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AWS for Public and Private Sectors: Cloud Computing Architecture for Government and Business 1st Edition Bradley Fowler full chapter instant download
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Bradley Fowler
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Learning Objectives
Gain an understanding of cloud Software as a Service.
Distinguish cloud service provider reliability.
Be able to effectively evaluate cloud services to meet your
organizational needs.
Understand why cloud service providers must be compliant with
federal laws and regulations.
Deciding to upgrade an on-premises system to cloud infrastructure
requires understanding what services and products you will need to
create a smooth upgrade from a physical hardware system to a virtual
private cloud (VPC). Learning how to assess which service provider can
meet the needs of your enterprise is extremely important. In this
chapter, you will gain understanding about strategies and develop plans
previously assessed, developed, and implemented on behalf of
BallotOnline during their transition to a cloud business system. The
BallotOnline experience will also enable you to understand how to
effectively manage your own enterprise information system in the
cloud and control the cost to do so.
In fact, you will gain information that will help you define the total
cost of ownership, using a total cost of ownership (TCO) calculator,
offered by Amazon Web Services (AWS) and Microsoft Azure. After all,
financial requirements for cloud computing will differ greatly industry
by industry. Furthermore, cloud computing cost can shift budgets to a
pure operating expense model, whereas traditional on-premises
computing infrastructure requires capital and operating expense
allocations.
(1746.)
etween condemnation and execution, Drury Lane, as if
London had not had enough of trials and judgments,
got up a showy spectacle, in one act, partly obtained
from Shakespeare’s ‘Henry V.,’ called ‘The Conspiracy
Discovered, or French Policy Defeated,’ with ‘a
representation of the Trial of the Lords for High Treason, in the reign
of Henry V.’ This was first acted on the 5th of August. But the
populace knew where to find a ‘spectacle, gratis.’
Gazing at the heads above Temple Bar became a pastime.
Pickpockets circulated among the well-dressed crowd, reaping rich
harvest; but, when detected, they were dragged down to the
adjacent river, and mercilessly ‘ducked,’ which was barely short of
being drowned. A head, called ‘Layer’s,’ had been there for nearly a
quarter of a century. An amiable creature, in a letter to a newspaper,
thus refers to it, in connection with those recently spiked there:
—‘Thursday, August 7.—Councillor Layer’s head on Temple Bar
appears to be making a reverend Bow to the heads of Towneley and
Fletcher, supposing they are come to relieve him after his long Look-
out, but as he is under a mistake, I think it would be proper to put
him to Rights again, which may be done by your means.—An
Abhorrer of Rebellion.’
About this time Walpole offers, with questionable
THE DUKE AT
alacrity, evidence against the character of the Duke of VAUXHALL.
Cumberland. The duke had fixed an evening for
giving a ball at Vauxhall, in honour of a not too reputable Peggy
Banks. The evening proved to be that of the day on which the lords
were condemned to death, the 1st of August. The duke immediately
postponed the ball, but Walpole says he was ‘persuaded to defer it,
as it would have looked like an insult to the prisoners.’ After all, the
unseemly festivity was only deferred from the 1st of August to the
4th; and Walpole was one of the company. He saw the royalties
embark at Whitehall Stairs, heard the National Anthem played and
sung on board state city-barges; and saw the duke nearly suffocated
by the crowds that greeted him on his landing at Vauxhall. He was
got safely ashore, not being helped by the awkward officiousness of
Lord Cathcart who, a few evenings previously, at the same place,
stepping on the side of the boat to lend his arm to the duke, upset it;
and the conqueror at Culloden and my lord were soused into the
Thames up to their chins.
In another letter Walpole declares that the king
OPINION IN
was inclined to be merciful to the condemned THE CITY.
Jacobites, ‘but the Duke, who has not so much of
Cæsar after a victory as in gaining it, is for the utmost severity.’
Walpole adds the familiar incident: ‘It was lately proposed in the city
to present him with the freedom of some company;’ one of the
aldermen said aloud: ‘Then let it be of the Butchers!’ If this alderman
ever said so, he represented the minority among citizens.
‘Popularity,’ writes Walpole (August 12th, 1746), ‘has changed sides
since the year ’15, for now, the city and the generality are very angry
that so many rebels have been pardoned. Some of those taken at
Carlisle dispersed papers at their execution, saying they forgave all
men but three, the Elector of Hanover, the pretended Duke of
Cumberland, and the Duke of Richmond, who signed the capitulation
of Carlisle.’ This bravado in the North was not calculated to inspire
mercy in the members of the administration (who were the real
arbiters of doom) in London.
