Oriental Queers in the Silver Screen FINAL

UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMAS FACULTY OF ARTS AND LETTERS
Oriental Queers in the Silver Screen:

A Thematic Analysis of the Post-Second Wave Queer Cinema
In Thailand and the Philippines (2010-2019)
A thesis
submitted to the
Faculty of Arts and Letters
University of Santo Tomas
In partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree
Bachelor of Arts in Asian Studies
by
BAUTISTA, Ghislaine Faye M.

MAGCANAN, Patrisha B.
PANGANIBAN, Remar Paulo L.
May 2022
This endeavor is dedicated to the fighter, those who made the voices of the
silenced heard. To the wronged and tormented, whose scars became the
symbols of power. To the queer in the closet, whose battles remain
unknown. To the deprived, confined in the shadow of the privileged, whose
lives will shine tomorrow.
To the alive and buried.

To the unsung heroes.
To the beautiful.
Our stories and struggles will no longer be subdued.
******
Ito ay alay sa mga lumalaban, sa mga nagsilbing boses ng mga pinatatahimik.

Sa mga inaalipin at pinasasakitan, kung saan ang mga kudlis ay naging
simbolo ng lakas. Sa mga baklang nakakubli sa karimlan, na ang mga laban
ay hindi pa nababatid. Sa mga pinagkaitang nakakulong sa anino ng mga
malaya, na balang-araw ay aalpas.
Sa mga buháy at nakahimlay.

Sa mga nakalimutang bayani.
Sa mga magaganda.
Ang ating mga salaysay at pagsasakwil ay hindi na kailanman masusupil.
******
ความพยายามนี ขออุ ้ ทศ ้ ่ส่

ิ แด่นักสู ้ผูท ี งเสียงแทนคนทีไม่ ่ กล้าออกมาพูด
อุทศิ แก่ผูถ้ ูกกระทาและถูกทรมาน
ผูซ ่
้ งมี
ึ รอยแผลเป็ นซึงเป็ ่ นสัญลักษณ์แห่งพลังของการยืนหยัดต่อสู ้
่
แด่เพศทีสามที ่ยังไม่กล้าออกมาเป็ นเผยตัวตน ผูท ่ี งถูกคุมขังอยู่ในเงาของความกลัว
้ ยั
ผูซ ่ึ ศก
้ งมี ั ยภาพทีจะเฉิ่ ดฉายได้ในวันข้างหน้า
แด่ผท ่ี งมีชวี ิตอยู่และวายชนม ์ แด่วรี บุรุษทีไม่

ู ้ ยั ่ ได้มโี อกาสออกมาแสดงตน
่
แด่ความงดงาม เรืองราวและการดิ ้
นรนของเราจะไม่ ถูกเพิกเฉยอีกต่อไป
- Ghislaine, Patrisha, Paulo (กิสเลน, ปาริชา, เปาโล)

Certificate of Originality
I hereby declare that this submission is my own work, and that to the best of my
knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by
another person nor material to which a substantial extent has been accepted for
award of any other degree or diploma of a university or other institute of higher
learning, except where due acknowledgment is made in the text.
I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is a product of my work,
even though I may have received assistance from others on style, presentation
and language expression.
GHISLAINE FAYE M. BAUTISTA
PATRISHA B. MAGCANAN
REMAR PAULO L. PANGANIBAN

Candidates
Ms. MA. REGINA P. AGUSTIN

Adviser
May 2022
Certificate of Approval for Oral Defense
This thesis entitled
Oriental Queers in the Silver Screen: A Thematic Analysis of the Post-Second

Wave Queer Cinema in Thailand and the Philippines (2010-2019)
prepared and submitted by Ghislaine Faye M. Bautista, Patrisha B. Magcanan,

and Remar Paulo L. Panganiban has been ACCEPTED AND APPROVED for Oral
Examination, for the fulfillment the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of
Arts major in Asian Studies Program.
MS. MA. REGINA P. AGUSTIN

Adviser
MS. MA. REGINA P. AGUSTIN

Thesis Coordinator, Department of Asian Studies
ADVISER’S GRADE: 98.2

(written and countersigned)
Date: April 8, 2022

Approval Sheet
This thesis entitled

prepared and submitted by GHISLAINE FAYE M. BAUTISTA, PATRISHA B.

