Orgies of Words: Mystery Terminology

in the "Paraphrase of St. John’s

Gospel" by Nonnus of Panopolis
Doroszewski
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Filip Doroszewski
Orgies of Words
Arbeiten zur
Kirchengeschichte

Founded by
Karl Holl † and Hans Lietzmann †

Edited by
Christian Albrecht, Christoph Markschies
and Christopher Ocker

Volume 154
Filip Doroszewski

Orgies of Words

Mystery Terminology in the

“Paraphrase of St. John’s Gospel”
by Nonnus of Panopolis

Translated from Polish by Damian Jasiński

This translation has been co-funded by the Foundation for Polish Science

ISBN 978-3-11-079085-6
e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-079090-0
e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-079097-9
ISSN 1861-5996

Library of Congress Control Number: 2022935336

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie;
detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

© 2022 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Translated from the Polish Original Title Orgie słów. Terminologia misteriów w Parafrazie
Ewangelii wg św. Jana Nonnosa z Panopolis. Monographs of the Foundation for Polish Science
© 2016 Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika, Toruń
Typesetting: Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd.
Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck

www.degruyter.com
In memory of Henryk Wójtowicz
(1928‒2012)
Acknowledgements
This book would not have assumed its present shape had it not been for the help
of Paweł Janiszewski, whom I would like to thank for his unflagging support at
various stages of my work on the text. I would also like to thank Jan Kozłowski,
who unfailingly provided me with encouragement to continue my research; our
innumerable discussions have especially contributed to bringing the object of
this study into sharp focus. I also wish to extend my gratitude to the anonymous
reviewers appointed by the Foundation for Polish Science for their insightful crit-
icism. I would also like to thank my wife, Julia Doroszewska, for her daily sup-
port, without which no creative work is possible.
Finally, I would like to thank the Hardt Foundation in Vandoeuvres, Swit-
zerland (www.fondationhardt.ch), for the bursary and most pleasurable hospi-
tality that helped me work on this book.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110790900-202
Contents
Acknowledgements VII

Foreword XIII

Foreword to the English translation XVII

Abbreviations XIX

Part 1: Introduction

1.1 Ancient mysteries 3

1.2 Mystery terminology 11

1.3 Nonnus of Panopolis 31

1.4 The scope of inquiry 39

1.5 Mystery terminology in the Paraphrase 45

1.5.1 ἀβάκχευτος 45
1.5.2 βακχεύω 46
1.5.3 θιασώδης 47
1.5.4 μύστης 48
1.5.5 μυστιπολεύω 49
1.5.6 μυστιπόλος 49
1.5.7 μύστις 50
1.5.8 ὄργια 52
1.5.9 τελετή 54
1.5.10 Conclusion 56

Part 2: Jesus and Dionysus

2.1 The wedding at Cana of Galilee 59

2.1.1 Preliminary remarks 59
2.1.2 Analysis of Par. 2.12–20 (=John 2:3) 61
2.1.2.1 A dimmed joy 61
2.1.2.2 A wedding without Dionysus 62
X Contents

2.1.2.3 Incomplete intoxication 67

2.1.2.4 Bacchic cries. An analysis of Par. 2.35–38 73
2.1.3 Final remarks 75
2.1.3.1 The wine givers. Parallels between Par. 2.1–60 and the
Dionysiaca 75
2.1.3.2 The Alexandrian tradition 78

2.2 The failed arrest attempt 81

2.2.1 Preliminary remarks 81
2.2.2 The Bacchic crowd. An analysis of Par. 7.172–182
(=John 7:45–49) 83
2.2.3 Par. 7.172–182 and Euripides’ Bacchae 85
2.2.4 Final remarks 88

2.3 Jesus’ High Priestly Prayer 91

2.3.1 Preliminary remarks 91
2.3.2 Analysis of Par. 17.88–92 (=John 17:25–26a) 91
2.3.2.1 Orgies of words 91
2.3.2.2 A Dionysiac chorus. Par. 17.88–92 versus Protrepticus
12.119.1 94
2.3.2.3 Orgies of words in Par. 16.111 96
2.3.3 Final remarks 98

Part 3: Mysterium and mysteries

3.1 The three Passover feasts 103

3.1.1 Preliminary remarks 103
3.1.2 The first Passover. Analysis of Par. 2.70–72, 110–115
and Par. 4.204–205 104
3.1.2.1 A Jewish Passover? Par. 2.70–72 (=John 2:13) 104
3.1.2.2 The noise-loving orgies. Par. 2.110–115 (=John 2:23) 109
3.1.2.3 A Bacchic procession. Par. 4.204–205 (=ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ, John
4:45) 120
3.1.3 The second Passover. An analysis of Par. 6.9–10
(=John 6:4) 123
3.1.3.1 An orgy-loving feast 123
 Contents XI

3.1.4 The third Passover. An analysis of Par. 11.222–227

and 12.1–6 124
3.1.4.1 The widely known Passover. Par. 11.222–227
(=John 11:55) 124
3.1.4.2 The mystery of the Passover. Par. 12.1–6 (=John 12:1) 126
3.1.5 Final remarks 128

3.2 Jesus and the Samaritan woman 131

3.2.1 Preliminary remarks 131
3.2.2 An analysis of Par. 4.88–121 (=John 4:19–24) 131
3.2.2.1 Offering sacrifice 131
3.2.2.2 The Samaritans, the Jews and the truly initiated 135
3.2.3 Final remarks 142

3.3 The Feast of the Tabernacles 145

3.3.1 Preliminary remarks 145
3.3.2 Sacred initiation. An analysis of Par. 7.31–34 145
3.3.3 Final remarks 154

Part 4: Conclusions

4.1 The role of mystery terminology in the Paraphrase 157

4.1.1 Between poetry and exegesis 157
4.1.2 Mystery terminology in the exegesis of the Paraphrase 158
4.1.2.1 Dionysiac, or Christian, spirit 158
4.1.2.2 Mysterium Christi 160
4.1.2.3 Jewish feasts as Bacchic mysteries 162
4.1.3 Summary 163