People of fashion went to the Tower to see the
IN THE
prisoners as persons of lower ‘quality’ went there to TOWER.
see the lions. Within the Tower, the spectator was
lucky who, like Walpole, in August, ‘saw Murray, Lord Derwentwater
(Charles Radcliffe), Lord Traquair, Lord Cromartie and his son, and
the Lord Provost, at their respective windows.’ The two lords already
condemned to death were in dismal towers; and one of Lord
Balmerino’s windows was stopped up, ‘because he talked to the
populace, and now he has only one which looks directly upon all the
scaffolding.’ Lady Townshend, who had fallen in love with Lord
Kilmarnock, at the first sight of ‘his falling shoulders,’ when he
appeared to plead at the bar of the Lords, was to be seen under his
window in the Tower. ‘She sends messages to him, has got his dog
and his snuff-box, has taken lodgings out of town for to-morrow and
Monday night; and then goes to Greenwich; foreswears conversing
with the bloody English, and has taken a French master. She
insisted on Lord Hervey’s promising her he would not sleep a whole
night for Lord Kilmarnock! And, in return, says she, “Never trust me
more if I am not as yellow as a jonquil for him!” She said gravely the
other day, “Since I saw my Lord Kilmarnock, I really think no more of
Sir Harry Nisbett than if there was no such man in the world.” But of
all her flights, yesterday was the strongest. George Selwyn dined
with her, and not thinking her affliction so serious as she pretends,
talked rather jokingly of the executions. She burst into a flood of
tears and rage, told him she now believed all his father and mother
had said of him; and with a thousand other reproaches, flung
upstairs. George coolly took Mrs. Dorcas, her woman, and made her
sit down to finish the bottle. “And pray, Sir,” said Dorcas, “do you
think my mistress will be prevailed upon to let me go see the
execution? I have a friend that has promised to take care of me, and
I can lie in the Tower the night before.”—My lady has quarrelled with
Sir Charles Windham, for calling the two lords, malefactors. The idea
seems to be general, for ’tis said, Lord Cromartie is to be
transported, which diverts me for the dignity of the peerage. The
Ministry really gave it as a reason against their casting lots for
pardon, that it was below their dignity.’ Walpole, who has thus
pictured one part of London, in 1746, says, in a subsequent letter,
—‘My Lady Townshend, who fell in love with Lord Kilmarnock, at his
trial, will go nowhere to dinner, for fear of meeting with a rebel-pie.
She says, everybody is so bloody-minded that they eat rebels.’
The Earl of Cromartie, the smallest hero of the LORD
Jacobite group, was among the most fortunate. He CROMARTIE.
owed his comparative good luck to the energy of his
countess who, having driven him into rebellion, moved heaven and
earth to save him from the consequences. One Sunday, she
obtained admission to St. James’s, and presented a petition to the
king, for her husband’s pardon. The sovereign was civil, but he
would not at all give her any hope. He passed on, and Lady
Cromartie swooned away. On the following Wednesday, she
presented herself at Leicester House, to procure the good offices of
the Princess of Wales, accompanied by her four children. The
princess, seeing the force and tendency of this argument, ‘made no
other answer,’ says Gray, in a letter to Wharton, ‘than by bringing in
her own children, and placing them by her; which, if true, is one of
the prettiest things I ever heard.’ Lady Cromartie and her daughter,
who was as actively engaged as her mother, prevailed in the end.
Her lord was pardoned; and Walpole made this comment thereupon:
‘If wives and children become an argument for saving rebels, there
will cease to be a reason against their going into rebellion.’ Walpole’s
remarks are only the ebullition of a little ill-temper. Writing to Mann,
in August, 1746, he says, ‘The Prince of Wales, whose intercession
saved Lord Cromartie, says he did it in return for old Sir William
Gordon (Lady Cromartie’s father), coming down out of his death-bed,
to vote against my father in the Chippenham election. If His Royal
Highness,’ adds Walpole, ‘had not countenanced inveteracy, like that
of Sir Gordon, he would have no occasion to exert his gratitude now,
in favour of rebels.’
