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RETHINKING PEACE AND CONFLICT STUDIES
SERIES EDITORS: OLIVER P. RICHMOND · ANNIKA BJÖRKDAHL ·
GËZIM VISOKA
A Requiem for
Peacebuilding?
Edited by
Jorg Kustermans
Tom Sauer
Barbara Segaert
Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies
Series Editors
Oliver P. Richmond
University of Manchester
Manchester, UK
Annika Björkdahl
Department of Political Science
Lund University
Lund, Sweden
Gëzim Visoka
Dublin City University
Dublin, Ireland
This agenda-setting series of research monographs, now more than a
decade old, provides an interdisciplinary forum aimed at advancing inno-
vative new agendas for peace and conflict studies in International Rela-
tions. Many of the critical volumes the series has so far hosted have
contributed to new avenues of analysis directly or indirectly related to the
search for positive, emancipatory, and hybrid forms of peace. Constructive
critiques of liberal peace, hybrid peace, everyday contributions to peace,
the role of civil society and social movements, international actors and
networks, as well as a range of different dimensions of peace (from peace-
building, statebuilding, youth contributions, photography, and many case
studies) have been explored so far. The series raises important political
questions about what peace is, whose peace and peace for whom, as well
as where peace takes place. In doing so, it offers new and interdisci-
plinary perspectives on the development of the international peace archi-
tecture, peace processes, UN peacebuilding, peacekeeping and mediation,
statebuilding, and localised peace formation in practice and in theory. It
examines their implications for the development of local peace agency
and the connection between emancipatory forms of peace and global
justice, which remain crucial in different conflict-affected regions around
the world. This series’ contributions offer both theoretical and empir-
ical insights into many of the world’s most intractable conflicts, also
investigating increasingly significant evidence about blockages to peace.
A Requiem
for Peacebuilding?
Editors
Jorg Kustermans Tom Sauer
Department of Political Science Department of Political Science
University of Antwerp University of Antwerp
Antwerpen, Belgium Antwerpen, Belgium
Barbara Segaert
University Centre Saint-Ignatius
Antwerp
Antwerpen, Belgium
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2021
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc.
in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such
names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for
general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and informa-
tion in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither
the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with
respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been
made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps
and institutional affiliations.
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Contents
v
vi CONTENTS
Index 243
Notes on Contributors
Chris van der Borgh is a lecturer, researcher and consultant with the
Centre for Conflict Studies at Utrecht University. He specialises in issues
of peace and security, political order and international intervention.
Recent publications focus on the politics of security provision in Kosovo
and El Salvador.
Birgit Bräuchler (Ph.D.) is senior lecturer in Anthropology at Monash
University. Her research interests include peace and conflict studies and
media anthropology. She has published widely in peer-reviewed journals
and edited/authored a number of books, including The Cultural Dimen-
sion of Peace (2015) that was awarded the Ernst-Otto-Czempiel price
2016.
Cinthya Carrillo Perdomo holds a master’s degree in Political Science
(Osnabrück University). Her research and work have focused on women’s
rights, land rights, transitional justice and peacebuilding in Colombia.
Since 2014 she works at Sinestesia ONG, an NGO founded by her and
colleagues from different professions to protect and promote human
rights in the country.
Filip Ejdus is Associate Professor at the University of Belgrade, Faculty
of Political Science, University of Belgrade. His most recent book is Crisis
and Ontological Security: Serbia’s Anxiety over Kosovo’s Secession. He is
Board President of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy and (co)Editor
in Chief of Journal of Regional Security.
vii
viii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Chapter 5
Fig. 1 Dimensions and elements of a peace trajectory (Source
López López, A. L., & Ingelaere, B. [2019]. The missing
link in hybrid peacebuilding: localized peace trajectories &
endogenous knowledge) 107
Fig. 2 Location of the city of Cali on the map of Colombia
(Left). Location of the District of Aguablanca in the city
of Cali (Right) (Source Author’s adaptation from Wikipedia
[Colombia Map] and Alcaldía de Cali [Aguablanca]) 109
Fig. 3 The peace trajectory in the District of Aguablanca, Colombia
(Source López López, A. L., & Ingelaere, B. [2019].