Bibliography 165

Index graecitatis 181

Index locorum 185

Index nominum 197

Foreword
Nonnus of Panopolis, a Greek poet from late antique Egypt who probably lived
and worked in the cosmopolitan city of Alexandria in the fifth century AD, is a
mysterious figure. Considering the lack of biographical details, scholars have
focused their research on Nonnus’ poetic output, which is a much more gratify-
ing field of study than his biography (which remains difficult to reconstruct).
The poet’s legacy is composed of two works only, but both may prove very in-
teresting to contemporary readers for a number of reasons. The first poem, the
Dionysiaca, is the longest of all ancient epics to have survived to this day. As its
title makes evident, Nonnus dedicated it to Dionysus, the Greek god of wine,
mysteries and ritual ecstasy. Written in forty-eight books and only slightly
shorter than the Iliad and the Odyssey put together, the Dionysiaca forms a col-
ourful mosaic of styles, literary references and, often considerably modified,
mythological motifs. It is worth mentioning that, as a closer reading reveals, the
numerous scenes of the poem refer directly to models derived from Christian lit-
erature. In this way, what at first glance might seem to be a companion to the
classical Dionysiac mythology proves to be a much more complex work, one that
escapes easy categorisation.
The other poem, the Paraphrase of the Gospel of Saint John, is an epic render-
ing of the deeds of Jesus Christ described in the Fourth Gospel. The simple, medi-
tative language of John gives way to heroic hexameter rhythm and is endowed
with Homeric aplomb, while the message of the Gospel, although unchanged, re-
ceives an additional dimension. This is especially noticeable in Nonnus’ use of
poetic imagery, often informed by Greek mythology, ambiguous terminology and
the interpretative clues embedded in the poem that result from a deep under-
standing of the Bible and the writings of the Church Fathers.
At first glance, the stark difference in subject matter may seem to set Non-
nus’ poems apart from each other to the point of contradiction. This, together
with the lack of biographical information, has given rise to numerous, often
very peculiar conjectures regarding the Panopolitan poet. His lively and intrigu-
ingly puzzling interest in Jesus and Dionysus has provoked scholars to see Non-
nus’ poetry in the light of the purported twists and turns of his life: some have
suggested that he had been a recalcitrant pagan who ultimately converted to
Christianity, whereas others, contrarily, presumed that he was first a Christian
but later apostatised, and still others held that he had regarded pagan and
Christian beliefs as a mutually intertwined, syncretic whole. Views on the liter-
ary quality of his epic poems were also exceedingly disparate: they were de-
cried as decadent, bloated, chaotic and soporific, but also, especially in recent

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110790900-204
XIV Foreword

decades, recognised for their seductively innovative and original characteristics

that draw the reader into a whirl of highly erudite allusions.
The fragmentary and conjectural image that emerges from research on Non-
nus’ biography gave rise to a number of fictional, pseudo-biographical writings.1
Among them, we find both deftly fabricated forgeries and genuine literary works
that emerged in response to questions that vexed those who were especially fond
of Nonnus’ poetry. In the nineteenth century, the biography of Nonnus caught
the attention of a highly skilled forger, Konstantinos Simonides. Having counter-
feited a papyrus that described Nonnus as a pagan poet who received baptism
and dedicated himself to Christian literature, he tried to excite the curiosity of
the first translator of Nonnus’ poetry into a modern language, the French Count
de Marcellus. An analogous portrayal of the poet’s life is found in the short story
The Poet of Panopolis by Simonides’ contemporary, Richard Garret. In it, the
pagan Nonnus, unsatisfied with the poor reception of the Dionysiaca, decides to
convert and amaze Christian readers with his Paraphrase. He also agrees to be-
come a candidate for episcopacy in his hometown of Panopolis, incurring the
wrath of the god Apollo, who, as a punishment, orders the repentant poet to pub-
lish the Paraphrase, which dooms him to lingering for perpetuity as an unsolv-
able enigma in the eyes of future generations. Nonnus is also the main character
in the novel Im Garten Klaudias by the twentieth-century scholar Margarete
Riemschneider. The poet goes here by the name of Ammonios, and it is only later
that he is nicknamed Nonnus. Having finished his studies in Alexandria, Ammo-
nios travels widely across the eastern parts of the Roman Empire, which allows
him to witness historic events and collaborate with such important personalities
of his day as Gregory of Nazianzus and Stilicho. Towards the end of his turbulent
life, the poet, still as a pagan, finds refuge in the Egyptian monastery of Koptos,
where over time he converts to Christianity, adopts the name of Nonnos and
writes the Paraphrase.
It is readily noticeable that these reconstructions of Nonnus’ life have
emerged from fascination not only with his oeuvre, but also with the world of
Late Antiquity. That historical period, which started to be thoroughly studied
only relatively recently, was long considered a period of the gradual decline of
ancient civilization and culture, one that lacked originality when compared
with earlier centuries. Today, however, it reveals itself ever more manifestly not
as a world of despondent nostalgia for the glory of the classical past, but as one

