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Interviewing
and Change Strategies
for Helpers 8e
Sherry Cormier
West Virginia University
Paula S. NuriuS
University of Washington
CyNthia J. oSborN
Kent State University
Australia ● Brazil ● Mexico ● Singapore ● United Kingdom ● United States
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Sherry Cormier, Paula S. Nurius, Cynthia
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Printed in the United States of America

Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2016
In memory of Sherry’s parents, Bill and Edith Keucher,
Sherry’s spouse, Jay H. Fast,
Paula’s mother, Gwyndolyn Medley Garner,
and Cynthia’s parents, Noel and Emma Ruth Osborn;
and in honor of Dick Mitchell, Cynthia’s spouse, and Bill Garner,
Paula’s brother, with grateful appreciation and affection.
About the Authors
Sherry Cormier is Professor Emerita in the Department of Counseling,

Rehabilitation Counseling, and Counseling Psychology at West Virginia
University in Morgantown, West Virginia. She is a licensed psychologist in the
state of West Virginia. Her current research and practice interests are in counseling
and psychology training and supervision models, health, wellness, stress
management, and grief recovery. She is the mother of two 30-something daughters
and the grandmother of a 10-year-old granddaughter. She enjoys yoga, walks on
the beach, and kayaking in her Chesapeake Bay community.
Paula S. Nurius is the Grace Beals Ferguson Scholar, Professor, and Associate
Dean in the School of Social Work at the University of Washington in Seattle.
Dr. Nurius is a mental health specialist with research, practice, and teaching
addressing perception and responding under conditions of stress and trauma.
She brings particular concern for vulnerable, marginalized populations and
toward fostering prevention and resilience-enhancing interventions. Her current
scholarship focuses on childhood and cumulative life course stress, including
impacts of maltreatment, nonviolent adversity, and poverty on physical, mental,
and behavioral health disparities. She enjoys the outdoor life of the Pacific
Northwest with her husband, daughter, and schnoodle pooch.
Cynthia J. Osborn is Professor of Counselor Education and Supervision at Kent

State University in Kent, Ohio. She is a licensed professional clinical counselor
and a licensed chemical dependency counselor in Ohio. Her research, clinical
practice, and teaching have focused on addictive behaviors and counselor
supervision from the perspectives of motivational interviewing and solution-
focused therapy. Additional scholarship has addressed case conceptualization and
treatment planning skills and stamina and resilience in behavioral health care.
She enjoys reading character novels and practicing yoga, and she and her husband
together enjoy exercising and the company of their Bichon Frisé dog, Jake.
Contents
Preface xi Practicing Idiographically 48

Beyond Multicultural Competencies to Cultural
Attunement 54
Chapter 1
Ethical Practice 55
Building Your Foundation Ethical Decision-Making Models 70
Chapter Summary 71
as a Helper 1 Knowledge and Skill Builder 73
Learning Outcomes 1 Knowledge and Skill Builder Feedback 75
The Chambered Nautilus 1
A Practice Nexus for the Helping Professions 2 Chapter 3
Four Stages of Helping 2
Core Skills and Attributes 4 Ingredients of an Effective
Effectiveness and Accountability 15 Helping Relationship 76
Evidence-Based Practice 16 Learning Outcomes 76
Concerns, Critiques, and Caveats of Evidence-Based The Importance of the Helping Relationship 76
Practice 20 Empirical Support for the Helping Relationship 77
Multiculturalism and Evidence-Based Practice 21 Cultural Variables in the Helping Relationship 78
Adapting and Adopting Evidence-Based Practices 24 Facilitative Conditions 79
Innovations with Integrity 25 The Working Alliance 90
Chapter Summary 28 Transference and Countertransference 93
Knowledge and Skill Builder 29 Chapter Summary 101
Knowledge and Skill Builder Feedback 33 Knowledge and Skill Builder 102
Knowledge and Skill Builder Feedback 104
Chapter 2
Chapter 4
Critical Commitments 35
Learning Outcomes 35 Listening 105
Toward Skillful Practice 35 Learning Outcomes 105
Growing Into Professional Competence 36 Three Steps of Listening 106
Four Critical Commitments 37 Listening to Clients’ Stories 107
Diversity Issues 45 Listening to Clients’ Nonverbal Behavior 107
Multicultural Counseling and Therapy 47 Four Listening Responses 112
vii
viii Contents
The Clarification Response: Listening for Accuracy 113 Diagnostic Interviewing 198
Paraphrase and Reflection: Listening for Facts Sensitive Subjects and Risk Assessment in Diagnostic
and Feelings 114 Interviewing 199
Summarization: Listening for Patterns and Themes 126 Intake Interviews and History 201
Listening to Diverse Groups of Clients 128 Cultural Issues in Intake and Assessment Interviews 205
Distractions and Distractability: Listening to Yourself 131 Putting it all Together: Evidence-Based Assessment
Chapter Summary 133 and Conceptualization 207
Knowledge and Skill Builder 136 Model Case: Conceptualizing 207
Knowledge and Skill Builder Feedback 138 Chapter Summary 212
Knowledge and Skill Builder 213
Chapter 5 Knowledge and Skill Builder Feedback 214
Influencing Responses 139 Chapter 7

Learning Outcomes 139
Social Influence In Helping 139 Conducting an Interview
Influencing Responses and Timing 140 Assessment with Clients 215
What Does Influencing Require of Helpers? 140 Learning Outcomes 215
Six Influencing Responses 141 Assessment Interviewing 215
Sequencing of Influencing Responses In Interviews 141 Eleven Categories for Assessing Clients 216
Questions 143 Limitations of Interview Leads in Assessment 232
Information Giving 146 Model Dialogue: Interview Assessment 234
Self-Disclosure 149 Chapter Summary 242
Immediacy 156 Knowledge and Skill Builder 243
Interpretations and Additive/Advanced Empathy 159 Knowledge and Skill Builder Feedback 250
Confrontation/Challenge 163
Skill Integration: Putting it all Together! 170
Chapter 8
Chapter Summary 170
Knowledge and Skill Builder 171 Constructing, Contextualizing,
and Evaluating Treatment
Chapter 6 Goals 251
Assessing and Conceptualizing Personal Reflection Activity 251
Client Problems and Contexts 177 Where Are We Headed? 251
Learning Outcomes 177 Beginning With The End in Mind 252
Client Statements 177 Purposes of Treatment Goals 252
What Is Clinical Assessment? 177 Characteristics of Well-Constructed Treatment Goals 254
Our Assumptions About Clinical Assessment 178 Support for Goal Characteristics 258
Functional Assessment: The ABC Model and Chain Cultural Considerations 258
Analysis 186 The Process of Change 261
Diagnostic Classification of Client Issues 193 Collaborative Construction of Treatment Goals 267
Limitations of Diagnosis: Categories, Labels, and Model Dialogue: Goal Formulation 269
Gender/Multicultural Biases 196 Contextualizing Treatment Goals 273
Mental Status Examination 197 First Things First: Prioritizing and Sequencing Goals 276
Contents ix
Running Interference by Addressing Obstacles 278 Working With Resistance, Reactance, Reluctance,
Identifying Resources to Facilitate Goal and Ambivalence 346
Achievement 279 Solution-Focused Therapy 347
Evaluating Treatment Process and Outcomes 279 Model Dialogue: Deconstructing Solutions 355
What to Evaluate 280 Motivational Interviewing 357
How to Evaluate 282 Model Dialogue: Affirming, Emphasizing Autonomy,
When to Evaluate 285 and Advising only with Permission 368
Treatment Evaluation Pointers 288 Applications of SFT and MI with Diverse Groups 370
Model Dialogue: Evaluating Progress 288 Chapter Summary 372
Chapter Summary 293 Knowledge and Skill Builder 374
Knowledge and Skill Builder 295 Knowledge and Skill Builder Feedback 377
C h a p t e r 11
Chapter 9
Cognitive Change Strategies 379
Clinical Decision-Making Learning Outcomes 379
and Treatment Planning 302 An Overview of the Theoretical Framework 380
Learning Outcomes 302 Reframing 382
Treatment Planning Purpose and Benefits 302 Reframing Components 383
Common Factors and Specific Ingredients of Reframing with Diverse Clients 386
Treatment 303 Cognitive Modeling Components 386
Factors Affecting Treatment Selection 304 Model Dialogue: Cognitive Modeling 389
Evidence-Based Practice and Treatment Planning 311 Cognitive Restructuring 392
Models of Treatment-Client Matching 312 Cognitive Restructuring Components 392
Planning for Type, Duration, and Mode Some Caveats 406
of Treatment 314 Cognitive Change Strategies with Diverse
Cultural Issues in Treatment Planning and Selection 317 Clients 406
Intentional Integration of Cultural Interventions 319 Model Dialogue: Cognitive Restructuring 409
The Process of Treatment Planning 325 Integrative Interventions: Linkages of ACT and DBT
Model Dialogue: Exploring Treatment Strategies 329 with Cognitive Change Strategies 412
Chapter Summary 332 Chapter Summary 414
Knowledge and Skill Builder 333 Knowledge and Skill Builder 416
Knowledge and Skill Builder Feedback 335 Knowledge and Skill Builder Feedback 423
C h a p t e r 10 C h a p t e r 12
Models for Working Cognitive Approaches

