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Full download The Fountain Light: Studies in Romanticism and Religion Essays in Honor of John L. Mahoney Robert J. Barth file pdf all chapter on 2024
Full download The Fountain Light: Studies in Romanticism and Religion Essays in Honor of John L. Mahoney Robert J. Barth file pdf all chapter on 2024
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The Fountain Light
The Fountain Light
Studies in Romanticism and Religion
In Honor of John L. Mahoney
edited by
J. ROBERT BARTH, S.J.
Preface ix
John L. Mahoney: A Profile xi
* * *
It has often been suggested that Romanticism of its very nature has
affinities with religious quest and spiritual values. These essays, ranging
from broad consideration of several Romantic writers to close readings
of individual poems, attempt to explore some of the many intersections
of Romanticism and religion.
David Perkins’ opening essay on religion and animal rights, which
considers a wide range of Romantic literature, is followed by six essays
on various aspects of religious experience in Wordsworth: Robert Kiely
on Wordsworth and St. Francis of Assisi; Dennis Taylor discussing the
re-emergence of the imagery of medieval Catholicism in his work;
David Leigh tracing some of Wordsworth’s religious rhetoric and im-
agery to the influence of William Cowper; Charles Rzepka on religious
dimensions of the early Prelude; John Anderson comparing the relig-
ious sonnets of Wordsworth with those of Felicia Hemans; and J. Rob-
ert Barth considering the influence of Wordsworth on the Jesuit poet
Gerard Manley Hopkins.
The next sequence of essays focuses on Coleridge: James Engell on
Coleridge’s discussions of the soul; Thomas Lloyd on the religious use
of ‘‘mythos’’ in Coleridge; Jonathan Mulrooney discussing the influ-
ence of Coleridge’s religious dissent on William Hazlitt’s ‘‘conversa-
tional style’’; Frederick Burwick on Coleridge and Thomas De Quincey
on the subject of miracles; and Philip Rule tracing the affinities be-
x PREFACE
* * *
Debts in the making of this book are many, and it is a pleasure to
acknowledge them here. First and foremost, I am deeply grateful for
the generous contribution of the essayists, who not only readily agreed
to contribute to this collection but bore patiently and generously with
the demands of the editor upon their time and attention.
Also very importantly, I want to acknowledge the extraordinary help
of my gifted research associate, Matthew VanWinkle, whose intelli-
gence and careful attention to detail contributed perhaps more than he
knows to the successful completion of this project and to the equanim-
ity of the editor.
For financial support, I am happy to express my gratitude to Dean
Michael A. Smyer, Dean of the Graduate School at Boston College,
and to the James P. McIntyre Research Fund. I am also grateful to
John L. Mahoney, Jr., who generously shared remembrances of his
father, and to Ben Birnbaum, Director of the Boston College Office of
Marketing Communication, for permission to quote from his article
on John Mahoney in the Boston College Magazine.
Earlier versions of two of the essays, ‘‘Wordsworth’s ‘Immortality
Ode’ and Hopkins’ ‘The Leaden Echo and the Golden Echo’: In Pur-
suit of Transcendence’’ and ‘‘Coleridge and De Quincey on Miracles’’
appeared in, respectively, Renascence and Christianity and Literature. I
am grateful to the editors of these journals for allowing earlier material
to be used here.
I cannot say enough about the generous support and encouragement
of Dr. Mary Beatrice Schulte, Executive Editor of Fordham University
Press, throughout the process of planning this book and bringing it to
completion. It has been evident throughout that her work with us has
been, as much as ours is, a tribute to John Mahoney.
For the rest, our deepest gratitude goes to our friend John Mahoney—
and to Ann—for blessing our lives with their friendship.
Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts J. R. B.
February 4, 2002
JOHN L. MAHONEY
A Profile
‘‘Attentive energy,’’ was the phrase Ben Birnbaum used of John Maho-
ney. And this is perhaps a phrase that could be used to characterize
every aspect of his life and work: his teaching, his scholarship, his ‘‘uni-
versity citizenship,’’ his remarkable gift for friendship, his beautiful de-
A PROFILE xv
votion to Ann and his family. John’s whole life, I suggest, is marked by
this quality, for—as Birnbaum puts it—‘‘an indefatigable interest in the
lives of others is a hallmark of his sensibility.’’ Whether it be his be-
loved family, his fortunate students, or such seemingly far-off figures
as Dr. Johnson and William Wordsworth, he brings to them all his
‘‘attentive energy,’’ his ‘‘indefatigable interest in the lives of others’’—
and his love. In return, we, his colleagues, students, and friends, offer
him—on behalf of so many more who love and respect him—this trib-
ute of our admiration and affection.