1 This paragraph is based on Hernández de la Fuente, 2018. David Hernández de la Fuente him-
self authored a short story on the discovery of the Dionysiaca by Count de Marcellus: La confe-
sión del Conde de Marcellus in Cano Cuenca, Hernández de la Fuente, and Martínez García 2006,
103‒139.
 Foreword XV

that boldly and consciously drew from earlier traditions and endowed them
with new dimensions. It was a world where two great traditions, classical and
Judaeo-Christian, were becoming inextricably intertwined, creating an entirely
new quality. The elements that, on an equal footing, constituted the culture of
Late Antiquity included Homeric epics and the Bible, mythological figures and
Christian saints, Dionysus and Jesus. Despite the gradual Christianization of
the Roman Empire, the classical heritage was certainly not disparaged; on the
contrary, it was subject to reinterpretation and thrived as an integral part of ev-
eryday life. Without considering this context, one cannot fully understand Non-
nus’ poetry.
Vandoeuvres, October 2015
Foreword to the English translation
The original version of this book was published by the Foundation for Polish
Science in the year 2016, when Nonnian studies were already an emerging field
in classics. Since that time the field has gained even more prominence and at-
tention, and is now a fully grown discipline with its own conferences, volumes
and an ever-increasing number of journal articles and monographs. Out of Non-
nus’ two epics, however, the Dionysiaca still keeps pride of place in scholarly
literature, while the Paraphrase of St. John’s Gospel often plays second fiddle to
the longer poem. This may present some obstacles to a fuller appreciation and
understanding of both Nonnus’ legacy and the culture of his time. The epic tale
of Jesus is no less important for gaining insight into the imaginative world of
the poet and his era than that of Dionysus. To focus only on the latter would
yield a picture that is if not false, then certainly incomplete (ἡμιτελής, as Non-
nus would probably say). The terminology of the mysteries serves as a perfect
example. Nonnus uses it frequently in both poems, but he does so differently in
each. In the Dionysiaca he uses it mostly in the context of worship, and thus
the terminology is to be understood in its literal sense. In the Paraphrase, on
the other hand, it is often used in the best tradition of the mystery metaphor,
which was fundamental to ancient religious-philosophical thought, and whose
uninterrupted continuity we can trace from Plato to Pseudo-Dionysius the Are-
opagite and beyond.
Given the aforementioned disparity in research on Nonnus’ poems, as well
as the cognitive implications that result from it, I am pleased that through this
translation my book will now be available to an international audience. I hope
that it will contribute at least a little to increasing interest in the Paraphrase, and
thus also to a deeper understanding of Nonnus and the world of Late Antiquity.
To the acknowledgements in the Polish version of the book I would like to add
my thanks to its translator, Damian Jasiński, for his great diligence and infinite
patience. I would also like to express my gratitude to the Foundation for Polish
Science and the Faculty of Humanities of Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University
in Warsaw, which jointly funded the translation of the book into English.
Warsaw, May 2022

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110790900-205
Abbreviations
Abbreviations of the books of the Old and New Testaments according to the SBL Handbook of
Style. Wherever possible, abbreviations referring to ancient sources are provided in accor-
dance with the conventions adopted in Lampe and LSJ. For the writings of Philo of Alexandria,
I followed that of C. D. Yonge (The Works of Philo. Complete and Unabridged. New Updated
Version, Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1993).

Beekes R. Beekes, Etymological Dictionary of Greek, vols. 1−2. Leiden, 2010.

Dion. Nonnus’ Dionysiaca.
IG Inscriptiones Graecae.
Lampe G. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon. Oxford, 1961.
LXX the Septuagint.
LSJ G. H. Liddell, R. Scott, H. S. Jones, A Greek-English Lexicon. With a Revised
Supplement. Oxford, 1996.
Par. Nonnus’ Paraphrase of the Gospel of St. John.
PG J.-P. Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus (series Graeca), Paris, 1857−1866.
TLG Thesaurus Linguae Graecae (www.tlg.uci.edu).

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110790900-206
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
best. There are some among the older officials who affirm that
the old ways are best and need no alteration, and that the new
plans are not required. Such babblings are vain and useless.

"The Emperor puts the question before you thus: In the present
condition of Imperial affairs, with an untrained army, with
limited funds, with ignorant 'literati,' and with artisans
untaught because they have no fit teachers, is there any
difficulty in deciding, when China is compared with foreign
nations, who is the strong and who is the weak? It is easy to
distinguish between the rich and the poor. How can a man armed
with a wooden stick smite his foe encased in a coat of mail?
The Emperor sees that the affairs of the Empire are in an
unsettled condition, and that his various Decrees have availed
nothing, Diversity of opinion, each unlike another as fire
differs from water, is responsible for the spread of the
existing evil. It is the same evil as that which existed in
the Sung and Ming dynasties (circa A. D. 1000 and 1500). Our
present system is not of the slightest use. We cannot in these
modern days adhere to the ways of the five Kings(circa B. C.
2500); even they did not continue exactly after the manner of
their respective predecessors. It is like wearing thick
clothes in summer and thin ones in winter. "Now, therefore,
the Emperor orders all officials, metropolitan and provincial,
from prince down to 'literati,' to give their whole minds to a
real endeavour to improvement. With perseverance, like that of
the saints of old, do your utmost to discover which foreign
country has the best system in any branch of learning and
learn that one. Your great fault is the falseness of your
present knowledge. Make a special effort and determine to
learn the best of everything. Do not merely learn the outside
covers of the books of knowledge, and do not make a loud boast
of your own attainments. The Emperor's wish is to change what
is now useless into something useful, so that proficiency may
be attained and handed on to posterity. The Metropolitan
College will be the chief one, and must be instituted at once.
The Emperor orders the Grand Councillors to consult with the
Tsung-li Yamên on the subject, and to come to a decision as
soon as possible, and then to memorialize the Throne. Any of
the compilers and graduates of the Hanlin College, the
secretaries of the Boards, the officers of the Palace Guards,
expectant Intendants, Prefects, district Magistrates, and
subordinate officials, sons and brothers of officials, the
hereditary officials of the Eight Banners, and the sons of the
military officials of the Empire, can enter the College who wish
to do so. By this means knowledge will be handed down from one
generation to another. It will be strictly forbidden to
members of the College to be careless or dilatory in their
studies, or to introduce as students any of their friends
without regard for the latter's capabilities; for such things
would frustrate the benefit of this excellent plan of His
Imperial Majesty."