with Resistance 336 to Stress Management 425
Learning Outcomes 336 Learning Outcomes 425
Partnering with Client Experience 336 Stress and Coping 425
Resistance, Reactance, Reluctance, and Cultural, Socioeconomic, and Discrimination
Ambivalence 336 Variations in Stress 430
Two Models for Working with Resistance 341 Spirituality Considerations 431
Research on Solution-Focused Therapy (SFT) and Problem-Solving Therapy 432
Motivational Interviewing (MI) 342 Problem-Solving Therapy Components 433
x Contents
Problem-Solving with Diverse Clients 440 Research with Diverse and Vulnerable Groups 519
Model Example: Problem-Solving Therapy 441 Virtual Reality 522
Stress Inoculation Training: An Integrative Clinical Pharmacotherapy to Enhance Exposure 522
Approach 443 Model Dialogue for Exposure Therapy 523
Stress Inoculation Training Components 443 Chapter Summary 525
Model Dialogue: Stress Inoculation 450 Knowledge and Skill Builder 526
Chapter Summary 452 Knowledge and Skill Builder Feedback 527
Knowledge and Skill Builder Feedback 459 C h a p t e r 15
C h a p t e r 13 Self-Management Strategies 528

Self-Calming Approaches Learning Outcomes 528
Terminology and Areas of Focus 528
to Stress Management 460 Steps in Developing Self-Management Programs 529
Characteristics of Effective Self-Management
The Physiology of Breathing and Stress 460 Programs 531
A Focus on Diaphragmatic Breathing 461 Self-Monitoring Overview 532
Caveats with Diaphragmatic Breathing 463 Components of Self-Monitoring 535
Muscle Relaxation 464 Model Example: Self-Monitoring 540
Muscle Relaxation Procedure 465 Stimulus Control Components 541
Caveats with Muscle Relaxation 471 Model Example: Stimulus Control 544
Model Dialogue: Muscle Relaxation 471 Self-Reward Overview 545
Meditation: Processes and Uses 472 Self-Reward Components 546
Mindfulness Meditation Procedure 475 Caveats with Applying Self-Reward Strategies 550
Caveats with Meditation 479
Model Example: Self-Reward 550
Model Example of Mindfulness Meditation 481
Self-Efficacy Overview 550
Applications of Meditation for Diverse Issues and with
Sources of Self-Efficacy 551
Diverse Clients 483
Summary 555
Chapter Summary 484
Model Example: Self-Efficacy 556
Applications of Self-Management with Diverse
Groups and Types of Problems 557
C h a p t e r 14 Guidelines for Using Self-Management with Diverse
Groups of Clients 559
Exposure Therapy for Anxiety, Self-Management as a Professional Aide for Helpers 560
Fear, and Trauma 491 Chapter Summary 561
What Is Exposure? 492
Theoretical Background for Exposure 494
Components and Processes of Exposure Therapy 497 References 565
Gradual Exposure 505 Name index 621
Intensive Exposure 512 Subject index 641
Collaborative Considerations in Conducting
Exposure 514
Caveats about Exposure 517
Preface
The eighth edition of Interviewing and Change Strategies the application of change strategies to diverse groups and
for Helpers reflects a number of changes. The new edi- the importance of culture and context in applying these
tion represents a blending of our collective expertise in and other helping strategies. Recognizing the enormous
counseling, psychology, social work, and health and hu- influence of evidence-based expectations on contem-
man services. Our partnership in these interdisciplinary porary practice, we have incorporated current findings
areas augments the book’s responsiveness to the unique into each of our chapters on various change strategies
perspectives of each discipline while also working at the (Chapters 10 through 15).
interface or nexus, addressing cross-cutting issues and Layered across all of this is the fourth area of our con-
commitments. This book is intended to be used by helpers ceptual model: critical thinking and ethical judgment.
who are trained in a variety of health and helping-oriented We focus on this area specifically in Chapters 1 and 2 and
disciplines, including counseling, social work, psychol- explore these topics again throughout the remainder of
ogy, human services, and related professions. We recog- the book because they permeate all of the decisions that
nize that terminology varies across settings. You will see helpers face at each phase of the helping process, from
the term helper as well as practitioner, clinician, therapist, establishing the helping relationship, to assessing client
and service provider used throughout the book. One of problems, setting treatment goals, and selecting, using,
the fundamental changes we have made in this edition is and evaluating change intervention strategies. Many users
in response to continued requests for a streamlined book of the text have indicated that combining major stages of
that can be used with relative ease in the parameters of the helping process with specific change strategies facili-
several quarters or a given semester. tates integration within and across courses that aim for
this bigger picture and is also beneficial for students.
Our Conceptual Foundation
Our conceptual foundation, which we describe in Built-In and Supplemental
Chapters 1 and 2, reflects four critical areas for helpers
from various disciplines: (1) core skills and attributes;
Instructional Guides: Features
(2) effectiveness and evidence-based practice; (3) diversity of the Book
issues; and (4) critical commitments and ethical practice. We have retained the specific features of the text that
The core skills that we present cut across all helping we have learned through feedback make it invaluable
disciplines and in this edition we present them in as a resource guide—and we have taken this emphasis a
Chapters 3, 4, and 5. Diversity issues and ecological step further. We have worked to distinguish this teaching
models are presented in Chapters 2, 6, and 7, and also text by providing a rich array of built-in exercises, exem-
are integrated throughout the book. Evidence-based plars, and tools to promote and evaluate student com-
assessment and its implementation in the interviewing prehension. The book balances attention to conceptual
process are described in Chapters 6 and 7. Effectiveness and empirical foundations with an emphasis on real-life
and evidence-based practice is introduced in Chapter 1 factors in practice settings and ample use of examples and
and presented again in Chapters 8 and 9. Chapters 10 how-to guidelines. In addition, consistent with the out-
through 15 give special attention to research supporting come emphasis of accreditation standards of counseling,
xi
xii Preface
psychology, social work, and human services, chapters 2. The longstanding commitment of this book to valu-
are guided by learning outcomes and opportunities to ing human diversity is commensurate with its estab-
practice with numerous learning activities and guided lished commitment to consulting and incorporating
feedback. Model cases and dialogues are given in each scientific research. In many ways, this edition reflects
chapter, as well as end-of-chapter evaluations (referred a healthy dialectic or tension between science and in-
to as “Knowledge and Skill Builders”) with feedback de- novation, empiricism, and improvisation. And it is this
signed to help assess chapter competencies. both/and approach, this practice of living and work-
In addition, we have developed a range of supplemen- ing in between polarities, that has spawned integrative
tary materials to enrich the teaching experience. These therapies such as dialectical behavior therapy (DBT),
include an instructor’s manual, a bank of test questions an evidence-based practice that we draw from through-
(which can be used by instructors for course exams or by out the chapters.
students in later preparing for accrediting exams), and 3. Chapter 1 showcases the symbolism of the cham-
PowerPoint slides for each chapter. bered nautilus featured on the cover of the book and
Brand new to this edition, MindTap® is the digital introduces readers to the practice nexus featured on
learning solution that helps instructors engage and trans- the inside cover of the book. In the first half of the
form today’s students into critical thinkers. Through chapter, the first component of the practice nexus is
paths of dynamic assignments and applications that you discussed. Specifically, four core skills and attributes
can personalize, real-time course analytics, and an acces- (self-awareness and self-reflection, mindfulness, self-
sible reader, MindTap helps you turn your students into care, and self-compassion) are presented and discussed
higher-level thinkers. Your students become practitioners as a means of promoting helper stamina and resilience.
of their own learning as they master practical skills and In the second half of the chapter, the second compo-
build professional confidence. Students will be engaged nent of the practice nexus, effectiveness, is highlighted.
in a scaffolded learning experience designed to move their In this section extensive discussion is devoted to evi-
thinking skills from lower-order to higher-order by rein- dence-based practice (EBP). This discussion includes
forcing learned skills and concepts through demonstrated criticisms of EBP as well as continued efforts to adapt
application. EBP to culturally diverse populations. A listing of
culturally adaptive interventions to EBP is provided,
along with examples of such adaptation.
New to the Eighth Edition 4. The third and fourth components of the practice
With sensitivity to the value of using a book within a semes- nexus are the focus of Chapter 2: critical commitments
ter or two-quarter framework, we have worked for a more (including ethical practice) and diversity issues. We dis-
streamlined book in this edition. We have retained the same cuss four critical commitments professional helpers are
organizing structure and skill-building components that encouraged to make to grow into clinical competence:
adopters have long valued, and provide some integrated and commitment to lifelong learning; commitment to col-