The missing link in hybrid peacebuilding: localized peace
trajectories & endogenous knowledge) 112
Chapter 7
Fig. 1 Articulation of the PRZ as an instrumental method of
peacebuilding in Colombia (Source Own elaboration) 171
Chapter 10
Fig. 1 The international peace architecture 236
xi
CHAPTER 1
1 Introduction
This volume collects nine chapters about peacebuilding as a global prac-
tice. The chapters were first presented at a workshop on peacebuilding
that we, the editors of this volume, organized. That workshop was the
third in a series of three workshops on various understandings of war
and peace in the present era. The first workshop examined the contin-
uing relevance of pacifism as a politico-ethical doctrine (Kustermans et al.
2019). The second workshop revolved around the notion of non-nuclear
peace and investigated a ‘possible future’ (cf. Patomäki 2006) world
our claims emerged from the workshop (and thus from the chapters that
comprise this volume). In a first section, we document the ‘dark mood
among the experts’ as it transpired from the workshop and as we also
see it evidenced in the broader literature on peacebuilding. We obviously
recognize that not every expert shares in this mood and we give ample
space to more hopeful voices in the second part of this volume. It is signif-
icant, though, that these more hopeful voices typically draw attention to
forms of peacebuilding that are developing outside of the reach of capital I
and P ‘Internationalized Peacebuilding.’ Peacebuilding persists as a global
practice—as an all but spontaneous, human practice, that is—even if it is
being challenged as an international project. At the same time, it is unmis-
takable that peacebuilding is being challenged as an international project
and this needs to be addressed. At the end of the first section of this
chapter, we reflect on the reasons for this dark mood. What explains it?
In a second section, we turn toward the future. Here we introduce the
idea of peacebuilding’s predicament and we explain why scholars sounding
its requiem may be acting prematurely.
‘One is left to wonder’, he writes, ‘what we can make out of the “local
turn” in a world of rapid democratic backsliding, surge of populism, revival
of nationalism, return of geopolitics and rise of authoritarian powers. Does
8 J. KUSTERMANS ET AL.
the “local turn” still provide a progressive avenue for the future of peace-
building? [Or] was it only a swan song of the declining liberal order
[?]’
understand the benefits of peace (and will work toward its achievement)
without having to be told by the international community and certi-
fied peacebuilding experts. The global practice of building peace will
survive the demise—were it to occur—of the international project of
Peacebuilding.
The danger here, as a number of scholars have warned, is to want to
romanticize such developments (e.g., Holanda Maschieto 2016). While
some of the chapters (Lopez and Ingelaere; Bräuchler) do put emphasis
on the promise of locally grounded forms of peacemaking, some of the
other chapters (van der Borgh; Carrillo) strike a more sober note. Van
der Borgh’s account of the so-called Pax Mafioso illustrates the danger
of romanticization. The Salvadoran government negotiating a truce with
and among gangs represents a clear case of pragmatic, locally grounded
peacebuilding, but at the same time, many of us would hesitate to name
it that. We tend to think of it as a false peace, but then we should be
aware that in many cases the (spontaneous, intuitive) practice of peace-
building will lead to the achievement of (what peace activists would call)
false peace. True peace, as Saint Augustine (2004) taught us a long time
ago, cannot possibly be achieved within the earthly city. True peace, as he
saw it, belongs to the city of God. Therefore, whether it materializes as a
locally grounded global practice, or as a top-down international project,
peacebuilding will always have its critics.
In other words: we expect that peacebuilding will continue after the
demise of International Peacebuilding, but then we also expect it to
continue to disappoint. Critics of Peacebuilding with a capital P will
become critics of locally grounded peacebuilding. The concept of ‘peace’
fosters expectations in them (true peace, positive peace), which the reality
of ‘peacebuilding’ cannot possibly live up to.
(1745.)
he stage took an early opportunity to put
‘TANCRED
forth utterances in behalf of ‘moral AND
order.’ On March 18th, 1745, Thomson, SIGISMUNDA.’
as warm a Hanoverian as could be
found among Scots, produced his tragedy—‘Tancred
and Sigismunda,’ at Drury Lane. The piece was ostentatiously
patronised by Frederick, Prince of Wales, to whom the poet
subsequently dedicated it, as a liberal patron of all arts, but
particularly of dramatic art. Pitt and Lyttelton were present at a
private reading of the play, which, therefore, had a certain political
significance, and Whigs and Jacobites sat in judgment on it.