A day later he issued the following: "The Tsung-li Yamên have

reported to the Throne that in obedience to instructions they
have considered the requests contained in the memorial of the
Vice-President Jung Hui, for the appointment of special
Ministers of Commerce, and the sending of members of the
Imperial family to visit foreign nations. Commercial matters
are of the highest importance, and the suggestion is one which
deserves to be acted upon. As the result of a former
consultation of the Tsung-li Yamên on the subject, commercial
bureaus have been established at the capitals of the
provinces, and the officials of each province have ordered the
leading gentry and merchants to elect from their numbers managers
of the bureaus, who will then draw up commercial regulations.
It is to be hoped that strict conformity to these Regulations
will lead to a daily improvement in trade; and the Emperor
orders the Viceroys and Governors of the provinces to direct
the gentry and merchants to strictly obey the official
instructions, and to consult together for the most speedy and
satisfactory arrangement of commercial matters; it is to be
hoped that in this way the officials will be kept in touch
with the merchants. We must not adhere blindly to our old
 customs. Let the officials of each province memorialize the
Throne, and inform the Emperor how commercial affairs are
managed in their respective provinces.
{92}
With regard to the suggestion that members of the Imperial
Family should go abroad, this is a new departure, but is quite
in accordance with modern custom. The Emperor, therefore,
orders the Court of the Imperial clan to select from the
Princes of the first three ranks any who are well versed in
modern affairs and ideas, and who are on the side of modern
improvement, and to inform the Emperor of their selection. The
selected Princes will then await the Emperor's orders with
regard to their journey."

On the 15th the following imperial mandate was published:

"Wêng T'ung-ho, Assistant Grand Secretary and President of the
Board of Revenue, has of late made many errors in the conduct
of business, and has forfeited all confidence; on several
occasions he has been impeached to the Throne. At his private
audiences of the Emperor he has replied to His Majesty's
questions with no regard for anything except his own personal
feeling and opinion, and he has made no attempt to conceal his
pleasure or displeasure either in his speech or in his
countenance. It has gradually become clear that his ambition
and rebellious feeling have led him to arrogate to himself an
attempt to dictate to the Emperor. It is impossible to permit
him to remain in the responsible position of a Grand
Councillor. In former days a strict inquiry would have been
held, and his crime punished with the utmost rigour of the
law. Taking into consideration, however, his long service as
tutor to the Emperor, His Majesty cannot bring himself to mete
out to him such a severe penalty. Let Wêng T'ung-ho vacate his
posts, and retire into private life, as a warning that he is
preserved (from a worse fate)."

In transmitting this mandate to the British Foreign Office,

Sir Claude MacDonald explained that Wêng T'ung-ho was a
"reactionary," whose "influence was invariably against
innovation and progress," but personally "prepossessing,
courteous, and scholarly—an excellent type of the Conservative
Chinese statesman." But that the dismissal of Wêng T'ung-ho
did not signify the triumph of the reform party was shown the
same day by a decree commanding special honors to the Empress
Dowager, who seemed to be losing no time in reasserting
herself. "In future," said the edict, "whenever officials
receive favours or gifts from the Empress Dowager, or receive
promotion to the highest civil or military rank or to the
Vice-Presidency of a Board, they must (after thanking the
Emperor) present themselves before the Empress Dowager and
thank her; and in similar cases all provincial
Tartar-Generals, Lieutenant-Generals, Viceroys, Governors, and
Commanders-in-chief must write their thanks to the Empress
Dowager (as well as to the Emperor)."

Other radically reforming decrees that were issued by the

Emperor during June and early in July were described by the
British Minister in a despatch dated July 9, as follows:

"To effect a change in the agricultural methods of an ancient

Eastern nation would seem a very hopeless task, but from a
Decree published on the 4th instant, it appears that a censor
has made proposals for the establishment of a school of
agriculture, on which the Tsung-Ii Yamên were asked to report.
The Decree founded on their Report states that agriculture is
the basis of the States' wealth, and that measures for its
revival are urgently needed. The provincial authorities are,
therefore, directed to examine all methods of cultivation,
whether Chinese or foreign, with a view to their adoption by
the people. … The Decree proceeds to promise rewards for
successful treatment of agricultural problems, and to direct
the translation and circulation in provincial Colleges of
foreign works on the subject.

"Two Decrees, published on the 27th June and 5th July, have
reference to reforms in the Chinese army, but they throw no
light on the nature of them, and merely refer certain
suggestions to various Departments for examination. The last
Decree I shall mention, which appeared on the 5th instant,
contains a very frank admission of the need of reforms. It
states that in foreign countries commerce and industry thrive
and progress, while in China, though there is no lack of
ability, it is fettered in the bonds of ancient custom, and
cannot free itself. As one means of assisting in its
liberation it is ordained that any persons producing 'new
books' (presumably books that show originality of thought), or
being the first to use new methods, or to produce new
instruments or appliances suitable for use, are to receive
rewards from the State in the shape either of official
employment, if they are fitted for it, or of some other
distinction. In the case of inventions a certificate will be
given, and the profits secured to the inventor for a fixed
term of years—in fact patent rights will be granted. Rewards
will also be given to those who, with their own resources,
establish colleges, open up mines, or set up arsenals for the
manufacture of rifles and cannon. In conclusion, the Tsung-li
Yamên are directed to draw up Regulations for effecting the
above objects."

The zeal of the reforming movement was kept alive and its
authors held their ground throughout the summer, and nearly to
the end of September. On the 17th of that month, Sir Claude
MacDonald wrote to Lord Salisbury: "Imperial Decrees intended
to launch China on the path of reform continue to appear,
though there are few signs of any of them taking practical
effect. The Emperor is evidently learning that it is one thing
to issue a reform Edict and another to get it obeyed. Not long
ago a Decree was issued, the object of which was to make the
Throne more accessible to the subordinate portion of the
official world. At the beginning of this month a case was
brought to His Majesty's notice, in which the Board of
Ceremonies disobeyed this Decree by refusing to transmit a
 Memorial sent in by a Secretary. He was much enraged, and
forthwith cashiered the six head officials of the Board, that
is to say, the two Presidents and four Vice-Presidents.