distilled content to provide an up-to-date compendium of laboration; commitment to values-based practice; and
interviewing and change practices applicable across a range commitment to beneficence. The section on diversity
of settings and clientele. Throughout, we aim to build on issues includes prominent and newer frameworks for
recent clinical evidence and to point to emerging develop- working with culturally diverse populations, such as the
ments relevant to instruction in clinical services. more idiosyncratic focus on the intersection of multiple
identities proposed by feminist multicultural scholars.
1. In this edition we increased this book’s enduring The ethical issues section includes updates from profes-
commitment to working with diverse groups. This sional codes of ethics and a new section on telepractice,
includes further attention to working with youth, with a corresponding new learning activity.
older adults, and sexual minorities, in addition to 5. Consideration of the therapeutic relationship has been
diversity implications related to gender, race/ethnicity, expanded (Chapter 3) to include the ever-expanding
religion, immigration, and disability. Although this empirical basis for various relationship conditions
book is focused predominantly on individual change toward increasing effectiveness. New additions to
(e.g., strengthening problem-solving, adaptive coping, this chapter include the additional evidence base for
self-efficacy, management of long-term problems or helper empathy, the working alliance, and relation-
conditions), we have aimed to strengthen attention ship ruptures, as well as an expanded discussion of
to the importance of context and the frequent role of microaggressions and the therapeutic relationship and
environmental sources of stress and injustices. invalidating environments.
Preface xiii
6. Chapter 4 includes an expanded discussion of the amplify the discussion of the multiple levels of processes
processes of listening as well as updated evidence-based involved in the development and operation of schemas
literature on the listening responses, particularly reflec- involved in psychological disorders. This material il-
tion of feeling. lustrates ways that biological factors such as genetics,
7. Chapter 5, Influencing Responses, includes an up- brain functioning, and physiology are systematically
dated evidence base for the influencing responses, linked with cognitive and emotional factors, which
particularly self-disclosure. It also includes a new dis- then interplay with interpersonal, environmental, and
cussion of the effects of self-disclosure and environ- behavioral factors in both the development of and in-
mental settings, technology, and information giving, tervention with psychological problems. Here we also
and a new section integrated into the chapter and the update information about schema development and
Knowledge and Skill Builder on Skill Integration. schema therapy, about new intervention findings for
8. Chapter 6 focuses more broadly now on both clinical cognitive change strategies with diverse populations,
and evidence-based assessment. The material on the and about developments of cognitive strategies with
person-in-environment model has been updated and acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT) and DBT.
the functional assessment model has been expanded 14. Stress is among the universally shared struggles of
and includes new examples and new content regard- clients. Therefore, we have emphasized stress as a criti-
ing chain analysis, which is a component of dialectical set of factors in the development of problems and
cal behavior therapy. An entirely new section on the in understanding ways that change strategies must
DSM-5 is also described in Chapter 6. This chapter address stress. In Chapter 12 we describe cultural,
also includes expanded coverage of conducting risk socioeconomic, and life course implications of stress.
assessment in diagnostic interviewing and expanded We update findings regarding neurophysiological
coverage of mental status interviewing. pathways through which stress becomes embodied,
9. Chapter 7 describes the implementation of evidence- leading to physical and mental health impairment.
based assessment in the interviewing process. This We update interventions applied with diverse groups,
chapter includes expanded coverage of clients’ indi- including attention to minority stress. We update de-
vidual and environmental strengths and resources as velopment in stress inoculation and problem-solving
well as functional analyses assessment queries. Case therapies including incorporation of emotional mind-
examples have been changed to reflect current DSM-5 fulness techniques.
diagnoses. 15. In Chapter 13 we have expanded attention to the
10. The purpose and process of developing treatment growing evidence support for stress management, par-
goals are described in Chapter 8, as are characteristics ticularly mindfulness-based practices. Here we provide
of well-constructed goals. Stage models (e.g., stages an illustration of recent applications across a range of
of change model) are introduced to assist with the se- child and adult populations as well as settings (e.g.,
quential and collaborative task of treatment planning. workplace) and contexts of helping. We also update
The process of further refining—or contextualizing— ways that mindfulness constructs and meditation are
treatment goals is likened to preparing for a journey being incorporated across a range of interventions,
and includes references to easy-to-use and evidence- including mindfulness-based stress reduction, mind-
based client assessment measures. fulness-based cognitive therapy, DBT, and ACT.
11. Chapter 9 is devoted to clinical decision-making and 16. In Chapter 14 we provide updates on extension learn-
treatment planning. Updates include an expansion of ing and increased focus on prolonged exposure ther-
client and helper factors contributing to client change, apy, including applications with military veterans and
references to the newest addition of The ASAM Crite- cultural minority groups. This chapter also provides
ria used to match clients to levels of care, and resources updates on virtual reality exposure therapies as well as
for intentionally integrating cultural interventions. additional coverage of clinical issues related to safety
12. Strategies of working through various forms of re- behaviors, return of fear, dropout, and fear tolerance.
sistance, as well as client ambivalence, are found in 17. In Chapter 15 we describe new uses of the Inter-
Chapter 10. These strategies are informed by solution- net and technological devices to support longer-term
focused therapy and motivational interviewing, two self-management interventions, which are particularly
approaches whose respective research base has been valuable for clients with special needs, when people are
expanded in this edition. more distant from services or support communities, or
13. The science underlying cognitive therapies is dem- when access to immediate help is needed. This chapter
onstrating increasing complexity. In Chapter 11 we includes numerous literature updates on each of the
xiv Preface
categories of self-management, illustrating the rapid Counselor Education and Supervision, for preparation of
growth in populations and problem foci to which they the instructor’s manual, test bank, and PowerPoint slide
are applied, including helping professionals managing resources; Kelly Martin-Vegue (University of Washington
complex and stressful work environments. MSW student) for her invaluable insights, recommenda-
tions, and contributions from a consumer perspective; and
The instructor’s manual is authored by Penny Minor, to Dr. Daniel McNeil and Dr. Brandon Kyle for their col-
a PhD degree candidate in Counselor Education and Su- laborative authoring of Chapter 14 on exposure therapy.
pervision at Kent State University and a licensed profes- We are very grateful to the staff at Cengage Learning,
sional clinical counselor in Ohio. She also developed the particularly to our current editor, Julie Martinez, for her
test bank of questions for each chapter and the assessment commitment, enthusiasm, and wisdom. The final form
that is available in MindTap. We also offer a resource of this book as you, the reader, now see it would not have
that can be used for in-class or online teaching formats: a been possible without the superb efforts of the entire
compendium of PowerPoint slides covering major points Cengage Learning team, especially our content develop-
within each chapter. (These supplements are available ers: Mary Noel, Stefanie Chase, and Elizabeth Momb. We
to qualified adopters through the instructor section of also acknowledge with gratitude the contribution of our
the Cengage Learning website. Please consult your local manuscript reviewers, who include the following:
sales representative for details.) This edition also features Akira Otani, Ed.D, Spectrum Behavioral Health Center
Cengage Helper Studio training videos in helping skills Edward Keane, Ph.D., Housatonic Community College
which Sherry Cormier and Cynthia Osborn developed Susan Adams, Ph.D., Texas Woman’s University
and produced as a part of MindTap. Jacqueline Persons, Ph.D., University of California,
Berkeley
Daniel W. McNeil, Ph.D., West Virginia University
People We Acknowledge Brandon N. Kyle, Ph.D., East Carolina University
Over the years, we have been asked, “What is it like to put To all of you: Many thanks! We could not have done
together a book like this?” Our first response is always, this without your careful and detailed comments and
“We require a lot of help.” For this edition we are indebted suggestions.
to a number of people for their wonderful help: to Penny
Minor, Kent State University PhD degree candidate in Sherry Cormier, Paula S. Nurius, and Cynthia J. Osborn
chapter
Building Your Foundation