J.R.B.
1
see Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the
English Middle Class, 1780–1850 (London, 1987) 23–24.
3
An Apology for the Brute Creation, or, Abuse of Animals Censured; in a Sermon on
Proverbs xii 10, 2nd ed. (London, 1773) 27.
4
Quoted in Richard D. Ryder, Animal Revolution (Oxford, 1989) 67.
5
Three Discourses on the Case of the Animal Creation and the Duties of Man to Them
(London, 1816) v.
6
On this eighteenth-century development see Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural
World: Changing Attitudes in England, 1500–1800 (London, 1983) 36–192. The fol-
lowing books deal mainly with Victorian and modern developments, but have some
preliminary material on earlier periods: Ernest S. Turner, All Heaven in a Rage (New
York, 1965); Harriet Ritvo, The Animal Estate: The English and Other Creatures in the
Victorian Age (Cambridge, Mass., 1987); James Turner, Reckoning with the Beast: Ani-
mals, Pain, and Humility in the Victorian Mind (Baltimore, 1980); Hilda Kean, Animal
Rights: Political and Social Change in Britain since 1800 (London, 1998). Discussions
of poems on this topic include Dix Harwood, Love for Animals and How It Developed
in Great Britain (New York, 1928) and Dagobert De Levie, The Modern Idea of the
Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (New York, 1947). I have written on the complex
relation of certain poets and poems to the campaign on behalf of animals: ‘‘Cowper’s
Hares,’’ Eighteenth Century Life 20 (1996): 57–69; ‘‘Wordsworth and the Polemic
against Hunting: ‘Hart-leap Well,’ ’’ Nineteenth-Century Literature 52 (1998): 421–
445; ‘‘Compassion for Animals and Radical Politics: Coleridge’s ‘To a Young Ass,’ ’’
ELH 65 (1998): 929–944; ‘‘Sweet Helpston! John Clare on Badger Baiting,’’ Studies
in Romanticism 38 (1999): 387–407; ‘‘Animal Rights and ‘Auguries of Innocence,’ ’’
Blake Quarterly 33 (1999): 4–11.
RELIGION AND ANIMAL RIGHTS IN THE ROMANTIC ERA 3
were also claims that animals had natural rights and should be granted
legal ones. But though I adopt our contemporary term for its shorthand
convenience, my focus is the growing insistence that animals ought to
be treated kindly whether they have rights or not.
The sources of this changing attitude lie among cultural and social
developments familiar to all students of the period: sentimentalism; the
redescription of moral goodness to emphasize sympathy and kindness;
the idealization of external nature, of which animals are a part; scien-
tific discovery (partly through vivisection!) that the higher animals
closely resemble humans in their physiology and hence probably also
to some extent in their thought processes and passions; a growing mid-
dle class that was living in towns or cities and was not directly involved
in farming or financially dependent on it; the sense, within this social
group, of emerging from a Gothic past into modern civilization and
refinement, so that the gruesome blood-sports of the gentry and the
bull-baitings and cock-throwings of the populace seemed atavistic—
‘‘barbarian’’ was the common term for cruelties to animals; the spread
in all classes of pet keeping, with the result that animals were seen as
individuals, each with its life history, and on them were projected
human motives and characteristics. Perhaps also at this time a greater
modern sensitivity to pain began to emerge and a feeling that it is
anomalous. Certainly, the Utilitarian equation of pain with evil surfaces
in the most surprising places, for example in Mary Wollstonecraft’s
Original Stories from Real Life (1791), a book for children. ‘‘Do you
know the meaning of the word Goodness?’’ asks Mrs. Mason of Mary,
age fourteen, who has been chasing insects. ‘‘I will tell you. It is, first,
to avoid hurting any thing; and then, to contrive to give as much pleas-
ure as you can.’’7
Two hundred years ago arguments about animal rights referred ha-
bitually to religion. This, in fact, is the most striking difference in the
debates then and now, for otherwise the points made then were similar
to ours, pro and con. By religion I do not mean the churches, for
although individual clergymen spoke out, the various churches and
sects did not take a position on animal rights. The nearest thing to an
exception might be found in Methodism; Wesley impressed on his
preachers kindness to animals as a concern.8
7
Original Stories from Real Life (1791; facsimile Oxford and New York, 1990) 5.
8
Richard E. Brantley, Locke, Wesley, and the Method of English Romanticism (Gaines-
ville, 1984) 90.