Thomson’s cunning, however, enabled him to please both parties.
When Siffredi (Sheridan) uttered the lines, referring to a deceased
king,—
He sought alone the good of those for whom
He was entrusted with the sovereign power,
Well knowing that a people, in their rights
And industry protected, living safe
Beneath the sacred shelter of the laws,
Encouraged in their genius, arts, and labours,
And happy each as he himself deserves,
Are not ungrateful,—
the applause which followed had a divided, or a double, application;
but it was as nothing to the tumult of approbation which greeted the
passage emphasised by Tancred (Garrick):—
They have great odds
Against the astonished sons of Violence
Who fight with awful justice on their side.
All Sicily will rouse, all faithful hearts
Will range themselves around Prince Manfred’s son;
For me, I here devote me to the service
Of this young Prince.
And again had thundering acclamation double-meaning when
Siffredi exclaimed:—
Thou art the man of all the many thousands
That toil upon the bosom of this isle,
By Heaven elected to command the rest,
To rule, protect them, and to make them happy.
When the first act ended, the factions of Jacobites and
Hanoverians were equally satisfied with their power of making
political use of passages in this play.
They found few opportunities in the second act; but both parties
clapped hands at the lines of Osman:—
We meet to-day with open hearts and looks;
Not gloom’d by Party scowling on each other,
But all, the children of one happy isle,
The social Sons of Liberty.
During the remainder of the tragedy the love-woes POLITICAL
of Tancred, and Sigismunda absorbed the sympathies DRAMA.
of the audience, though Thomson laid a clap-trap or two, in a
passage where mention was made of ‘a faithless prince, an upstart
king,’ and in an allusion to the Normans who bravely won,
With their own swords, their seats, and still possess them,
By the same noble tenure;
but especially in denouncement of a reign which Osmond
stigmatised as a usurpation; and added—
This meteor King may blaze awhile, but soon
Must spend his idle terrors;—
which usurpation Jacobites would assign to George; while Whigs
saw in the temporary royal meteor the ‘King’ in whose name, his son,
Charles Edward, was preparing to invade Great Britain.
The Earl of Orford, the champion of Brunswick and the staunch
supporter of the Hanoverian succession, died this year. Horace
Walpole says of his father, ‘he died, foretelling a Rebellion which
happened in less than six months, and for predicting which he had
been ridiculed.’ It required no gift of prophecy to foretell an event
which had been long almost openly preparing.
Amid the growing excitement of London, there was a motion
made by Mr. Carew in the Commons, for holding new parliaments
annually. He supported the motion by a curious illustration. The king,
he said, who first introduced long parliaments (Richard II.) was
dethroned and put to death by Henry of Lancaster, who took his
place and was honoured by the people as their deliverer from
slavery. Sir William Yonge replied that annual parliaments would
deprive the king of all power over them; and deprivation of all such
power cost Charles I. his head. Similar effect would follow from like
cause. Sir John Phillips, who was said to be equally troublesome
whether as patriot or placeman, was not only for annual parliaments,
but for a fresh Ministry every new session! The motion was
negatived by 145 to 112.
After the prorogation of Parliament which followed THE YOUNG
in May, the king went abroad. He did not return till the CHEVALIER.
end of July, more than a fortnight after the young
Chevalier had sailed from Port St. Nazaire, with a band of Scotch
and Irish adventurers, who, after much peril, arrived in the Hebrides.
The Regency, in London, offered a reward of 30,000l. to anyone who
should capture him on British ground. On the 4th of June King
James III. was proclaimed, at Perth, King of Great Britain. On the
10th a similar proclamation was made at Edinburgh. Five days later
the Highland army attacked, and in ten minutes, utterly routed Sir
John Cope, seven miles from Edinburgh, near Preston Pans, and
Gladsmuir. This victory left almost the whole of Scotland in
possession of the Jacobites,—and the road open to them to invade
England. They did not reach Carlisle till the 15th of November. On