as a Helper
Learning Outcomes
After completing this chapter, you will be able to The chambered nautilus is in the family of cephalopods
1. Recognize, in writing, using dialogue from a counseling that also includes the octopus and squid. Unlike some of
supervision session, one example each of the need for its close relatives, however, the nautilus does not discard
developing the core helper skills of: (a) self-awareness and an outgrown shell in search of a larger one. Rather, it
self-reflection; (b) mindfulness; and (c) self-care and self- retains its shell throughout its adult life. As the mollusk
compassion. You also will be able to identify one specific activity grows, it forms a new and larger chamber to accommo-
for developing each of these three skills to promote stamina and date its size. In other words, it builds on its foundation.
resilience as a professional helper. In so doing, it seals off the last chamber. Its entire life is
2. Define evidence-based practice (EBP) from a list of descriptors therefore dominated by the production of one new living
provided (what it is and what it is not), identify two of its in- chamber after another, each new chamber connected to
tended benefits and at least two of its criticisms, and identify at earlier ones and a part of an ever-enlarging and stronger
least six methods for adapting EBPs for culturally diverse shell. How this is done remains a mystery. Nixon and
populations. Young (2003) state, “This process of forward movement
is not understood but does involve the repositioning of
the muscles that attach the animal to its shell” (p. 36). In
other words, the growth and development of the cham-
bered nautilus is ongoing and requires a firm foundation,
strength, determination, perseverance, and flexibility.
The Chambered Nautilus The mollusk lives in only one chamber at a time—in the
The story of the sea snail or mollusk that makes its largest and last chamber of the shell. It firmly anchors itself
home in the spiral-shaped nautilus shell is fascinating to the shell by a pair of powerful muscles. It moves around
and compelling. It captures well the primary message of the ocean depths entirely by jet propulsion and uses the
this book—change and growth. An inside and lateral, or empty chambers it once called home for buoyancy. Despite
“sliced,” view of three empty nautilus shells is showcased this buoyancy that allows it to move laterally with the ocean
on the cover of the book. We ask that you pause now to currents, the nautilus is able to travel vertical distances of up
look at the designs of all three. Spend a few moments in- to 2,000 feet per day. This is made possible by the mollusk
specting their shapes. Notice first the spiral formation of using the muscles in its body and tentacles to draw in and
each shell, which has its beginning at the center. Also no- expel seawater. It is quite the strong, resilient, and versatile
tice that the shell comprises successively larger compart- animal! This is one of the reasons the nautilus has been
ments or chambers. Each chamber was where the mollusk referred to as the “survivor” (Boyle & Rodhouse, 2005,
lived at one time. As it grew, it created a new, larger living p. 50). We encourage you to spend some time viewing some
space. It is because of these chambers that this sea creature amazing videos on www.YouTube.com of living nautiluses.
is often referred to as the chambered nautilus. Simply search by using the key words “chambered nautilus.”
1
2 Chapter 1
As we have learned more about the chambered nautilus, nautilus and its spiral-shaped shell can inspire helpers and
we cannot help but make some comparisons to helping clients alike in the process of change and growth.
professionals, and to our helping professions. We believe
skilled and effective helpers are part of a professional
community yet are also one of a kind. Each helper is his
or her own person, not a replica of a supervisor or some-
A Practice Nexus for the Helping
one working intently to be just like Carl Rogers, Aaron Professions
Beck, or Marsha Linehan. In addition, helpers make use
During the approximately 35-year history of this book,
of their buoyancy to “go with the flow” as needed, for
we have learned quite a bit from our readers and from the
example, by cooperating with clients and supervisors and
changing fields of practice, and our approach has evolved
by implementing a recently learned evidence-based prac-
as a result. In Figure 1.1 we illustrate the unique nature of
tice (EBP). At the same time, however, skilled helpers also
this text in terms of today’s practice nexus—the interrela-
know when to “go against the current.” This means that
tion, connections, and interfaces of our field. These might
they stretch themselves by doing something uncustom-
be likened to the interrelationships among the chambers
ary and perhaps uncomfortable at first, such as sitting
of the nautilus shell. The figure depicts the relatedness
in silence with a client or interrupting a client when
and connection among the four major components of
needed. Like the chambered nautilus, the professional
practice knowledge: (1) core skills and attributes; (2)
helper’s vertical travel also suggests the deliberate use of
effectiveness and accountability; (3) critical commit-
clinically trained muscles in search of new ideas and better
ments; and (4) diversity. The components come together
alternatives for clients, all the while remaining immersed
to define the central core of what you need for today’s
in the necessity of ethical practice. An example of this is
practice. So we focus on the interface—the area of over-
modifying an EBP to accommodate the cultural values,
lap among the components of practice knowledge—to
traditions, and needs of a particular client or client popu-
provide a coherent and unifying foundation. As the figure
lation, a practice consistent with the culturally affirmative
shows, each component contains specialized content that
services we discuss in Chapter 2.
you will pursue to greater or lesser degrees, depending on
Just as the chambered nautilus retains its shell and
the need. And as you specialize, you will certainly find
builds on its former living compartments, effective helpers
other components of practice that you will need to master.
use their life experiences and graduate training to build a
The totality of it all will develop over years of practice,
strong foundation on which to grow and fashion a level of
ongoing training, receiving feedback from clients and col-
expertise in their work. In so doing, they remain resource-
leagues, and self-reflection. To begin, however, you need
ful and inventive. This parallels the forward movement of
core content, an understanding of the interrelations, and
the nautilus, which involves the flexing and repositioning
practical as well as conceptual understanding.
of its muscles to adapt to new living and work environ-
ments. Professional helpers can be like the strong and
resilient nautilus by concentrating on the present moment
and the current living environment while leaning into and Four Stages of Helping
preparing for the next stage of growth. This means that
The four components of today’s practice nexus are ad-
retreating to previous chambers is not possible—they no
dressed in the 15 chapters of this book and are part of four
longer fit. Likewise, sticking to (or remaining stuck in)
primary stages of helping:
customary practice and “same-old, same-old” ways of
thinking results in a stifling work environment, in addi- 1. Establishing an effective therapeutic relationship
tion to ethical vulnerability, burnout, and ineffective care.
2. Assessment and goal setting
Just like the nautilus, we have no choice but to move on
because change and growth are constant. The spiral shape 3. Strategy selection and implementation
of the nautilus shell suggests that the mollusk can keep
4. Evaluation and termination
growing forever. This also is true for professional helpers!
We hope the skills, strategies, and interventions described The first stage of the helping process, establishing
in this book will assist professional helpers to guide their an effective therapeutic relationship with the client,
clients step by step in the construction of new, more ac- is based primarily on client-centered or person-centered
commodating, and healthier living spaces using existing re- therapy (Rogers, 1951). We present skills for this stage in
sources and strengths. Perhaps the maturing and determined Chapters 3–5. The potential value of a sound relationship
Building Your Foundation as a Helper 3
Multiprofessional
relevance
Multiproblem
applicability
Ethics in practice
Critical thinking
Core Skills
and
Attributes
Critical Interviewing
Commitments and Change Diversity
Strategies for
Helpers
Effectiveness Oppressed,
and vulnerable, and
Accountability underserved
populations
Person in
environment
Evidence-based
practice
Collaborative
practice
Figure 1.1 A Practice Nexus for Today’s Helping Professional
base cannot be overlooked. Research has consistently relationship part of therapy is necessary but not sufficient
noted that the therapeutic relationship accounts for a to help them with the kinds of choices and changes they
substantial amount of client change, approximately 30% seek to make. These clients need additional kinds of ac-
(Lambert, 1992). This is understandable given that the tion or intervention strategies.
relationship is the specific part of the process that conveys The second stage of helping, assessment and goal
the helper’s interest in and acceptance of the client as a setting, often begins with or soon after establishing a
unique and worthwhile person. It is the foundation for— therapeutic relationship. In these first two stages, the
or the container of—all subsequent therapeutic work. practitioner is interested mainly in helping clients explore
The helper’s validation of the client can be empowering, their concerns and wishes. Assessment is designed as a
generating hope the client may not have experienced in a collaborative endeavor, a joint undertaking intended to
very long time. For some clients, working with a profes- help the clinician and client obtain a better picture, idea,
