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Brepols Library of Christian Sources
Patristic and Medieval Texts with English Translations
The cry ‘ad fontes!’ has been a constant among theologians of every
variety since the mid-twentieth century. This is no simple process. Each
generation needs to engage with the ancient and medieval sources
afresh in a great act of cultural, intellectual, and linguistic translation.
More than reproducing an historical artefact or transferring it into a
new linguistic code, it requires engaging in a dialogue with the text.
EDITORIAL BOARD
Translated by
Joey McCollum and Brent Niedergall
F
Cover image: Ebstorfer Mappa mundi © Kloster Ebstorf.
Used with permission.
D/2022/0095/153
ISBN 978-2-503-60016-1
eISBN 978-2-503-60017-8
ISSN 2736-6901
e-ISSN 2736-691X
DOI 10.1484/M.BLCS-EB.5.128870
Abbreviations7
Introduction9
Date9
Authorship9
Contents9
Interpretation and Exegesis 13
Translation15
Acknowledgements17
Bibliography103
Index105
Scripture105
Subjects108
Persons Mentioned in the Text 109
Ancient and Modern Authors 110
Abbreviations
Date
The Acts of John is a second or third-century work belonging to the genre of apocryphal
acts narratives. It was most likely composed of “floating” traditions from multiple
sources of varying levels of orthodoxy.1 Thus, it comes as no surprise that both
Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 3.25.6–7) and Augustine (Ep. 237) labeled the work heretical.2
While these patristic references allow us to place the composition of the work no
later than the fourth century, there are few clues that allow us to date it with any
further precision. A reference to the third Temple of Artemis suffering damage or
destruction (c. 42) is, unfortunately, of little help, because the date of the temple’s
final destruction is unknown.
Authorship
Contents
Ascertaining the original text of the Acts of John is no easy task. An early description
in the Stichometry of Nicephorus measured its length at 2500 stichoi, the approximate
length of the Gospel of Matthew.4 Unfortunately, the textual tradition of the Acts
of John has seen numerous interpolations and redactions of entire passages, so even
verifying the length of the work is out of reach. The chapters that have survived are
not preserved entirely in any one manuscript, so scholars have had their work cut
out for them sorting out all of the material.
In this translation, we follow the reconstruction from the critical text of Junod
and Kaestli (1983). A brief overview of the contents can be found in Table 1 below.
Table 1: Overview of the extant contents of the Acts of John, following the critical reconstruction of
Junod and Kaestli (1983). The common sigla for the manuscripts of the Acts of John are used in the
“Primary witnesses” column; more detailed descriptions of the manuscripts can be found in Junod
and Kaestli (1–107) and Elliott (303–06, 310–11). The chapter numbers are those of Junod and
Kaestli.
106–15 Three Greek recensions and several Drusiana and Callimachus; John’s
ancient-language translations farewell address and departure (also
called the Metastasis)
Even the text as reconstructed above is fragmentary, with multiple gaps separating
the sections. The original beginning (preceding what is c. 18 in Bonnet’s numbering)
is likely lost to history, and the chapters numbered 1–17 by Bonnet are now deemed
to be secondary.5 The pericope of the healing in the theater has been truncated at
c. 36, and the subsequent story detailing the conversion of Andronicus is missing, as
are the introduction of Andronicus’ wife Drusiana and the stories of her resurrection
and conversion between cc. 36 and 87.
A gap is also present between c. 105 and c. 37, which Junod and Kaestli suspect
contained many lost pericopes. The only Greek manuscript extant at c. 105 (C)
5 Elliott, 304.
i nt ro d u ct i o n 11
concludes with a doxology, as its text ends here. Other gaps surely included stories
of John’s travels before he met Antipatros (between c. 55 and c. 56) and his travels
to Smyrna and the surrounding cities (between c. 57 and c. 58). Based on the incipit
of c. 58, this gap also included a trip to Laodicea.