MAGCANAN, and REMAR PAULO L. PANGANIBAN has been approved and
accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts
in Asian Studies.
MS. MA. REGINA P. AGUSTIN, MPS

Adviser
PANEL OF EXAMINERS
Approved by the Panel of Examiners with a grade of ____ on April 19, 2022.
ASST. PROF. JAN MICHAEL V. DENILA, MPS

Coordinator
ASST. PROF. JAN MICHAEL V. DENILA, MPS MR. JONATHAN ELI A. LIBUT, M.SC.
Member Member
PROF. MARILU R. MADRUNIO, Ph.D.

Dean
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Tables x
List of Figures x
List of Appendices xi
Acknowledgments xii
Abstract xiii
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
1.0. Background of the Study 1
1.1. Research Problem 2
1.2. Research Questions 2
1.3. Research Significance 2
1.4. Research Hypothesis and Objectives 4
1.4.1. Hypothesis 4
1.4.2. Objectives 4
1.5. Scope and Limitations 5
1.6. Definition of Terms 6
Chapter 2: Review of Related Literature and Studies 7
2.0. On ‘Queer’: Context and Definition 7
2.1. Orienting the Queer Discourse 8
2.1.1 Philippine Queer Identities 9
2.1.2 Thai Queer Identities 11
2.2. Queer Film History 13
2.2.1. Defining Queer Cinema 13
2.2.2. The Waves and Evolution of Queer Cinema in Thailand and the 14
Philippines
2.3. Review of Related Studies 16
2.3.1. Queer and Film Studies in the Philippines 16
2.3.2. Queer and Film Studies in Thailand 18
2.4. Synthesis 20
2.5. Theoretical and Conceptual Framework 21
2.5.1. Denis McQuail’s Theory of Media and Society 21
2.5.2. Conceptual Framework 24
Chapter 3: Methodology 26
3.0. Research Design 26
3.1. Sources of Data 26
3.2. Data Collection and Gathering Techniques 27
3.3. Data Analysis Techniques 28

Chapter 4: Results and Discussions 31
4.0. Societal Conditions During the Post-Second Wave 31
4.0.1. Political Conditions 31
Legality of same-sex relationship/activity 31
Same-sex Marriage 33
Legal Recognition of Name/Sex 34
Anti-discrimination bill/law 35
4.0.2. Social Conditions 36
Cultural and Social Attitudes 36
Gender-based Violence and Hate Crimes 38
LGBT and the Religion 40
4.1. Queer Themes and Portrayals in the Post Second-Wave of Philippine 42
and Thai Queer Cinema
4.1.1. Queer Themes and Issues in the Post Second Wave of 42
Philippine Queer Cinema
a. Homophobia 42
Gender-based Violence 43
Microaggressions 44
Gender-based Discrimination 45
Internalized Homophobia 46
b. Stereotypes 46
Work Stereotype 47
Hobby Stereotype 48
Promiscuity of Queer Characters 48
Queers as Milking Cow 48
c. Struggles 49
Familial Discrimination 50
Cheating 50
4.1.2. The Portrayal of Filipino Queerness and Stories in the Post 51
Second Wave of Queer Cinema
a. Sexual Orientation and Object of Desire 51
b. Gender Identity and Expression 52
c. It Is Not a Phase: Queerness at Different Stages in Life 53
d. The Portrayal of Endings in the Post Second Wave of 54
4.1.3. Queer Themes and Issues in the Post Second Wave of Thai 55
Queer Cinema
a. Homophobia 55
Gender-based Violence 56
Gender-based Discrimination 56
Microaggressions 57
b. Stereotypes 58
c. Struggles 59
4.1.4. The Portrayal of Thai Queerness and Stories in the Post 60
Second Wave of Queer Cinema
a. Sexual Orientation and Object of Desire 60
b. Gender Identity and Expression 61
c. Thai Permissiveness: Variety of Genres and the Portrayal of 62
Explicit Sexual Encounters in Thai Queer Films
4.2. Corroborations of Actual Queer Experiences Via Queer Themes and 62
Portrayal in the Post-Second Wave of Philippine and Thai Queer Cinema
4.2.1. Queer Themes and Issues in the Post-Second Wave of 63
a. Validating Actual Queer Experiences: Homophobia 63
Microaggression, Gender-based Discrimination & Violence 64
b. Validating Actual Queer Experiences: Stereotypes 71
c. Validating Actual Queer Experiences: Struggles 74
4.2.2. Queer Themes and Issues in the Post-Second Wave of Thai 76
Queer Cinema
a. Validating Actual Queer Experiences: Homophobia 76
Microaggression, Gender-based Violence and Discriminations 77
b. Validating Actual Queer Experiences: Stereotypes 82
c. Validating Actual Queer Experiences: Struggles 84
4.3. Analysis 85
4.3.1. The Application of Mcquail’s Theory of Media and Society in 86
the Post-Second Wave of Philippine Queer Cinema
4.3.2. The Application of Mcquail’s Theory of Media and Society in 87
the Post-Second Wave of Thai Queer Cinema.
4.3.3. A Comparison of Cases: Themes, Societal Conditions, and 90
Queer Realities in Thailand and the Philippines
a. Homophobia 90
b. Stereotypes 93
c. Struggles 94
d. Synthesis 95
Chapter 5: Conclusion 111
5.0. Summary of Findings 111