"On the 12th instant he followed this up by a fresh Decree

dwelling on the circumstances and reiterating his previous
instructions. Memorials were to be presented as they came in,
it being of the highest importance, in the present critical
state of public affairs, that all such communications should
be examined as soon as possible. Obstruction and delay were to
be punished with the utmost rigour, and special commands were
given that the previous Edicts on reform, all of which were
enumerated, were to be hung up in a public place in each Yamên
throughout the Empire, so that no one should be ignorant of
their contents.
{93}
Not satisfied with all this, he issued, also on the 12th
instant, a long and remarkable Decree calling attention to the
advantages of Western methods, and inveighing against
degenerate officials and conservative Ministers, who not only
could not assist him in adopting their methods, but spread
reports instead calculated to disturb the minds of the people.
He wanted his subjects to know that they 'could depend on
their Prince,' and appealed to them to make China powerful by
working for reform with 'united minds.' The previous orders
were amplified, and the privilege of memorializing the Throne,
which formerly stopped at officers of a high rank, is now
extended to practically every soul in the Empire.

"Next day, the 13th September, another Decree repeated the

terms of the above in clearer detail, and laid down precisely
the procedure each class was to observe in making itself
heard. The severest penalties were threatened should there be
any interference with the free exercise of this privilege by
the high officers of Government, who were commanded to report
by telegram the steps they were taking to fulfil the Imperial
wishes. The series of Decrees above quoted are naturally
 creating a great commotion in the Chinese official world, and
it will be interesting to note their effect."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1899, page 179-279.

The effect was soon known. It was one which brought the
reformers to grief and their reforms to an end.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (September).

Overthrow of the Reformers.
Subjugation of the Emperor by the Empress-Dowager.
His countermanding decrees.

The Imperial reformer announced the downfall of his own

authority on the 21st of September, in the following
significant decree:

"The affairs of the nation are at present in a difficult

position, and everything awaits reform. I, the Emperor, am
working day and night with all my powers, and every day
arrange a multitude of affairs. But, despite my careful toil,
I constantly fear to be overwhelmed by the press of work. I
reverently recall that Her Majesty the Empress Dowager has on
two occasions since the reign of Tung Chih (1861) assumed the
reins of Government with great success in critical periods. In
all she did Her Majesty showed perfection. Moved by a deep
regard for the welfare of the nation, I have repeatedly
implored Her Majesty to be graciously pleased to advise me in
government, and have received her assent. This is an assurance
of prosperity to the whole nation, officials and people. Her
Majesty will commence to transact business from to-day in the
side Hall. On the 23rd September, I, the Emperor, will lead my
princes and high officials to make obeisance in the Ch'in
Chêng Hall. Let the proper officials reverently and carefully
prepare the fitting programme of the ceremony."
On the 25th he announced: "Since the 4th moon, I, the Emperor,
have been frequently ailing in health, and in spite of
long-continued treatment there is still no great improvement.
Should there be any persons, either in the capital or the
provinces, who are highly skilled in the treatment of disease,
let the officials at once recommend them to the throne and
await our orders. Should such men be in the provinces let them
be sent to the capital without the least delay."

On the 26th the unfortunate Emperor was made to send forth

another decree, countermanding the greater part of the orders
he had been giving, on the pretext that they had been
misunderstood and badly carried out. The obstructive offices
which he had abolished were restored; the permission given to
scholars and people to present memorials was withdrawn. "The
original purpose," said the decree, "was that we should see
with the eyes and hear with the ears of everybody, but the
Court has now opened wide the path of access to the throne,
and if there are useful proposals for reform made in the
statements of any of the different classes of officials they
are bound to be observed at once and set into operation. At
present, careless documents all alike in character pour in.
All are full of frivolous statements, some even touch on the
extravagant, and all are much wanting in order. Hereafter all
officers whose duty it is to speak shall say what they have to
say in fitting language. In accordance with the prescribed
rules, persons or officers who are not competent to
memorialize the throne are not permitted to submit sealed
documents. The 'Times,' official newspaper, is of no benefit
to good government and will vainly disturb men's minds: let it
be abolished at once. The Imperial colleges will be ground for
the cultivation of talent. Apart from those which are already
being gradually established in Peking and the provincial
capitals, let the local officials in all prefectures and
districts where it is proposed to establish minor colleges
consider the local conditions and the convenience of the
people. Let the temples [which were to have been turned into
 colleges] in the provinces remain as before; there is no need
to make colleges of them and disturb the feelings of the
people. Over and above the matters above mentioned, there are
others which have been duly considered and put into operation,
and others which are under consideration, such as trade,
agriculture, reorganization of the army, and the development
of resources, all of which are of undoubted consequence to the
State and the people, and must imperatively be introduced
gradually. Those measures which are of no benefit to the
present system of government, and are detrimental to the
Constitution, need not be discussed. Let the six Boards and
the Tsung-li Yamên make an investigation of these matters,
consider them with special care, and submit a report to the
throne so that they may be dealt with."

The events which attended and followed these decrees were

reported by Sir Claude MacDonald on September 28, as follows:
"The Decree [of the 21st] naturally created much excitement in
Peking, and rumours of impending disaster to the most prominent
of the advocates of reform were prevalent. Subsequent
proceedings justified the alarm and assumed the character of a
coup d'etat. The same day the house of Chang Yin-huan was
surrounded by the police in search of one K'ang Yu-wei. This
K'ang Yu-wei is a Chinese scholar of high repute who was,
until lately, editor of a Chinese newspaper in Shanghae known
as 'Progress.' He was a strong advocate of reform, and was
this year recommended to the Emperor, and on his arrival in
Peking was given a position of Secretary in the Board of
Works. He is said to have acquired great influence over the
Emperor, and to have been his adviser in his recent reform
measures. K'ang Yu-wei could not be found, and it has
subsequently transpired that he has escaped and left Shanghae
on the 27th in the English mail for Hong Kong.
{94}
So keen was the hunt for him that on the 22nd all traffic was
stopped on the Tien-tsin Railway line to prevent his passage.
On the 24th instant orders were issued for the arrest of
several officials who had been in relation with him, including
Chang Yin-huan and Hsü Chih-ch'ing. The latter had recommended
K'ang to the throne, and had been recently appointed President of
the Board of Rites. Chang Yin-huan went to the Board of
Punishments and has remained a prisoner since. The precise
charge against K'ang and his friends has not transpired, but
it is supposed to be one of conspiracy against the liberty and
even the life of the Empress Dowager.