Several other isolated accounts can be found in the tradition of the Acts of John,
but these are believed to be later accretions to the text (and as such are not translated
here). In one part of the tradition (manuscript Q), the story of John and the partridge
takes the place of the story concerning the sons of Antipatros (cc. 56–57); while
many editors prefer the former pericope, Junod and Kaestli consider the latter to be
original (25, 145–58), and Elliott (326–27) prints both. Three other pericopes, which
detail John’s intercession for a priest ensnared in sin, John’s turning hay to gold, and
John’s encounter with the devil in the form of a soldier, are only fully preserved in a
fifteenth-century Irish manuscript, but Junod and Kaestli note that the fourth-century
Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 850 appears to attest to some early form of the first and third
of these pericopes (109–36).
It is debated whether the sections showing a more Valentinian Gnostic or docetic
influence (specifically, the sections in cc. 87–105 preserved in manuscript C) were
interpolated, or if they were original to the work. As we discuss in more detail in the
next section, traces of Valentinian theology may be identified outside of cc. 87–105, so
the hypothesis of the originality of these chapters may be viable. In any event, Junod
and Kaestli retain these chapters in their critical text, so we have translated them here.
Due to discrepancies in the textual tradition and in editors’ judgment, the chapter
numbering of the Acts of John has accumulated discrepancies of its own from edition
to edition. For the convenience of the reader, we detail the differences between major
editions in Table 2 below.6
6 The editors wish to acknowledge that they are aware of Richard Pervo’s 2001 criminal charges
and subsequent conviction for possessing and distributing child pornography. We unequivocally
condemn this behavior and wish to clarify that Pervo’s work is cited where necessary because it is the
most recent English translation of the Acts of John of which we are aware.
12
Table 2: Chapter numbering differences across editions of the Acts of John. Since most editions since Bonnet have used his chapter numbering
as a basis, the rows are keyed to chapter numbers in his sequence. Specifically, the first row for cc. 56–57 corresponds to the pericope of John
and the partridge, while the second row corresponds to the pericope of the sons of Antipatros. A dash indicates that a given edition lacks the
chapters in question. The 1880 edition of Zahn is not included, as it does not number the chapters of the Acts of John. The present translation
follows the numbering of Junod and Kaestli’s 1983 edition.
in tro ducti o n
Bonnet, 1898 James, 1924 Junod and Kaestli, 1983 Elliott, 1993 Pervo, 2015
1–17 – – – –
37a 37a 36b 36b (Unnumbered, included in note
after 36)
89a 89a 88b 88b 88b
(56*–57*) (Unnumbered, included in note – 56A–57A –
after 55)
– – 56–57 56B–57B 56–57
87–105 87–105 Keep numbering of 87–105, but Keep numbering of 87–105, but Keep numbering of 87–105, but
relocate after 36 relocate after 36 relocate after 36
106a 106a 106a 86b 106a
111a 111a 110b 111a 110b
Interpretation and Exegesis
The Acts of John features many citations and allusions to texts from the Old Testament
and Gospels, as well as several potential references to New Testament epistles and
deuterocanonical texts. (For convenience, we have highlighted all suspected allusions and
citations in our footnotes.) Through its interpretation of these scriptures and through its
own narrative, the Acts of John offers a window into early Christian belief and practice.
Some the practices and beliefs expressed in the Acts of John would later wane in
popularity. Fasting is described as an act representative of spiritual maturity (c. 29)
and Christian community (c. 84). On multiple occasions, the protagonists of the
narrative exemplify the virtues of celibacy, even within marriage (see cc. 34, 68, and
113). In general, the author of the Acts of John holds a low view of the body, associating
it with corruptibility and death (cc. 29, 35, 77, 84), and a high view of the spirit,
praising those who endure physical hardship in faith and deny earthly “obstacles,”
including children and parents (cc. 34, 68–69).