5.1. Conclusions 112
5.2. Recommendations 113
Bibliography 364
Appendices 132
Appendix A 133
Thematic Analysis: Coding Table 133
Legend of Themes and Codes 134
Ang Sayaw ng Dalawang Kaliwang Paa (2011) 139
Bwakaw (2012) 142
Anita’s Last Cha-Cha (2013) 144
Die Beautiful (2016) 146
Changing Partners (2017) 157
Rainbow’s Sunset (2018) 166
Yes or No (2010) 180
It Gets Better (2012) 190
The Blue Hour (2015) 197
How to Win at Checkers (2015) 199
Fathers (2016) 201
Malila: The Farewell Flower (2017) 216
Appendix B 219
Synopsis and Awards of Philippine Queer Films 219
Ang Sayaw ng Dalawang Kaliwang Paa (2011) 220
Bwakaw (2012) 224
Anita’s Last Cha-Cha (2013) 228
Die Beautiful (2016) 230
Changing Partners (2017) 233
Rainbow’s Sunset (2018) 237
Appendix C 240
Synopsis and Awards of Thai Queer Films 240
Yes or No (2010) 241
It Gets Better (2012) 242
The Blue Hour (2015) 244
How to Win at Checkers (2015) 246
Fathers (2016) 248
Malila: The Farewell Flower (2017) 249
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Theoretical Framework 23
Figure 2. Conceptual Framework Diagram 24
Figure 3. Data Gathering Process Flow 28
Figure 4. Operationalization of Framework 89
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Selected Thai and Filipino Post-Second Wave Films based on 27
research criteria
Table 2. Codes under Homophobia for Filipino Queer Films 42
Table 3. Codes under Stereotypes for Filipino Queer Films 47
Table 4. Codes under Struggles for Filipino Queer Films 49
Table 5. Codes under Homophobia for Thai Queer Films 55
Table 6. Codes under Stereotypes for Thai Queer Films 58
Table 7. Codes under Struggles for Thai Queer Films 59
Table 8. Consolidation of Themes and Stories in Philippine and 90
Thai Queer Films in the Post-Second Wave
Table 9. Data Triangulation Table for the Post-Second Wave 96
of Queer Cinema in the Philippines