The doomed peers bore themselves like men, and LORD
awaited fate with a patience which the unpleasantly KILMARNOCK.
circumstantial old Governor Williamson could not
disturb for more than a moment. On the Saturday before the fatal
Monday, he told Lord Kilmarnock every detail of the ceremony, in
which he and Balmerino were to bear such important parts. The
summoning, the procession, the scaffold in sables, the whole
programme was minutely dwelt upon, as if the governor took a
sensual delight in torturing his captive. There was something grim in
the intimation that my lord must not prolong his prayers beyond one
o’clock, as the warrant expired at that hour; and, of course, he could
not lose his head, that day, if he was unreasonably long in his
orisons. There was not much, moreover, of comforting in the
assurance that the block, which had been raised to the height of two
feet, to make it comfortable for Lord Kenmure, had been so steadied,
that Lord Kilmarnock need not fear any unpleasantness from its
shaking. They talked of the heads and the bodies as if they belonged
to historical personages. ‘The executioner,’ said the governor, ‘is a
good sort of man.’ Kilmarnock thought his moral character might
make him weak of purpose and performance. My lord hoped his
head would not be allowed to roll about the scaffold. The governor
satisfied him on that point; but, he added, ‘it will be held up and
proclaimed as the head of a traitor.’ ‘It is a thing of no significance,’
said the earl, ‘and does not affect me at all.’—The governor then
visited Lord Balmerino, whose wife, ‘my Peggy,’ was with him. At an
allusion to the fatal day, the poor lady swooned. ‘Damn you!’ said the
old lord, ‘you’ve made my lady faint away.’
The details of the last scene on Tower Hill are ON TOWER
better known than those of any similar circumstances. HILL.
It was nobly said by Balmerino, when he met
Kilmarnock, on their setting out, ‘My Lord, I greatly regret to have
you with me on this expedition.’ Careful of the honour of his prince,
he questioned Kilmarnock on the alleged issue of the order to give
no quarter to the English, at Culloden. Lord Kilmarnock believed that
the order was in the hands of the Duke of Cumberland, signed only
by Lord George Murray. ‘Then, let Murray,’ said Balmerino, ‘and not
the Prince, bear the blame.’ He exhorted Kilmarnock, who preceded
him to the scaffold, ‘not to wince;’ and, when he himself appeared
there, he prayed for King James, requested that his head might not
be exposed, and that he might be buried in the grave where lay the
Marquis of Tullebardine. These requests were granted.
The sight-seers were disappointed in one respect.
THE
The papers had announced that Lord Balmerino had EXECUTIONS.
bespoken a flannel waistcoat, drawers, and night-
gown, in which he had resolved to make his appearance on the
scaffold. But he came in his old uniform, and had nothing eccentric
about him. The newspapers compared the two sufferers much to
Balmerino’s disadvantage. ‘Lord Kilmarnock’s behaviour,’ says the
‘General Advertiser,’ ‘was so much the Christian and gentleman that
it drew tears from thousands of spectators.’ Then, remarking that ‘the
executioner was obliged to shift himself by reason of the quantity of
blood that flew over him,’ the ‘Advertiser’ announces that, ‘Balmerino
died with the utmost resolution and courage, and seemed not the
least concerned; nor even the generality of spectators for him.’
A sympathising Jacobite lady honoured Balmerino with the
following epitaph:—
Here lies the man to Scotland ever dear,
Whose honest heart ne’er felt a guilty fear.
A much more remarkable, and altogether uncomplimentary,
effusion was to be found in verses addressed ‘to the pretended Duke
of Cumberland, on the execution of the Earl of Kilmarnock, who
basely sued for life by owning the usurper’s power, whereby he
became a traitor, and, though apprehended and condemned for a
loyalist, died a rebel:—
The only rebel thou hast justly slain
Was base Kilmarnock, &c.
But this censure sprang from the fact of Kilmarnock’s declaration that
Charles Edward had no religious principle at all, and that he was
prompt to profess membership with every community where a
shadow of advantage was to be derived from the profession.
There remained two other rebels of quality who were destined to
afford another savage holiday to the metropolis.