These general beliefs occasionally venture into the territory of unorthodox
theology. A docetic view of Christ (i.e., that his physical nature was not real, but merely
apparent) is clearly expressed throughout cc. 87–105 (the section preserved exclusively
in manuscript C), and in connection with this view, we see a strong emphasis on the
polymorphism of Christ in the same section.7 The theology of cc. 94–104 has been
connected with Gnosticism, and more specifically with Valentinian Gnosticism.8 We
find an explicit mention of the Ogdoad and potential references to specific Aeons,
as well as the Valentinian concept of the cross as a limit (ὅρος) separating upper and
lower realms of existence and the rejection of Jesus’ physical suffering common to
Gnostic literature. In light of the content of this section, the very setting of John’s
revelation concerning the cross takes on the character of a Gnostic initiation.
Yet while the rest of the Acts of John seems to assume a far more orthodox theology
than cc. 87–105, there are a few places in the main text where traces of docetic and
Valentinian ideas may also be found. Polymorphy is again attributed to Christ in
c. 82, and even to Satan in c. 70. The condemnation of Fortunatus in c. 84 also uses
terminology strongly reminiscent of Valentinian theology (for more detail, see our
notes in that chapter).9
7 For more on this subject, see Foster 2007 and Lalleman 1995.
8 Junod and Kaestli, 589–632; for more on these subjects, see Pagels 1979, Brakke 2010, and especially
Pagels 1973.
9 For an overview of similar Gnostic ideas found throughout the Acts of John and a discussion on how
the entirety of the Acts of John might be read through a Gnostic lens, see Luttikhuizen 1995.
14 in te r p r e tati o n an d e x eg e s i s
For this project, we were fortunate to have the shoulders of many giants available
for our feet. The Acts of John has a rich history of translation into various languages.
Even among English translations alone, the editions of James (1924), Elliott (1993),
Ehrman (2003), and Pervo (2015) are not exhaustive. For the facing-page Greek
text and the basis of our translation, we relied upon the critical edition of Junod
and Kaestli (1983), consulting other translations when we needed to compare their
handling of difficult passages. The critical apparatus and extensive commentary by
the editors made Junod and Kaestli’s work an indispensable resource at every stage
of the translation.
This translation was a collaborative effort of five students and independent
scholars. Blocks of chapters were assigned to team members for an initial translation.
Initial translations were reviewed in a second pass by another translator. For each
block, Joey McCollum performed a final pass to ensure stylistic consistency. Table 3
outlines our division of work.
Table 3: Division of chapters for first and second translation passes.
Our translation technique tends towards formal equivalency while preserving render-
ings that sound natural in English. Where possible, we sought to preserve wordplay
found in the original Greek (e.g., cc. 57, 84, 96, and 112). We used gender-inclusive
16 tr a n s l atio n
language, translating ἄνθρωπος as human or person by default, except where man was
warranted by context or style. In the context of the Eucharist, we translated ἄρτος as
loaf over against bread as long as this allowed for natural-sounding English.10 Hugh
A. G. Houghton’s work on prayer in the apocryphal acts provided helpful perspective
on the typical framing of prayers in early Christian literature.11 In general, we erred
on the side of verbosity, adding explanatory footnotes wherever we thought they
might be helpful; we sincerely hope that they serve their purpose.
10 O’Loughlin 2004.
11 See Houghton 2004.
Acknowledgements
We would like to extend our thanks to Prof. Thomas O’Loughlin for the opportunity
to contribute to this series and for his kind direction throughout the process, which
improved both the quality of this work and our quality as scholars.