sional helper who stays primarily in this stage of help- or grasp of what is happening with the client and what
ing may be useful and sufficient. For other clients, the prompted the client to seek the services of a helper at this
4 Chapter 1
time. Think of this stage as the client and helper locating the perspective of a client early on in our work, then we
the horizon for the client’s journey of change and also need to be aware of this right away. In reality, we need to
determining the compass to be used to indicate progress be intentionally evaluating effectiveness throughout the
toward reaching the client’s preferred destination. The in- helping process, sharing our observations with clients,
formation gleaned from assessment is extremely valuable soliciting their feedback, and negotiating a plan of care.
in planning strategies. It provides clarity and direction. It These four stages of helping are not discrete. Actually,
also can be used to manage resistance or occasions when there is quite a bit of flow and interrelationship among
client and helper do not agree or encounter an impasse. the four stages. In other words, elements of these stages
We describe assessment skills and strategies in Chapters 6 are present throughout the helping process, with varying
and 7. As the problems and issues are identified and de- degrees of emphasis. Change rarely follows a predict-
fined, the practitioner and client also work through the able path. Clients encounter challenges and setbacks as
process of developing outcome goals. The skill of treat- they implement new behaviors. Symptoms may not abate
ment goal formulation is described in Chapter 8. quickly or respond well to preliminary interventions. A
Strategy selection and implementation is the third revision of the initial plan of care is not uncommon.
stage of helping. The clinician’s task at this point is to help The foci and tasks of each stage of helping thus are not
with client understanding and related action. Insight can confined to that stage. This also is true of the four com-
be useful, but insight alone is far less useful than insight ponents of the practice nexus. Their interrelationship is a
accompanied by a supporting plan that helps the client constant throughout our work with clients.
translate new or different understandings into observable We ask now that you return your gaze to Figure 1.1.
and specific actions or behaviors. Insight also is a Western Two components of the practice nexus—core skills and
and individualistic concept that may not apply or be use- attributes and effectiveness and accountability—are the
ful to many culturally diverse clients. Think of this stage focus of this first chapter. The remaining two compo-
of helping as the skill-building phase when clients, like nents—critical commitments (including ethical practice)
the chambered nautilus, are learning about and using and diversity—are addressed in Chapter 2. All four com-
new or reconfigured muscles to sustain a healthier living ponents, however, are woven throughout the book. To be
environment or to construct a new one. Toward this end, more precise, the nexus of these components throughout
the helper and client select and sequence a plan of action: the four stages of helping is the foundation of the book.
intervention strategies that are based on the assessment
data and are designed to help the client achieve the des-
ignated goals. In developing action plans, it is important
to select plans that relate to the identified concerns and
Core Skills and Attributes
goals and that are not in conflict with the client’s primary Think back to when you knew you wanted to LO1
beliefs and values (see Chapters 9–15). become a professional helper. More than likely it was
The last stage of helping, evaluation and termina- at a time when others had been telling you how good a
tion, involves assessing the effectiveness of interventions listener you were. Even some might have said you offered
used—as well as the therapist’s style in facilitating the helpful advice. It was not necessarily that you went out
process of change—and the progress the client has made looking for people to help—they just seemed to migrate
toward the desired goals (see Chapters 8–10). This kind to you, asking if you could spare a moment, or, for others,
of evaluation assists you in knowing when to terminate not bothering to ask, but proceeding to divulge personal
the process or to revamp your initial action plans. Also, information and then waiting for your response. Your
clients can easily become discouraged during the change desire to become a professional helper also may have been
process, realizing that transferring the skills learned in propelled by witnessing the aftermath of tragedy in your
counseling to various aspects of their lives is a challenge. school or hometown, or even experiencing first-hand
Social supports may not be in place, necessitating the debilitating fear, trauma, and injustices. Because of insuf-
development of new and healthier relationships. Clients ficient care provided to those in need or, by contrast, the
often find observable and concrete signs of progress to be helping hand you received that allowed you to breathe
quite reinforcing. again and learn how to persist and be resilient, you vowed
Our listing of evaluation as the last stage of helping can to be a part of a solution rather than to perpetuate a
inadvertently suggest that gauging effectiveness comes problem. “Never again,” you may have said. “I want to
near the end of counseling. This is far from the truth. If help . . . and to do it right.”
we are not making effective progress in developing a col- Maybe you cannot remember a specific time or event
laborative, therapeutic relationship or in understanding that crystallized your decision to become a professional
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the effects of which the unfortunate victim might easily bleed to
death.
Under the category of fighting-sticks we might also mention the
wooden swords, of which some form or other is known all over the
continent.
In its normal form, the sword is a long and narrow, lanceolate
blade of hard and heavy wood, up to five feet in length. The sides
are convex, and the edges fairly sharp. The surfaces are either
smooth or longitudinally grooved, and in addition decorated with
finely incised patterns of different descriptions. These swords are
much used by the Minning tribe of the Eucla district.
The Cooper Creek tribes make the weapon with a slight curve in it,
like a boomerang, the length being about the same as in the
previous type. Among the Dieri it goes by the name of “marriwirri.”
The Arunndta and Aluridja forms are not made so long, but slightly
wider, and of very heavy mulga wood.
In the northern coastal districts, the type is different in so far as it
tapers towards that end, which is to serve as the handle, and
terminates there in a flat or slightly concave base. The haft is not
infrequently bound round with vegetable fibre, and subsequently
covered with beeswax, to prevent the hands from slipping.
These weapons are all used with two hands for striking and
parrying blows during a duel. When about to “receive” a blow, the
native takes the precaution to keep his elbows close against his
body to avoid the risk of having his arm broken by the ricochet of the
heavy weapon. A favourite mark is the opponent’s hands; and the
fighter has to carefully guard them by adroitly and instantly shifting
the sword sideways the moment he perceives that the blow has
been aimed at them.
The northern and north-western tribes use light reed spears when
settling quarrels between two individuals. The spear is about five feet
long and has a tapering head of mangrove wood, which is inserted
into the top end of the reed shaft. All coastal tribes, from the
Adelaide River westwards to the Ord River, use this spear, but it is
not known in central Australia. The opponents, standing about forty
or fifty feet apart, throw the weapons at each other with wonderful
precision, but before the dangerous little missile can reach its mark,
the would-be recipient dodges it with equal skill. A number of such
spears is carried by each combatant. Whilst the duel is proceeding,
the two natives dance in defiance to taunt the rival, grotesquely
jumping from one foot to the other, holding the arms semi-erect and
bent at the elbows and wrists, whilst the body is thrown forward and
the head kept back. When a spear passes very near to or grazes its
mark, the native greets his escape with a short but strangely
articulated exclamation sounding like “irr.” The throwers are
constantly on the move, and, whenever possible, one stoops to pick
up a new spear from a bundle of them lying at his side. The little
missiles are so light that, when they hit the ground, they skip along
the surface and can be recovered uninjured. Although these spears
seem more like toys than weapons, they are nevertheless most
formidable on account of their sharp point and the velocity with which
they travel.
A method which is in vogue among the central Australian tribes,
like the Arunndta and Dieri, is the dagger duel. The dagger
employed is a long stone-knife with a grip or haft of porcupine resin;
the Arunndta name for it is “putta ildurra.” The combatants hold one
of such daggers in one hand and a light shield of kurrajong wood in
the other, and thus equipped they approach each other. After some
preliminaries in the way of dancing and an accompaniment of
excited shrieking, the men close in upon one another. With the shield
they not only catch the well-directed stabs before any bodily injury is
done, but they also thrust the opponent back to keep him at arm’s
length. It is not an uncommon event for such a duel to be fought for a
considerable time without any bloodshed, the skilful parrying
checking many a fatal blow until eventually utter exhaustion
appeases the thirst for revenge and soothes the hatred, which was
only too evident at the beginning of the duel. At other times severe
gashes are inflicted, which occasionally terminate fatally. Vide Fig. 4.
Fig. 4. Two Arunndta carvings of scenes in a dagger-duel (× 1/3). Tracing.
The most serious of all duels is undoubtedly that in which the

