real economic
forces (Marx) or psychological drives (Nietzsche, Freud).13
Those familiar with the secondary literature will appreciate that I am far from
alone in defending this general line of interpretation. Others have stressed the
11 An influential expression of the charge that Hegel was a positivist seeking to justify the reaction-
ary Prussian practices of his time appeared already in 1857, in Rudolf Haym’s Hegel und seine Zeit.
Similar charges made their way into the writings of prominent figures such as Marx and Engels, the
late Schelling, Alexander Kojève, and Karl Popper. I return to the topic of Hegel’s alleged positivism in
Chapter 3, but for a good summary of the charges that Hegel was a positivist and apologist for the
status quo, see Jon Stewart’s “Hegel and the Myth of Reason”, in The Hegel Myths and Legends, ed.
J. Stewart (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1996), 306–318. Another useful resource is
Shlomo Avineri’s now classic, Hegel’s Theory of the Modern State (Cambridge and New York,
Cambridge University Press, 1972).
12 In Chapter 5, I say more about this distinction between preferences or desires and reasons, and
suggest that Hegel considers the distinction to be one of degree than of kind.
13 Marx did not understand his historical materialism to be indebted to Hegel, but I believe this is
because he misinterpreted Hegel. For a good overview of the Hegel/Marx relation, see Allen Wood’s
“Hegel and Marxism”, in Cambridge Companion to Hegel, ed. F. Beiser (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1983), 414–444.
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eBook.
Language: English
MARGARET WARDE
AUTHOR OF
BETTY WALES FRESHMAN
BETTY WALES SOPHOMORE
BETTY WALES JUNIOR
BETTY WALES SENIOR
BETTY WALES B.A.
ILLUSTRATED BY
EVA M NAGEL
THE PENN
PUBLISHING COMPANY
PHILADELPHIA
MCMIX
COPYRIGHT
1909 BY
THE PENN
PUBLISHING
COMPANY
INTRODUCTION
Many of the girls who will read this book have already made the
acquaintance of Betty Wales, and know all about her adventures at
Harding College, from her rollicking freshman days to the time when
she was a “grave and reverend senior”—and was always being
mistaken for a freshman, nevertheless. Mary Brooks graduated from
Harding a year before Betty, and she always considered that this
gave her the privilege of patronizing her friends in 19—, Betty’s
class. Madeline joined 19— in its sophomore year, and Babbie
Hildreth (she and her friends Babe and Bob were known collectively
as the three B’s) was another of the shining lights of that famous
class. She and Madeline and Betty planned the tea-room, though
only in fun, during a trip abroad that came as a grand finale to their
college days. You can read all about that in “Betty Wales, B. A.,”
which also tells about Mary Brooks’s “impromptu” wedding. But you
will have to go back to “Betty Wales, Senior,” to find out how Mary’s
“little friends” discovered that she was interested in Professor
Hinsdale. There are a lot of other things that you will want to know
about Betty and her friends—if you like them—in “Betty Wales,
Freshman,” “Betty Wales, Sophomore,” and “Betty Wales, Junior.”
Margaret Warde.
CONTENTS
I. Unpleasant Discoveries 9
II. Betty Wales, “M. A.” 24
III. That Tea-Room Again 39
IV. Plans and Parties 56
V. The Real Thing 74
VI. Eugenia Ford’s Luncheon 97
VII. Mary, the Perfect Patron 113
VIII. Young-Man-Over-the-Fence 128
IX. An Order for a Party 145
X. Unexpected Visitors 162
XI. The Advent of the Ploshkin 181
XII. A Tragic Disappearance 198
XIII. More “Side-Lines” 221
XIV. The Revolt of the “Why-Get-Ups” 236
XV. A Sea of Troubles 252
XVI. The Mystery Solved 270
XVII. A Magnate to the Rescue 291
XVIII. A Romance and a Burglary 307
XIX. The Amazing Mr. Smith and Other
Amazements 329
XX. A Final Excitement 346
Illustrations
PAGE
“What Are You Doing Here?” Frontispiece
“How are We Going to Work?” 62
She Stopped the Girls as they Went Out 117
“This Tea-Shop Closes at Six” 148
True Stories of Dolls 190
They Intercepted the President 303
“Come Along Now” 325
Betty Wales & Co.
Betty Wales & Co.
CHAPTER I
UNPLEASANT DISCOVERIES