"It was reported on the 25th that Chang was to be executed the
same evening or early next morning, and I thought it advisable
to make an appeal on his behalf for at least due consideration
of any charge brought against him. The report reached me late
in the afternoon, and it was therefore necessary to take
prompt measures. It was supposed that Li Hung-chang had been
consulted by the Empress Dowager in the matter. I accordingly
addressed a letter to his Excellency pointing out the horror
with which such sudden executions were regarded by all Western
nations, and the bad effect the secret and hasty condemnation
of an official of Chang's rank, who was so well known in
Europe, would produce, and begged his Excellency to use what
influence he possessed to prevent such hurried action. I
concluded my letter by saying that I appealed to him, Li,
because he was the only Statesman now in Peking who was
conversant with European methods, and would, therefore,
thoroughly realize the disastrous impression which such a
summary execution would produce throughout the Western world.
It is well known that Li Hung-chang and Chang Yin-huan are
deadly enemies, and it was generally reported that Chang's
imprisonment was due to Li. The Grand Secretary replied saying
that he highly respected my generous and humane motives, and
he assured me that no summary action would be taken."

On the 30th Sir Claude reported: "Six of the reformers

referred to in my despatch of the 28th September were executed
on the 28th instant. They included a brother of K'ang Yu-wei,
the chief reformer, and, though subordinates, all were
 graduates and men of standing. Chang Yin-huan has been
banished to Chinese Turkestan, where he is to be kept under
rigorous surveillance. No precise crime is charged against
him. The Edict announcing his punishment accuses him vaguely
of being treacherous, fickle, and a sycophant. Last night a
long Decree appeared dealing with the so-called conspiracy.
K'ang Yu-wei is declared to have taken advantage of the
Emperor's leaning towards beneficial reforms to plot a
revolution, which was to be opened by surrounding the Palace
at Wan Shoushan and seizing the Empress-Dowager and the
Emperor. The haste in executing K'ang's chief accomplices, for
it appears that the legal formalities had not been observed,
is admitted to have been caused by Memorials, whose dominant
note was fear of a revolution if punishment was delayed."

Great Britain,
Papers by Command: China,
Number 1, 1899, pages 291-294.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (October).

The Empress-Dowager.
Her past career.
Her character.

The Empress-Dowager, so called, who now recovered her

ascendancy over the weak young Emperor, which the reformers
had momentarily overcome, and who became again the real
Sovereign of the Empire, as she had been for the past thirty
years, "was never Empress, not even as imperial consort,
having been but the secondary wife of Hsien-fêng, the Emperor
who fled from his capital on the approach of the Anglo-French
forces in 1860 [see, in volume 1, CHINA: A. D. 1856-1860]. But
she took the title as the mother of that ill-starred monarch's
heir, in which capacity she was allowed to share with the
widow proper the regency during the minority of the Emperor
Tung-Chih (or Che, for there is no agreement as to the
transliteration of Chinese sounds). … The female duumvirate
was not what was intended—was in fact an unforeseen result of
the last will and testament of the Emperor Hsien-fêng, who
died at his hunting lodge at Jêho, whither he himself had been
hunted by the victorious invaders. …

"The fundamental law of the Ta-tsing dynasty is the Salic law.

No woman and no eunuch can ever reign or rule. Conforming to
the laws of his house, the Emperor in his will nominated a
Council of Regency during the minority of his infant son,
afterwards known as the Emperor Tung-Chih. The Council was
composed of two imperial princes and the Minister Sun-che. To
his two wives, the true but childless one and the secondary
one who was mother of the Prince Imperial, he bequeathed the
guardianship of the infant. The Emperor placed his real
confidence in the first, the legal wife; but he was fond of
the other, the mother of his heir. A serious dilemma thus
confronted him, which he thought to evade by placing in the
hands of the Empress a private and personal testament, giving
her absolute authority over her colleague, only to be
exercised, however, in certain emergencies. As a matter of
fact, the power was never called into exercise.

"The Empress-mother was twenty-seven years old, clever,

ambitious, and apparently fearless. … She conceived a scheme
by which the position might be reversed, and confided it to
her brother-in-law, Prince Kung. … The ambition which the
Empress-mother confided to Prince Kung was nothing less than
to suppress the Council of Regency, and set up in its place
the authority of the two Empresses. Inasmuch, however, as they
were ignorant of affairs, and women to boot, the Prince
himself was to be the real executive and de facto ruler of the
empire. Prince Kung yielded to the seduction, and thus became
accessory to the violation of the dynastic law. … The Regents
were returning from the obsequies of the deceased Emperor when
Prince Kung launched trumped-up charges against them of
neglect of certain funeral rites, had them arrested on the
road, and executed. By this summary violence the two Empresses
 were securely established as Regents, with Prince Kung as
Chancellor of the empire. For a few years things went
smoothly. … The two Regents seldom met. … From the relative
position of the buildings in which they had their respective
apartments, the ladies were known as the Eastern and Western
Empresses, the former being the title commonly applied to the
one whom we have termed the true Empress. …

{95}

"The 'Eastern Empress' was full of gentleness, meditation, and

widowhood. … She was, therefore, unequally yoked with her
sterner sister, and the pair could never have really worked
together to any practical end. The eclipse of the weaker
luminary was only a question of time. … The life and death of
the young Emperor Tung-Chih, the son of Hsien-fêng and the
present Empress-regnante, seems little more than an episode in
the career of his imperial—and imperious—mother. He died
within two years of his full accession, removed by his own
mother as some would have us believe, but by quite other
agencies as others no less boldly affirm. … With the
disappearance of her son, the last plank in the legal platform
of the Empress-mother disappeared. But her appetite had grown
by what it fed upon. She had now had fourteen years' schooling
in statecraft, and she resolved that, 'per fas et nefas,'
reign who might, she would govern. … The story of her second
coup d'etat of January, 1875, has been often related,—how the
Empress so-called caused her own sister's child to be snatched
out of its warm bed on a bitter night and conveyed into the
Palace, whence he was proclaimed Emperor at daybreak. By this
stroke the Regent at once aggrandised her own family, made a
friend of a younger brother-in-law, the father of the child,
to replace the elder who had become an enemy, and, to sum up
all, secured for herself a new lease of power. For she who
could thus make an emperor could also make a regent."