heavy spear is used. The method is similar to that of the light spear
fights, with the distinction that those engaged in the strife stand
further apart, and do not run the same amount of risk by exposing
themselves to the same extent as in the former case. It is recognized
that a “hit” by one of the large heavy-bladed spears will result in a
dangerous wound, and, therefore, the men face the ordeal in all
conscientiousness, knowing that if they can prove themselves equal
to their opponent’s dexterity for a reasonable length of time, the
moment will arrive when the strife might be terminated by arbitration.
One occasionally meets with a person who has a broken portion of a
spear-head deeply embedded in the musculature of his thigh or
other region of his body, where a violent inflammation around the
lesion has caused the sufferer much pain because he has not been
able to extract the offending piece of wood or stone from the tissue.
PLATE XXII
1. Sunday Islander making fire by the twirling process during a

ceremonial.
2. “Kaloa” or mangrove raft, Worora tribe, Glenelg River district.

In the Balmaningarra district of the northern Kimberleys of
Western Australia, the warriors hold the shield (which they call
“karwinnunga”) in their left hand, but, if necessity arises, they quickly
change it to the right. As a spear whizzes by harmlessly, or is skilfully
warded off, the defendant sounds a short triumphant “p-r-r-r” with
protruding and vibrating lips. When about to “receive” a missile, the
native stands in much the same attitude as that adopted by a
modern rapier-duellist. The moment, however, he realizes that his
antagonist’s aim has been inaccurate, or he has been successful in
dodging or warding off the death-bringing stick, he balances himself
on one leg, cocks the other under his buttocks, and defiantly throws
his arms above his head, jeering at his enemy and inviting him to
throw once more, crying: “Look! I am defenceless, and I am
exposing my body to you! I have no fear of you; your spears can only
scratch the ground as the yam-stick of a woman digging for grubs!”
Barely has he finished his taunting sentence, and before the other
man has had time to prepare for another throw, he bounds forward
and projects his weapon. During the fight, the antics of the men,
especially of the one on the defensive, are remarkable, jumping from
leg to leg, at one time holding the shield straight in front of the body
whilst covering the head, at another, standing erect with the shield at
about the level of his chest.
During their duels, an admirable spirit of chivalry is displayed by
the combatants. If, for instance, a shield breaks, the man who has
the advantage refuses to fight until the broken weapon has been
replaced. The same regulation applies to a broken spear, but not to a
broken spear-head; if the latter breaks, the circumstance is looked
upon as the result of bad workmanship, and the fight continues. Only
a certain number of spears is carried by the parties; and any
damaged weapon might be replaced from a bundle held in reserve
by the gins, who stand in readiness. When the missiles have been
spent on both sides, the parties change ends to collect their spears,
after which the hostilities are resumed.
Irrespective of any of the methods here described, whereby the
natives actually fight with weapons for the sake of honour or
revenge, it is quite as customary among all Australian tribes to bring
about the downfall of a rival or enemy by the magic influence of
suggestion. This is the wonderfully potent method of “pointing” death
at a man, who may or may not be present or visible. The process is
usually referred to as “pointing the bone,” or simply “boning.”
In the Alligator district of the Northern Territory, the excrement of a
man, who is to be sent to his death, is collected and roasted over a
fire; after which a little of it is taken and mixed with the resin of
porcupine grass. A ceremonial dance follows during the night, which
is of a very secret character, men as well as women participating.
The chants which are sung implore the birds of night—the owl, the
plover, and the curlew—not to betray the men who are seeking
revenge. At the far end of the ground, cleared for the occasion, a
hole is dug, in which a fire is burned while the ceremony is in
progress. Enchanting songs are now rendered, which are to entice
the spirit-father of the doomed man to attend. A little later one of the
principal performers marches forwards, carrying a small ball of resin
mixed with the burned excrement, together with a short stick
representing the spirit-father. At a given moment, he begins to dance
and, with his free hand, catches hold of his scrotum. When he
arrives at the hole, in which the fire is burning, other men snatch the
glowing embers and clear the ashes out of the way. The dancer
throws the resin-ball containing the excrement into the hole and
covers it with hot sand. The moment it strikes the hot ground, the
resin fizzles and crackles; and those sounds are taken to be the
voice of the spirit calling the victim from the earth.
Shortly after the ceremony these facts are made known to the
unfortunate who has been selected to die; they are usually conveyed
to him by one or two eye-witnesses of the ceremony. Overcome with
consternation and terror, the fellow immediately begins to fret; and
death will inevitably be the outcome, unless the counter-influence of
a medicine man or other tribal power can make itself felt beforehand.
Upon other occasions in the same district, the footprint of a man,
who has been decreed to die, might be found upon a clay-flat or a
river bank. The track must be intact; if it be in the least degree
imperfect, it is considered useless for the purpose. Taking for
granted, then, that it is clear and well-defined, the mould is cut out of
the clay in toto and buried in an anthill. There it is secreted until such
time as the spirit of the doomed man’s father is supposed to be in
attendance at a tribal ceremonial, when it is fetched and broken over
a blazing fire. This act answers the same purpose as the burning of
the resin and excrement in the previous case.
An old Arunndta custom was to “cut the shadow” of a man, who
was to die, with a sharpened mussel-shell knife called “langa langa.”
When a man of the Worora tribe dies, his relatives resolve to
avenge his death, which they suppose was the work of an enemy,
whom they name. During the obsequies, a bone is taken from the
arm of the deceased, usually the humerus, but occasionally the
radius, and small portions cut or scraped off it, to be handed to the
nearest of kin, who officiate as the avenging party. The little group sit
facing the direction in which the supposed murderer is seen, or at
any rate is known to be residing. Together they place some of the
pieces of their relative’s bone, which they call “gibba,” into their
mouths, and, after chewing them for a while, they spit the pulp
towards their victim, at the same moment naming him as the
perpetrator of the deed—the cause of their bereavement. The
Sunday Islanders adopt a similar method, but refer to the bone as
“käu-käu”.
Most of the tribes are in possession of differently shaped sticks
and bones, with which the death-pointing is done. These are usually
about three or four inches long, pointed at one or both ends, and
containing a small bleb of resin at one end, to which a piece of
human hair-string is attached. When the instrument is of bone, it is
usually a piece of the dead man’s skeleton. The Aluridja take the
fibula of the man whose death is to be avenged, and construct a
flattish “bone,” pointed off at both ends. The Arunndta select the
same bone, or the ulna, which they scrape down to a long tapering
point at one end; to the opposite extremity they attach a little
porcupine resin. Occasionally one finds these objects carried in
hollow bone or bark-receptacles. Another common form of the
Arunndta is a short stick, at either end of which a blunt arrow head
knob is carved, round one of which a long piece of human hair-string
is tied. A simple punctate design is at times burned into the stick.
Some of the southern tribes of the Northern Territory have pointing
stones, which are shaped much like a stone-knife, hafted with
porcupine resin and suspended by a long piece of human hair-string.
A number of such pointing instruments are constantly carried
about by certain men of the tribe, whilst others are kept buried in
places only known to a few. Often a stick is constructed just when
the occasion requires one, and when there happens to be none
available.
PLATE XXIII
Aluridja men “pointing” the bone.
“One man cowers upon the ground ... whilst the second, kneeling at the side of
him, holds his pointing stick at arm’s length....”
Any fully initiated men may make use of a pointing-bone or stick,
but when the grievance concerns the tribe in general, the operation
is performed by the magician or medicine man. Women do not
generally carry these sticks, but the Aluridja, and no doubt others
also, allow their gins to charm their yam-sticks, with which they then
“kill” their antagonists. A charmed yam-stick is believed to paralyse
the arms of any person, whom it touches, when appealed to by the
owner; consequently one of this kind is chosen for duelling whenever
possible.
When a man has been condemned to death, the person or
persons, who are to administer the fatal charm, are nominated. The
“pointing” apparatus are produced, and with them the men take up a
kneeling position a little distance away from the camp. Facing the
doomed man’s habitation, they lift the bone, or stick, to shoulder
height and point it at the victim. The long piece of hair-string, which
is attached to the instrument, is tightly tied around the charmer’s
arm, above the elbow. This is done to endow his system with the
magic influence of the pointing-stick he is holding; and that magic, he
believes, passes into the destructive words, which he is uttering:
“May your skeleton become saturated with the foulness of my stick,
so that your flesh will rot and its stench attract the grubs, which live
in the ground, to come and devour it. May your bones turn to water