4 THE FOUNTAIN LIGHT
The Bible, the dictated or inspired word of God, was also mute. It
was, of course, the ultimate source of religious authority for most mid-
dle-class persons, and was combed for instruction on how to treat ani-
mals. But the many pertinent texts were not harmonious; moreover,
they were subject to varying interpretations. Whoever wishes to know
just which passages could be cited can refer to the sermon by James
Plumptre mentioned earlier, which takes up almost all of them. Unde-
niably God had given man dominion over the animals (Genesis 1: 26),
but there was nothing to suggest that humans should be harsh or un-
caring. After the flood He had made his covenant not only with Noah
but with the animals also (Genesis 9: 12), and this surely implied His
concern for them. There were regulations in Deuteronomy (22: 4, 6)
that enjoined kindness to cattle and to nesting birds; Balaam’s ass
(Numbers 22: 21–34) had seen the angel when Balaam could not: Job
(17: 14) had said ‘‘to the worm, Thou art my mother, and my sister.’’
And so forth.
As an example of the earnestness and ingenuity brought to bear in
interpreting, we may view William Paley’s wrestling with the vegetar-
ian question: is it right for humans to eat animals? Meat eating was
often numbered among the consequences of Original Sin, an idea that
in no way increased pleasure at dinner. God had certainly authorized
our feeding on animals (Genesis 9: 3), but this had not been until after
the flood, and it was no less certain, as Paley read his Bible, that man
in paradise had lived only on vegetables (Genesis 1: 29). Might greens
be preferable in God’s eyes? Thus Paley was interested in knowing
what the antediluvians ate, those persons who had lived between the
Fall and the flood, and, so far as the Bible informs us, had not yet been
given permission to eat animals. ‘‘Whether they actually refrained from
the flesh of animals, is another question. Abel, we read, was a keeper
of sheep; and what purpose he kept them for, but to eat, is hard to say
(unless it were sacrifices): might not, however, some of the stricter sects
among them [the antediluvians] be scrupulous, as to this point; and
might not Noah and his family be of this description; for it is not
probable that God would publish a permission, to authorise a practice
which had never been disputed?’’9 Thus, inference from texts could not
inspire conviction. One could not plausibly cite Balaam’s ass, or
Christ’s riding an ass into Jerusalem (Mark 11: 1–7), or even his birth
in a stable, to educe God’s views on kindness to cattle.
9
The Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy, 2 vols. (London, 1785; reprint New
York, 1978) 84.
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CHAPTER II
OF AN INN. OF A MAN FROM FOREIGN PARTS
Upon this action, the innkeeper came forward fearfully, for he felt
that destruction threatened. When he had replenished the cup of his
remarkable guest, I was fain to observe its curious nature. Its mouth
was as wide as a bowl; and as the body which contained the wine
was in a right proportion to the rim, it had rather the appearance of a
pancheon than a cup of sherry. It was cast in silver, was gorgeously
chased, while its whole device was quaint and ingenious. Indeed, I
marvelled how one so poor as this innkeeper should have an article
of so much worth and beauty in his possession.
After the Englishman had fitted his mouth to the rim for so long a
period that he must have come near to looking upon the bottom, he
gave back the cup to the innkeeper, and ordered it to be refilled. It
was then handed to me, and I was invited to drink.
“That is if you can,” said he. “It is such a damnable liquor that
personally I hardly durst touch it. But I suspect your stomach is not
so proud as mine, you strong-toothed rogue. You see, we English
are a most delicate people.”
I drank a copious draught of the wine, which was excellent, or at
least my great thirst of the day had made it so. Then said the
Englishman, eyeing me with approval:
“Well, my young companion, and what do you think of the pot?”
“The pot is worthy of notice,” said I, examining its rare contexture.
“It has been admired in Europe, and it has been admired in Asia,”
said the Englishman. “That it merits attention I have been informed
by half the great world. For example, the Emperor Maximilian
broached a cask of Rhenish in its homage, and would, I doubt not,
have fallen as drunk as a Cossack, had it been possible for a great
crowned person to embrace these indecent courses. He offered me
a thousand guilders for that pot; but said I, ‘Honest Max’—I must tell
you, Spaniard, there is no crowned person of my acquaintancy for
whom I entertain a higher regard—‘honest Max,’ I said, ‘offer your
old gossip the Baltic ocean, the sun, the moon, and the most
particular stars of heaven, and that pot will still remain faithful to my
house.’ ‘Why, so, honest Dick?’ said the Emperor. ‘It is in this wise,
my old bully rook,’ said I, fetching him a buffet along the fifth rib with
a kindly cordiality, ‘that pot was given many years ago by the famous
Charlemagne to my kinsman, Sir Cadwallader Pendragon, for his
conduct upon the field of battle.’ ‘In that case, worthy Richard, friend
of my youth and beguiler of my maturity,’ said the Emperor,
embracing me with the greatest affection and filling my old sack cup
with gold dollars—all the dollars are gold in Turkey—‘I do not ask it
of you; let it remain an heirloom in your house.’ Therefore you will
see at once, good Spaniard, that this pot is in some sort historical.