The Empress-Regent of China

 (Blackwood's Magazine, November 1898).

CHINA: A. D. 1898. (October-November).

Outbreaks of popular hostility to foreigners.
Guards for the Legations sent to Peking.
Chinese troops removed.

The palace revolution which overthrew the reforming party was

followed quickly by outbreaks of popular hostility to
foreigners. Two messages were cabled to Lord Salisbury from
Peking October 1st. One informed him: "A Chinese mob at a
point between Peking and the railway station yesterday
afternoon violently assaulted several foreigners who had to
pass that way from the train. Among those assaulted was Mr.
Mortimore of this Legation, and an English lady, who were
severely attacked with mud and stones; a member of the United
States' Legation had one of his ribs broken. There is a
decided spirit of disturbance among the Chinese, though the
fact that many bad characters were about yesterday in
consequence of the mid-autumn festival may go some way towards
accounting for these outrages. I have requested Admiral
Seymour by telegraph to despatch a vessel to Taku, in case a
guard should be required for the protection of this Legation,
and I am making strong representations to the Tsung-li Yamên."

In his second despatch the British Minister announced: "I do

not anticipate any danger, but a good and reassuring effect
will be produced, as after the Japanese war, by the presence
of a guard. The foreign Representatives decided this morning
to send for a small guard to protect the respective Legations.
I have asked Admiral Seymour to send me twenty-five marines
with a machine-gun. The German, Russian, Japanese, and Italian
Representatives had previously arranged for their guards."

On the 5th, Sir Claude MacDonald reported: "A meeting of

foreign Representatives yesterday decided to notify the
Chinese Government of the proposed departure from Tien-tsin
for Peking to-morrow of bodies of British, German, and Russian
marines, and to ask that all facilities, including a special
train, should be extended to them by the Chinese authorities;
the French, American, Japanese, and Italian marines to come
straight on to Peking on their arrival at Tien-tsin. The
meeting was held in consequence of the refusal of the Viceroy
of Chihli to permit any foreign soldiers to leave Tien-tsin
for Peking without special permission from the Tsung-li Yamên.
It is very likely that the Chinese Government will make a
protest similar to that of 1895, but it would be very
ill-advised at the present crisis to give way to their
protests, and it is absolutely necessary that the decision of
the foreign Representatives should be put into effect."

The Chinese government did protest, but without effect. The

legation guards were insisted upon, and, as speedily as
possible, they were provided from the war-ships of the several
powers, and quartered in Peking. Then the Chinese authorities
brought troops to the capital, and the sense of danger at the
legations grew. On the 25th of October Minister MacDonald
cabled to London: "A serious menace to the safety of Europeans
is the presence of some 10,000 soldiers, who have come from
the Province of Kansu, and are to be quartered in the hunting
park, two miles south of Peking. A party of these soldiers
made a savage assault on four Europeans (including Mr. C. W.
Campbell, of this Legation), who were last Sunday visiting the
railway line at Lukou Chiao. The foreign Ministers will meet
this morning to protest against these outrages. I shall see
the Yamên to-day, and propose to demand that the force of
soldiers shall be removed to another province, and that the
offenders shall be rigorously dealt with."

On the 29th he telegraphed again: "The Foreign Representatives

met yesterday, and drafted a note to the Yamên demanding that
the Kansu troops should be withdrawn at once. The troops in
question have not been paid for some months, and are in a
semi-mutinous state. They have declared their intention to
 drive all Europeans out of the north of China, and have cut
the telegraph wires and destroyed portions of the railway line
between Lukouchiao and Pao-ting Fu. Some disturbances have
been caused by them on the railway to Tien-tsin, but the line
has not been touched, and traffic has not been interrupted. In
the city here all is quiet. The presence of these troops in
the immediate vicinity of Peking undoubtedly constitutes a
serious danger to all Europeans. The Yamên gave me a promise
that the force should be removed, but have not yet carried it
into effect."

On the 6th of November he reported that the Yamên had replied

to the note of the Diplomatic Body, acknowledging that the
troops lacked discipline and were a source of danger, and
again promising their removal, but that nothing had been done.
He added: "It was decided unanimously to address a note to the
Yamên, stating that if the troops in question were not
withdrawn by the 11th instant, our respective Governments
would adopt such measures as they considered necessary for the
protection during the winter months of foreigners in Peking and
Tien-tsin."

{96}

After several more exchanges of notes between the Diplomatic

Body and the Yamên, peremptory on one side, apologetic on the
other, the troops were removed to Chi-chow, about 80 miles
east of Peking, beginning their march November 15. A few days
previously Sir Claude MacDonald had been able to report "That
two of the ringleaders in the attack on Mr. Campbell and other
Europeans at Lu Kow-chiao [announced in despatch of October
25] were brought into Peking and flogged in Mr. Campbell's
presence at the Yamên of the Governor of the city on the 29th
October. The men were sentenced to 1,000 blows each, but Mr.
Campbell, after eighty blows had been inflicted, begged that
the flogging might cease. It turned out that two other
soldiers were struck by bullets from a small revolver, which
 was used by one of the railway engineers in self-defence, and,
chiefly for this reason, I did not press for more floggings.