On the 21st of November, the road from the Tower CHARLES
to Westminster was crowded, in spite of the weather, RADCLIFFE.
to see Charles Radcliffe ride, under strong military
escort, to his arraignment in the Court of King’s Bench. He was the
pink of courtesy on his way, but spoilt the effect by his swagger in
Court. He denied that he was the person named in the indictment,
asserted that he was Earl of Derwentwater; and, it is supposed, he
wished to create a suspicion that he might be his elder brother,
Francis. He would not address the Chief Justice as ‘my Lord,’ since
he himself was not recognised as a peer. He also refused to hold up
his hand, on being arraigned, though the Attorney-General appealed
to him as a gentleman, and assured him there was nothing
compromising in what was a mere formality. In short, Mr. Radcliffe,
according to the news-writers, behaved very ‘ungentlemanly to
Governor Williamson as also to Mr. Sharpe for addressing a letter to
him as Mr. Radcliffe. He said he despised the Court and their
proceedings, and he behaved in every respect indecent and even
rude and senseless. He appeared very gay, being dressed in scarlet
faced in black velvet, and gold buttons, a gold-laced waistcoat, bag
wig, and hat and white feather.’
On the above Friday, his trial was fixed for the THE TRIAL.
24th, the following Monday. On the Friday evening,
Radcliffe had one more chance of escape, if he had only had friends
at hand to aid him. ‘As the Guards,’ says the ‘Daily Post,’ ‘were
conveying him back through Watling Street to the Tower, the coach
broke down at the end of Bow Lane, and they were obliged to walk
up to Cheapside before they could get another.’ This last chance
was unavailable, and the captive remained chafed and restless till he
was again brought, in gloomy array, on the long route from the Tower
to the presence of his judges and of a jury whose mission was not to
try him for any participation in the ’45 Rebellion, but to pronounce if
he were the Charles Radcliffe who, when under sentence of death
for high treason, in 1716, broke prison, and fled the country. Two
Northumbrian witnesses, who had seen him in arms in ’15, and who
had been taken to the Tower to refresh their memories, swore to his
being Charles Radcliffe, by a scar on his cheek. A third witness,
whose name has never transpired, but who seems to have been
‘planted’ on Radcliffe, swore that the prisoner, when drunk, had told
him he was Charles Radcliffe, and that he had described the way in
which he had escaped from Newgate. This witness said, he was not
himself drunk at the time; but Radcliffe, who had evidently treated
him to wine in the Tower, flung at him the sarcasm,—that there were
people ready enough to get drunk if other people would pay for it.
The jury very speedily found that the prisoner was the traitor who,
when under sentence of death, had escaped to the Continent. This
old sentence must, therefore, now be executed. There seemed no
room for mercy. Mr. Justice Foster, however, made an
MR. JUSTICE
effort to save the prisoner. The latter had pleaded that FOSTER.
he was not the Charles Radcliffe named in the
indictment. The jury had found that he was. At this point the prisoner
pleaded the king’s general pardon. The other judges held that the
prisoner must stand or fall by his first plea; it failed him, and
execution, it was said, must follow. ‘Surely,’ remarked the benevolent
Foster, ‘the Court will never in any state of a cause award execution
upon a man who plainly appeareth to be pardoned.’ He thought that
if anyone could show that Mr. Radcliffe was entitled to the benefit of
the Act of Pardon, he should be heard. The Chief Justice ruled
otherwise, and it was ultimately shown that as the prisoner had
broken prison when under attainder, he came within certain clauses
of exception in the Act—and could therefore not be benefitted by it.
The papers of the day make an almost incredible statement,
namely, that Radcliffe was informed, if he himself would swear he
was not the person named in the indictment, he should have time to
bring witnesses to support him; but he remained silent. Still, ‘he was
very bold,’ is the brief journalistic comment on his hearing. It is quite
clear that Charles Radcliffe did not keep his temper, and he therefore
lost some dignity on the solemn occasion of his being brought up to
Westminster Hall to have the day of his execution fixed. He is
described, in the Malmesbury correspondence, as acting with
unheard-of insolence, and apparently wishing to set the whole
Government at defiance. This is the evidence of a contemporary.
Lord Campbell (in the ‘Life of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke’) says, on
the contrary, that the calmness of his demeanour, added to his
constancy to the Stuart cause, powerfully excited the public
sympathy in his favour. Moreover, Lord Campbell does not think that
the identity of the Charles Radcliffe of ’45 with him of ’15 was
satisfactorily established by legal evidence, though he has no doubt
as to the fact.
Radcliffe was condemned to die on the 8th of CONDUCT OF
December. His high pitch (naturally enough, and with RADCLIFFE.
no disparagement to his courage) was lowered after
his sentence; and he stooped to write in a humble strain to the Duke
of Newcastle, for at least a reprieve. His niece, the dowager Lady
Petre, presented the letter to the duke, and seconded her uncle’s
prayer with extreme earnestness, as might be expected of a
daughter whose father had suffered, thirty years before, the terrible