Text and Translation
18. Ὁ δὲ Ἰωάννης ἠπείγετο εἰς τὴν Ἔφεσον ὑπὸ ὁράματος
κεκινημένος· ὁ οὖν Δαμόνικος καὶ ὁ συγγενὴς αὐτοῦ Ἀριστόδημος
καί τις πάνυ πλούσιος Κλεόβιος καὶ ἡ γυνὴ τοῦ Μαρκέλλου ἐπέσχον
αὐτὸν μόλις μιᾶς ἡμέρας ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ συναναπαυόμενοι αὐτῷ. Ὡς
δὲ ὑπὸ βαθὺν ὄρθρον ἐξῄεσαν καὶ ἤδη τῆς ὁδοῦ ἤνυστο ὡσεὶ μίλια
τέσσαρα, φωνὴ ἠνέχθη ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ πάντων ἡμῶν ἀκουόντων
λέγουσα· Ἰωάννη, μέλλεις ἐν Ἐφέσῳ δόξαν τῷ κυρίῳ σου διδόναι ἣν
εἴσῃ σὺ καὶ πάντες οἱ σὺν σοὶ ἀδελφοὶ καί τινες τῶν ἐκεῖ μελλόντων
διὰ σοῦ πιστεύειν. Ἐνενόει οὖν ὁ Ἰωάννης ἐν ἑαυτῷ ἀγαλλιώμενος
τί ἄρα ἦν τὸ μέλλον ἐν Ἐφέσῳ ἀπαντᾶν, λέγων· Κύριε, ἰδοὺ κατὰ
τὸ θέλημά σου βαδίζω· γενέσθω ὃ βούλει.
The truth was that her religion at that time was all
outward—a matter of forms and ceremonies, of fasts and
feasts. She made a merit of always using the right collect
on the right day, and never reading the Psalms but in their
appointed order; but to the spiritual treasures concealed in
those Psalms and collects, her eyes were not at that time
opened. This she has since told me herself.
"I cannot see him now. Perhaps I may after a time, but
at present it is impossible. Tell him that I agree to all you
have said, but I cannot see him."
All went off very well, only that Mr. Dobson, in his
absent-mindedness, said in the ceremony, "That which God
hath put asunder, let no man join together," which
methought was an ill omen. But, indeed, it was but an ill-
omened affair from first to last. Betty looked very
handsome I must say, and so did her bridegroom.
Rosamond was glum and Margaret ill at case, while Andrew
was cold, black, and stiff as one of the stone pillars out on
the moor. My aunt, on the contrary, was as easy and as
much pleased as if everything had come about in the best
manner possible. But for her and for my lord, who exerted
himself in the most amiable way, it would have been a sour
wedding-party.
"So you say now; but how will it be when you are
among the gallants of Stanton Court?" said Andrew.
"Confess, now; has not the prospect of shining there some
share in your decision?"
All was done at last, and we bade farewell with all the
kindness in the world. Betty was not there, having gone
with her husband to Allinstree. We set out in pleasant
weather, and arrived safely at our journey's end.
CHAPTER XV.
STANTON COURT.
I saw Mrs. Dinah shake her head and look grave upon
this, but I knew she had her full share of Cornish
superstitions. I myself thought the improvement in my
mother's health and spirits arose from the change of air and
scene, and from the enjoyment of cheerful company. I little
thought what was that joyful news she was soon to hear—
joyful to her, but sad beyond conception to me.
I bent over and kissed her, calling upon her name. She
opened her eyes with a look of unutterable tenderness, and
her lips moved. Then she drew one more sigh and all was
still.
Even then I could not believe it, and I would have them
try again and again to revive her, but soon the deathly chill
of the hand and brow and the white lips convinced even me,
and I suffered my lady to lead me away.
Mr. Penrose, the rector, came and prayed with me, and
as I was able to bear it, he talked with me in a gentle and
consoling way, which did me all the good in the world. He
was a dry-looking, quiet elderly man, a native of Cornwall,
and had remained in his parish through all the troubles and
changes of the civil wars. My lord was greatly attached to
him, though he thought him needlessly strict in some
matters. He was a fine scholar, and the best preacher I had
heard since I left France.
"I shall not like to spare her, that is the truth, my lady;
but if it is for the good of the school, I will not be selfish," I
replied. "I think the place is as well fitted for her as she is
for it, and I believe it will please her well to have a home of
her own."