"I attached more importance to the punishment of the officer

in command, who, it appears, had been warned beforehand by the
railway authorities to keep his men away from the railway
bridge, but had refused to do so. I consider him the person
really responsible for what happened, and at an interview on
the 31st October I told the Yamên that I should not be
satisfied, and the incident would not be closed, until I saw
his degradation published in the official Gazette. On the 4th
November an Imperial Decree was issued ordering this officer,
a Colonel named Chu Wan-jung, to be handed over to the Board
of War for punishment. The Ministers inform me that this is
likely to mean his degradation. I have, however, again warned
their Excellencies that nothing short of this punishment will
be satisfactory to Her Majesty's Government."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1899, pages 258-279, and 332.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (December).

Reorganization of Chinese armies.
Reception by the Empress-Dowager to
the ladies of the Legations.

On the 20th of December Sir Claude MacDonald reported: "The

reorganization of the land forces in the north appears to be
occupying the serious attention of the Central Government. In
the early half of this month Edicts were issued by the Empress
Dowager approving proposals made by Jung Lu, who was appointed
Generalissimo of northern armies immediately after the K'ang
Yü-wei conspiracy. The following are the principal features of
these proposals. The armies under the command of Sung Ch'ing
and others, that is to say all the brigaded troops in North
China, are to be organized in four corps—front, rear, right,
and left—to occupy different strategical points. In addition,
Jung Lu will raise a centre corps of 10,000 men, to be
stationed presumably in or about Peking. … The importance of
bringing the other four corps into an efficient state is dwelt
upon, and the Edicts are stern in demanding the production of
sufficient funds for the purpose. The Viceroy of Chihli is
also instructed to closely scrutinize the condition of the
Peiyang drilled troops—formerly Li Hung-chang's army—and bring
them into order. They are to be under the orders of Jung Lu,
instead of the Viceroy.

"The Viceroys responsible for the Arsenals of North and Mid

China are also commanded to see to the immediate construction
of quick-firing guns and Mauser rifles and other war material,
and to the preparation of maps of the coast-line for military
purposes. Jung Lu has done nothing yet towards raising the
centre corps beyond calling in the assistance of a
German-educated officer named Yin Ch'ang, who holds a post in
the Tien-tsin Military Academy. He is reputedly able, and
probably one of the best Chinese available for the work, but I
question whether he will be given sufficient powers of
control. He is now engaged in drawing up a scheme."

Bearing the same date as the above, we find a despatch from

Sir Claude MacDonald descriptive of a reception given by the
Empress-Dowager, on the 13th, to the wives of the foreign
representatives at Peking, "to accept their congratulations on
the occasion of Her Imperial Majesty's birthday." "The
ceremony," said the British Minister, "passed off extremely
well. The Empress Dowager made a most favourable impression by
her courtesy and affability. Those who went to the Palace
under the idea that they would meet a cold and haughty person
of strong imperious manners were agreeably surprised to find
Her Imperial Majesty a kind and courteous hostess, who
displayed both the tact and softness of a womanly
disposition." "Thus ended," writes Sir Claude, in closing his
despatch, "the incident which may be considered to mark
another step in the nearer relations of China and foreign
 nations."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1900, pages 12-15.

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899.
Rioting in Shanghai consequent on
French desecration of a cemetery.
French demand for extension of settlement ground in Shanghai.
English and American protests.
The outcome.

On the 18th of July, 1898, the following was reported by the

British Consul-General at Shanghai:

"Serious rioting took place in the French Settlement on the

16th und the morning of 17th instant, in the course of which
some fifteen natives lost their lives. The disturbance was due
to an attempt of the French authorities to take possession of
certain temple land known as the Ningpo Joss-house Cemetery.
The ground is full of graves, and it is also used for
depositing coffins until a favourable opportunity presents
itself for removing them to the native districts of the
deceased. The cemetery is within the limits of the French
Settlement; originally it was far removed from the inhabited
portion of the Settlement, but by degrees new streets have
been laid out, and houses have been built, until the cemetery
is surrounded by dwellings.

"Twenty-four years ago the French Municipality attempted to

make a road through the cemetery, but such serious rioting
broke out that the French Consul thought it prudent to abandon
his claim to the ground, and gave the Ningpo Guild to
understand that they would be left in undisturbed possession.
As years have gone on, the nuisance of having a cemetery in
the midst of a crowded Settlement has made itself more and
more felt, and some months ago the French Municipal Council
 decided to expropriate the owners and to pay them
compensation. The Ningpo Guild and the Chinese authorities
were duly apprised of the intention, and they were urged to
make their own arrangements for removing the coffins to some
other site.
{97}
They would not admit that the French had any right to
dispossess them, and they refused to vacate the land. The
French Consuls then gave the Chinese officials notice that the
Municipal Council would take possession on a certain day; and
as the day drew near the Taotai became very uneasy, and
appealed to the Foreign Consuls to interfere in the matter,
giving hints that serious rioting and loss of life, would
result if the French Consul persisted in his intentions.

"On the morning of the 16th, the day appointed for taking
possession of the cemetery, a detachment from the French
cruiser 'Éclaireur' and a strong body of police marched to the
cemetery, and afforded protection to the workmen who were told
off to make a breach in the cemetery wall by way of taking
possession. An angry mob watched these operations, and, as
time went on, the streets filled with crowds of men, who moved
about making hostile demonstrations, but the French showed great
self-restraint, and no serious collision took place on that
day. All night long the crowds filled the streets, and many
lamps were smashed and lamp-posts uprooted.

"Early on Sunday morning a determined attack was made by the

mob on one of the French police-stations, and when the small
body of men within saw that their lives were in danger, they
opened fire. About the same time the police and the
'Éclaireur's' men attacked bands of rioters in other quarters,
with the result that on Sunday morning, as far as can be
ascertained, fifteen men were shot dead or bayoneted, and
about forty were seriously wounded. After that the rioters
seemed to have become intimidated for a time, and the streets
were left to the police. Meanwhile many of the shops in both