And in all my travels I bear it at my saddle-bow; so whether I happen
to lie down with fleas in a villainous Spanish venta hard by to
purgatory; or whether I happen to sit at the right hand of potentates
in England, Germany, and France, I can take my sack as I like to
take it—that is, easily and copiously, with a proper freedom for the
mouth, and with a brim that’s wide enough to prevent the nose from
tapping against the sides.”
Curious as I had been from the first in regard to this strange
individual, the nature of his conversation rendered me more so. In
spite of his remarkable appearance, his costume might once have
been that of a person of condition, however lamentably it failed to be
so now; while his manners, although none of those of the great of my
own country, may yet have been accustomed to receive
consideration from the world. Therefore I said with a bow, “Good Sir
Englishman, under your worshipful indulgence I would make so bold
as to ask your name.”
Such a request seemed to give him great pleasure.
“That is a very proper question,” said he, “for my name happens to
be one that has been favourably mentioned in every nation of the
civilized globe.”
“Yes, sir, I feel sure of it,” said I; for as he spoke his dignity grew of
the finest nature.
“You ask my name, good Spaniard; well now, what do you think of
Richard Pendragon for a name?”
“A truly fine name,” said I, being led to this statement by the love of
politeness, although I am not sure that I did not feel it to be a very
barbarous name after all.
“Sir Richard Pendragon, knight; yes, by my hand, that’s a name! I
have seen Goths and Arabs turn pale at it; it has been embraced by
the foremost in valour; it has lain in the bed of queens. Yet the
bearer of that name is gentle enough, by my soul; for it is the name
of a good and true man, a simple knight, a valiant friend, a courteous
enemy; a humble-minded seeker of light who is addicted to reading
the stars and the works of nature. I have seen the wearer of this
most inimitable name wipe the blood of a Barbary pirate off his
sword with the hem of his pourpoint, and sit down and write a ballad.
I have never seen his superior in female company. You may well ask
my name, good Spaniard, for, without making a boast, which I abhor,
where shall you find such performance united to such simplicity,
such chaste austerity to such constancy in love? I tell thee,
Spaniard, had I not been nurtured in humility, had I not been
inducted to it by my sainted mother, even as the young kid is taught
to bleat by the reception of its milk, I must have been a boaster, for I
am of royal lineage, and the blood of kings flows under my doublet.”
“Hombre de dios!” I cried excitedly, for my own brains seemed
overmounted by his enthusiasm, “you have indeed a great name. I
would love to hear of those kings of whom you appear to be such a
worthy descendant.”
“This is a proper curiosity, my honest youth. The name of my father
is no less than Edward of England. I am his son, but not his heir. If
every man walked according to his merit, the royal offspring that
bespeaks you would have the crown of Great Britain tilted upon his
left eyebrow at an angle of forty-five degrees.”
“For what reason have you not, sir, if you are indeed the king’s son
and the crown is yours in the course of nature?”
“There was a little irregularity connected with my birth, which at the
time of its occurrence I was not in a situation to adjust.
Thenceforward a race of knaves and formalists have taken the wall
of honest Dick, and have placed another upon the throne of England.
But mark me, my son, the hour will strike when one who has grown
old in the love of virtue will make good his estate, for he can show a
line of kings upon both sides of his family. Upon the side of his dam
is one Uthyr Pendragon, and of the seed of him sprang Arthur, who
many years ago was a sovereign lord of Britain. It was many years
ago, I say, but this Arthur was a good prince, a man of integrity, and
his name is still mentioned favourably in his native country.”
“When, sir, do you propose to make this attempt upon the throne of
England?”
At this question Sir Richard Pendragon assumed an air of
magnificence, which did not consort very well with the hole in his
scabbard and the condition of his hose and doublet.
“All in a good season,” he said majestically. “If not to-day it will be to-
morrow. The truth is the machinations of the wicked have left me
somewhat light in purse, and have also blown upon my reputation.
But I don’t doubt that some fair morning when the larks are singing,
the first-born son of a sainted mother, for all his misfortune and his
plaguy dry throat, will land at Dover and march to London city at the
head of twenty thousand Christian gentlemen who have sworn to
redress his injuries.”
“May I be one of so fair a company!” said I, feeling the spell of his
passion.
“Amen to that, honest youth.” He spoke superbly. “Give old honest
Dickon your hand upon it. There is no sort of doubt that I shall hold
you to a vow that does such honour to your nation and your
character. By the way, is that a ring I see upon your finger, honest
youth?”