and soak into the sand, so that your spirit may never know your
whereabouts. May the wind shrivel your skin like a leaf before a fire,
and your blood dry up like the mud in a clay-pan.”
There is a great number of different methods employed in
administering the fatal charm of the pointing-stick, all of which,
however, are after much the same principle. A common practice
amongst the Aluridja is for the man, about to use the stick, to leave
the camp and seclude himself behind a tree or other obstacle. He
squats upon the heel of one foot which he has tucked under his
body. He points the bone or stick straight at the man who is to die,
or, it may be, merely in the direction he imagines he would strike
him. Whilst administering the curse, he holds the object in the hand
of his outstretched right arm.
Both the Arunndta and Aluridja often work in pairs after the
following style: One man cowers upon the ground, with or without his
pointing-stick in his hand, whilst the second, kneeling at the side of
him, holds his pointing-stick at arm’s length over the former man’s
back, and directs it towards the person who is about to receive the
evil charm. Vide Plate XXIII.
To make their charm more effective, and the death-penalty more
certain, central Australian tribes not uncommonly tie the claws of a
bird of prey, the eagle-hawk by preference, to the pointing
instrument. It is believed that by this trick the evil magic works like
the grip of a bird, by clutching the doomed one’s chest and crushing
it. If by accident the unfortunate fellow becomes cognizant of this,
and it happens that, as actually is frequently the case after a big
feast, he suffers from indigestion, he naturally interprets the
symptoms of his indisposition as being due to the invisible, tightening
girth, which the charm has laid about him. The fatal termination
arrives at a much earlier date in consequence.
A man who discovers that he is being boned by an enemy is,
indeed, a pitiable sight. He stands aghast, with his eyes staring at
the treacherous pointer, and with his hands lifted as though to ward
off the lethal medium, which he imagines is pouring into his body
(Plate XXIV). His cheeks blanch and his eyes become glassy, and
the expression of his face becomes horribly distorted, like that of one
stricken with palsy. He attempts to shriek, but usually the sound
chokes in his throat, and all one might see is froth at his mouth. His
body begins to tremble and the muscles twitch involuntarily. He
sways backwards and falls to the ground, and for a short time
appears to be in a swoon; but soon after he begins to writhe as if in
mortal agony, and, covering his face with his hands, begin to moan.
After a while he becomes more composed and crawls to his wurley.
From this time onwards he sickens and frets, refusing to eat, and
keeping aloof from the daily affairs of the tribe. Unless help is
forthcoming in the shape of a counter-charm, administered by the
hands of the “Nangarri” or medicine-man, his death is only a matter
of a comparatively short time. If the coming of the medicine-man is
opportune, he might be saved.
The medicine-man of Australian tribes is not so much an individual
who has the knowledge of medicinal values of herbs and of surgical
practices as one who is the recognized sorcerer, capable of rebuking
the ills wrought by an enemy or evil spirit (Plate VIII). He attains his
distinction either by heredity or by accidental, but maybe exemplary,
craftiness. In the former case, he is looked upon as a favoured son,
who has inherited from his tribal and ancestral fathers the magic art
of neutralizing the evil charm of a spirit or enemy, which manifests
itself in prostration or disease; at the same time he is the official
power of the community, who alone can outwit the evil spirit, control
the elements, and keep pestilence away from the camp. This
hereditary art is recognized as a concrete matter, which is believed
to have been deposited within the body of the particular individual by
spirit-ancestors or nearer spirit-relations; this matter might have
taken the form of a special variety of wood, small bones of animal or
man, and a number of sacred stones, all of which the made
medicine-man carries about with him in his abdomen, more or less
replacing the ordinary entrails originally occupying the cavity. Each
tribe has a number of these medicine-men, whose rank is gauged
according to age and the principle they have lived up to. For
instance, in the qualification of the early medicine-men of the
Adelaide tribe, it was deemed necessary that the candidate should
taste human flesh at least once is his life. In the central Australian
tribes a medicine-man should not eat of kangaroo which has been
feeding upon new green grass; if he does, some of his mystic
powers will leak out of his body, and he will immediately drop in the
estimation of his tribal admirers. If the offence is repeated a number
of times, he is disrespected entirely as a professional sorcerer. There
are, of course, a great number of restrictions, which the
conscientious practitioner observes most punctiliously.
Every medicine-man of any standing at all has his own history of
qualification, which he does not hesitate to make known to the public
at opportune moments. Old Kai Kai, the leading Nangarri of the
western Arunndta on the Finke River, relates how he, as a young
hunter, became detached from the rest of the party, and, after
tracking a wounded kangaroo for a whole day, he eventually
abandoned the pursuit to make for a rock-hole in the stony James
Ranges. It was nigh on sunset when he arrived at the hole, tired and
thirsty. He threw his wommera and spears upon the ground, and
eagerly lay over the cool fluid to still his parching thirst. But when he
sipped the water a tadpole entered his mouth, and, before he could
spit it out, it slipped down his gullet and dropped into his abdominal
cavity with a bump that caused him much pain. When he recovered,
he again tried to soothe his burning lips, but met with a similar fate.
Several times more he tried, but in vain; as soon as his burning lips
touched the surface of the water, a slimy tadpole slipped into his
mouth and fell into his stomach with a painful thud. In desperation he
made a final attempt to carefully approach the water’s level, when he
beheld what he took to be the image of his face and body reflected
from below. Horror overcame him, however, for the image was that
of another man! And, as he looked again, he noticed that the body of
the image was transparent, and inside of it there were just as many
rounded pebbles as he had swallowed tadpoles! He collapsed at the
side of the waterhole and slept like a dead man, for how long he
could not say. When at length he woke up, he found himself among
the reeds of the flowing sheet of water on the Finke River, which the
white people call Running Waters. He now quenched his thirst. And
when the recollections of his experience at the rock-hole came back
to him, he realized that the man who had looked at him through the
water had been a spirit, and he could still feel the pebbles he had
placed inside of him. Now it was obvious to him that he had been
ordained a Nangarri, and he returned to his camp, where his
relatives were anxiously awaiting him.
Having been called to the side of a “boned” patient, the Nangarri
allows a number of the relatives to be present when he applies his
weird method of treatment. At first he cuts some ridiculous antics,
during which he mumbles or chants some almost inaudible verses.
The patient is, in the meantime, laid flat on the ground. The Nangarri
approaches the sufferer from the foot end and, throwing himself
upon the ground, crawls right on to the chest of the former, biting the
skin of his patient at several places as he crawls on to the body.
Having “located” the seat of the trouble, the “doctor” slips on to the
ground, and, picking up a fold of the skin with the underlying fatty
tissue between his fingers over the vital spot, applies his lips, and,
perhaps, his teeth, too, to it. He sucks, bites, and kneads the skin,
frequently lifting his head and spitting blood on to the ground. The
patient is all the while groaning with pain; if he becomes
unmanageable, he is called to order by the Nangarri. At length the
climax arrives. The Nangarri withdraws from the patient, his cheeks
visibly inflated, and, conscious of the expectant eyes of all present,
he empties the contents of his mouth into his hands, which he holds
like a receptacle in front of him. The fluid, consisting of saliva and
blood, is allowed to trickle to the ground or into the fire. Then a
triumphant chuckle announces that the malignant element has been
discovered! With feigned exaltation, the great healer steps towards
the awe-stricken relatives, holding between the index-finger and
thumb of his right hand an article, such as a small stick, a bone, a
pebble, a meteoric bomb, or a talon, which he avows is the cause of
the “boned” man’s affliction, and, having now been skillfully and
permanently removed, the unhappy fellow has nothing more to tear.
The good news is immediately conveyed to the prostrate form on
the ground. The effect is astounding. The miserable fellow, until that
moment well on the road to death, raises his head to gaze in
wonderment upon the object held by the Nangarri, which, in all
seriousness, he imagines has been extracted from the inside of his
body. Satisfied with its reality, he even lifts himself into a sitting
position and calls for some water to drink. The crisis has now been
passed, and the patient’s recovery is speedy and complete. Without
the Nangarri’s interception, the “boned” fellow would have fretted
himself to death for a certainty, but the sight of a concrete object,
claimed by the recognized authority of the tribe to be the cause of
the complaint, signifies recovery to him, and with its removal comes
a new lease of life. The implicit faith a native cherishes in the magic
powers of his tribal medicine-man results in cures, which exceed
anything recorded by the faith-healing disciples of more cultured
communities.
CHAPTER XX
WARFARE
Inter-tribal fights and hereditary feuds—Massacres—Preparations for the fray—On

the warpath—Teasing the enemy—Hostilities begun—Treatment of wounded
and disabled warriors—Hatred soon forgotten—Blood revenge—Boomerang
displays—“Kurdaitja” shoes—Recovering the bodies of fallen warriors—
Portions of victims bodies eaten.
Aboriginal warfare might be divided into two classes, according to

whether it is of the nature of a true and bloody inter-tribal fight, or of
a feud arising between two tribal groups or parties. In any case, the
hostilities might be of long standing and the enmity might have
existed for generations past. The casus belli is as multifarious as are
those of modern peoples. It might be on account of a natural
treasure held by one tribe, such as a valuable ochre-deposit, which
is coveted by another. Or it might be simply the result of an
elopement or an abduction as between two groups or families
belonging to different tribes. The cause frequently determines the
method to be adopted during the fight.
When the arch-foe is to be faced, nothing is out of order in
strategy, provided the plan is effective, and, above all things, as
gruesome as possible. The main objective to be achieved is to make
an assault as murderous as circumstances will permit, and to
establish a record massacre, in order that the enemy might be
thoroughly cowed and taught to long remember the affair.
In former days such battles were, according to all accounts, of
fairly frequent occurrence, but nowadays, no doubt largely due to the
interference by European settlers, and the smaller numbers of
natives, one very rarely hears that any warfare is conducted on a
large scale. Indeed, many of the one-time bitterest enemies, such as
the Larrekiya and Ponga Ponga, Arunndta and Aluridja, Kukata and
Wongapitcha, can now be seen living in close proximity to each
other, and apparently on the best of terms.
Where inherited hatred sways, treachery brews. The aggressors
know that the most radical method to extinguish the enemy is to take
them unawares, and to slaughter them before they can retaliate. For
this purpose it is best to either steal on them in the earliest hours of
morning whilst they are sleeping unsuspectingly, or to lie in ambush
at a place, like a waterhole, where the enemy is sure to call.
A council of war, consisting of the oldest and most experienced
men, is held to discuss the modus operandi at length. Thereupon all
eligible men are apprised of the decisions arrived at. Considerable
time is devoted to the preparation of spears, sharpening of blades,
and straightening of shafts over a fire. Any weak spots, where the
spears are likely to break when put to the test in battle, are carefully
bound with kangaroo sinew, and the blades or stone-heads re-
embedded in porcupine grass resin. Quantities of red ochre are
ground and mixed with emu fat, with which the bodies of all warriors
are covered. Each man looks to his own spear-thrower, and makes
sure that it has not warped or split, and that the handle and hook are
secure; a warrior with a defective spear-thrower would be next to
useless on the battlefield. The men tie their hair back tightly with
human hair-string, and go absolutely nude. The work is all done in a
thorough and conscientious way, yet there is every indication of
humour about the camp, and nowhere does one see any sign of fear
or nervousness on part of either the men who are going to fight, or of
their near relatives. There is even an indication of frivolity, with much
jabbering and laughter. The women assist assiduously while the
preparations are in progress, and add considerably to the
entertainment of their heroes, who are about to depart. Even when at
length the expedition makes a start, some of the old gins run at the
side of the men and keep on joking with the men at the expense of
the opponents, roars of laughter every now and then announcing a
particularly clever sally from the lips of an old hag barely able to
control herself with excitement in her endeavour to incite the men.
Before leaving their camp in a body, all warriors congregate in a
circle on parade, holding their weapons balanced in the spear-
thrower. Two or three of the old men make a careful scrutiny of the
group and their outfit and give final instructions as to how the
campaign is to be conducted. Quite occasionally, indeed, a general
discussion might take place, at which any suggestions of younger
warriors are received and weighed by the seniors, prior to departure.
Then the official start is made.
As the little troop advances, the men begin to gesticulate and
brandish their weapons, whilst they dance, with their beards poked
between their lips and teeth. Occasionally they send forth a loud,
piercing yell resembling a war-whoop; then they poise their
weapons, at the same time stamping and vibrating their legs, and
deriding the enemy with a scurrilous tongue.
If the enemy is to be met in open battle, the place and time of the
proposed encounter are arranged beforehand by means of carved
wooden missives and special carriers.
Having arrived at the place, and vis-à-vis to the foe, vociferation
and antics continue to the verge of hysterical jactitation. One or two
of the most daring warriors, before hostilities have actually begun in
earnest, rush to the fore, and, placing themselves in front of what
might appear the strongest of the opposite party, continue their
antics in contempt of them. Thus the patience of the enemy is
harassed time after time; and in a similar way the enemy
reciprocates.
The moment will, however, arrive when one becomes a little too
daring or forward, and, with intention or otherwise, touches the
person opposed to himself. The insulted warrior, who has thus been
called out, responds with a tremendous roar, and drives straight at
his opponent with his spear, using it as a lance.
In an instant the scene is changed. All participants retreat to a
respectable distance, about fifty feet or more, towards their
respective sides, amidst fearful yelling. The moment they reach the
new positions, the air becomes alive with spears, and the fight has
commenced in reality.
The throwing and aiming of the projectiles are good, but the
ducking and dodging of the selected victims are equally so. During
the whole term of the encounter, terrifying bawls are heard, which
are emitted by the enraged fighters, and responded to by the excited
women in the background. Thus the conflict may last for an hour or
two, without a casualty being recorded. When a man is hit, the
hideous yelling reaches its climax. The wounded fellow, unless he be
mortally hit or falls to the ground unconscious, immediately backs out
of the “firing line” under cover of his shield, and seeks shelter behind
the warriors, where he is attended by the women, who still the flow of
blood with a packing of clay, gum leaves, powdered bird excrement,
and grease. Should a spear, or portion of such, still be lodged in the
wound, the assistance of an old man will in all probability be called
upon to extricate the piece. If, however, the spear-head breaks in the
attempted removal, no further operation is undertaken then, and
perhaps not until the natural suppurative processes force the
fragment near to the surface of the body. The aborigines, although
they use a knife freely in the mutilation of their bodies, are not
sufficiently skilful as surgeons that they can make an incision into
muscle or other tissue to extricate a foreign body, such as a broken
spear-head, even if the point is pressing the skin outwards on the
side opposite the laceration, and the barbs prevent it being pulled
back.
When a man collapses on the spot, as from a mortal wound, a
regular tussle ensues, in an endeavour to secure the body, between
his friends and foes. The former run considerable risk while they
expose their figures to the bombardment of spears; they are,
however, covered by others, who come forth to specially shepherd
them; often, too, a confused hand-to-hand skirmish follows, during
which one or two more are wounded. Should it so happen that a man
now falls on the opposite side, a compromise is effected, which
permits either side to carry off their wounded in peace. In fact, if the
disabled men happen to be of important position or particular valour,
the casualty may lead to a permanent armistice.
The aboriginal of Australia does not bear chronic malice towards
an ordinary or casual enemy, but soon finds a plausible excuse to
throw a damper on his fighting ardour; very frequently, indeed, a
bloodthirsty-looking crowd drown their enmity in a combined and
convivial festivity, during which the late enemies jest, dance, and
sing together. The past is soon forgotten; his revenge appeased, a
native immediately reverts to his daily routine and peaceful life. With
him revenge is not necessarily individual; the wrong-doing of one
tribesman might have to be suffered for by another, maybe innocent,
man of the same blood. This blood-revenge, which of course is
practised by even the most civilized nations, is often the cause of the
death of an innocent white man, who happens to be travelling
through the tribal ground, where recently another white man has
maltreated or assaulted the natives.
In districts where the boomerang is used, a number of these
weapons is carried in the belts of the belligerents. When the parties
are within seeing distance of each other, each side begins to throw
its boomerangs, making them fly high in the air towards the enemy
and return to their respective owner. The demonstration is repeated
time after time, as the contending parties draw near to each other,
until at length the boomerangs fly well over the opponents’ heads on
either side. This is forsooth an awe-inspiring spectacle and has the
desired effect of arousing the fighters’ ire to a very high pitch. At a
later stage, boomerangs are employed in actual battle.
In place of the boomerang, the club or the waddy is not
infrequently carried as an auxiliary weapon, but its use is restricted
to fighting at close quarters.
During the various encounters, as here briefly described, shields
are generally carried to parry the missiles directed against the bodies
of the combatants. In the case of the light reed-spears, however, the
wommera alone is used for such purpose. The fighters’ greatest
safety is nevertheless in their wonderful skill at dodging the
projectiles. In hand to hand fighting, with club or boomerang, the
shield is invariably used to considerable advantage.
Whilst undertaking their reconnoitres, the scouts carry slippers,
which they wear when it is necessary to hide the individual tracks of
their party. These slippers are generally known as “kurdaitja-shoes”;
they consist of a thick pad or sole of emu feathers, knitted together
with string and clotted blood, and an “upper” of neatly plaited human
hair-string. The wearer of such “kurdaitja-shoes” leaves shallow, oval
tracks in the sand, which, if seen by any other natives, occasion
much alarm, being immediately recognized as those of an enemy on
a treacherous mission; if the enemy is not discovered, the tracks are
regarded as those of the “Kurdaitja,” an evil spirit about to molest the
tribe.
At the conclusion of a battle, it depends entirely upon the terms,
under which arms were laid down, as to who appropriates the bodies
of any fallen warriors. If friendly relations are established
immediately after cessation of hostilities, a mutual exchange is
effected, by means of which the relatives might come in possession
of the bodies of any warriors who fell. If, on the other hand, the
hatred has not abated after the battle, whatever bodies were
captured during the affray belong to that party who were fortunate
enough to secure them.
The natives, who have been in the meantime joined by the
women, retreat towards their main camp, and carry the corpse or
corpses of their fallen upon their shoulders to a place decided upon.
There elaborate obsequies are instituted. It is, moreover, the custom
to cut portions of the soft parts from a dead warrior’s body, whether
he be friend or foe, and to eat them. The belief is that by so doing
the brave qualities of the departed soldier will be kept among the
tribe and will not all be taken away by the spirit when it migrates to
the ancestral hunting grounds. The pieces which are most commonly
consumed by the mourners (or victors) are the kidney fat and the
marrow of the long bones; the Gulf of Carpentaria tribes eat pieces
of the muscle and occasionally of the liver. This is another reason
why the Australian aborigines are often referred to as cannibals; but
the title is unmerited. The native of Australia does not go head-
hunting and does not organize expeditions, whose object is to slay
people upon whom they can feast. We are not justified in calling him
a cannibal; the most we can say of him is that opportunity might
make him an occasional man-eater.
CHAPTER XXI
SPEARS
Spears used for four different purposes—Technically two divisions recognized—

Descriptions of types.
Spears made by aboriginal Australians serve for four distinct

purposes—for fighting, for hunting, for ceremonial, and for
recreation, but it would never do to make these the basis of
classification.
Technically, however, we recognize two main divisions, into which
Australian spears can be made to fall, the one including all spears
made out of a single piece of hard wood, the other those constructed
of two or more pieces. With very few exceptions, the former are
projected by the hand alone, the latter by means of a specially
designed spear-thrower.
The simplest type of spear, found everywhere in Australia,
consists merely of a long stick, more or less straightened artificially,
and roughly pointed at one or both ends. Along the north coast of
Western Australia, the Northern Territory, and Queensland alike, the
spear is made of light mangrove wood; in central Australia it is of
acacia; and in the south it is, or was, of mallee. Vide Fig. 5, a.
Some of the tribes spend considerable time at straightening these
spears. The method in vogue is to place the stick with its curved
portion in hot ashes, and, after a while, to bend it over a stone until
the right shape is obtained; a little emu fat is often applied to the spot
before it is heated.

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Interviewing and Change Strategies for

Helpers 8th Edition Sherry Cormier

Choices: Interviewing and Counselling Skills for

Motivational Interviewing: Helping People Change, 3rd

Motivational Interviewing, Third Edition: Helping

(eTextbook PDF) for Dyad Leadership and Clinical

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Sherry Cormier is Professor Emerita in the Department of Counseling,

Cynthia J. Osborn is Professor of Counselor Education and Supervision at Kent

Preface xi Practicing Idiographically 48

Influencing Responses 139 Chapter 7

Models for Working Cognitive Approaches

C h a p t e r 13 Self-Management Strategies 528

Building Your Foundation

Figure 1.1 A Practice Nexus for Today’s Helping Professional

The most serious of all duels is undoubtedly that in which the

1. Sunday Islander making fire by the twirling process during a

2. “Kaloa” or mangrove raft, Worora tribe, Glenelg River district.

Aluridja men “pointing” the bone.

Inter-tribal fights and hereditary feuds—Massacres—Preparations for the fray—On

Aboriginal warfare might be divided into two classes, according to

Spears used for four different purposes—Technically two divisions recognized—

Spears made by aboriginal Australians serve for four distinct

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