Table 10. Data Triangulation Table for the Post-Second Wave of Queer
Cinema in Thailand 103
LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix A: Thematic Analysis: Coding Table 133
Appendix B: Synopses and List of Awards for Philippine Queer Films 219
Appendix C: Synopses and List of Awards for Thai Queer Films 237
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First and foremost, we would like to extend our sincerest gratitude to the
Almighty God for His unending grace and guidance throughout the writing
process.
We would also like to express our profound gratitude to our research

adviser, Ms. Ma. Regina Pato-Agustin for her generosity in sharing her expertise.
Her unwavering passion and dedication have paved the way for the completion of
this academic endeavor. Under her tutelage, Ms. Agustin taught us to devote this
not just to accomplishing an academic requirement but also to a pursuit that is
bigger than ourselves.
To Asst Prof. Jan Michael V. Denila and Mr. Jonathan Eli A. Libut whose
roles were crucial in improving our manuscript. Their useful insights and
suggestions were valuable as they coursed our study in the right direction.
To Mr. Teodoro Nicolas Dulay III and Mr. Tito Quiling Jr., who saw us when
we were once so confused and uncertain. We asked too many questions,
confronted by our desires to know numerous things about queer studies; these
hurdles had caused us to be stagnant and apprehensive. We thank them for
guiding us to ask the right inquiries and to choose what was more applicable in
our academic endeavor.
To P'Soramon Chaichan, a Thai friend who was gracious enough to lend her
time in translating our dedication in her mother tongue.
Finally, to our family and friends who stood by our side, especially in times
of uncertainties, their support provided us with a sense of purpose and
empowerment. Their understanding and prayers made us more motivated and
driven to contribute to the body of knowledge.

Ghislaine Faye M. Bautista, Patrisha B. Magcanan, Remar Paulo L. Panganiban

& Ms. Ma. Regina P. Agustin
Abstract
Cinema is an instrument to construct identities and inculcate principles across wide

audiences, and simultaneously, it is a mirror of reality within a certain time and
space. This is why there are several studies regarding the examination of queer
identities using the lenses of cinema in Thailand and the Philippines. However, the
assessment of queer struggles and the impact of societal conditions on Thai and
Philippine queer cinema is greatly understudied. Guided by McQuail’s theory of
Media and Society, this research propounded that queer portrayal and themes
narrated in the post-second wave of Philippine and Thai queer cinema are influenced
by their societal conditions which are then corroborated by actual queer
experiences. This study applied thematic analysis in twelve post-second wave queer
films from the Philippines and Thailand and data triangulation of primary and
secondary datasets. The results showed that societal conditions in Thailand and the
Philippines e.g., a significant number of killings and hate crimes among the queer
population, little to no implementation of policies that protect the LGBTQ+
population, pervasiveness of stereotypes, and the prevalence of familial
discrimination among the queer population, influenced film themes i.e.,
homophobia, stereotypes, and struggle. These were also significantly corroborated
via actual Thai and Filipino queer experiences.
Keywords: queer cinema, portrayal, queerness, Thailand and the Philippines

UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMAS FACULTY OF ARTS AND LETTERS Page |1
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
1.0. BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Thailand and the Philippines are some countries in Asia that have fairly
tolerated the existence of LGBTQ+ in their respective countries. The said countries
have a plethora of queer identities, including bakla and kathoey, that are difficult
to contextualize using Western lenses. However, in the Philippines, there is
currently no national legislation that would protect LGBTQ individuals from
discrimination, and Filipino same-sex couples are not allowed to marry (UNDP &
USAID, 2014). Meanwhile, in Thailand, LGBTQ people still face barriers to full
equality. Thai same-sex activities are legal but their rights against discrimination,
marriage, and healthcare are not guaranteed relative to their heterosexual
counterparts (UNDP & USAID, 2014). Despite these apparent shortcomings in the
protection of the LGBT community in Thailand and the Philippines, LGBT
personalities and cultures are omnipresent in said countries. This is why queer
media, specifically queer cinema, are ubiquitous in Thailand and the Philippines.
Considering these, the researchers decided to use queer cinema to

examine queer themes and portrayals since cinema is an instrument that
constructs identities and inculcates principles across wide audiences, and
simultaneously, it is a mirror of reality within a certain time and space. Hanson
(1999) in Out Takes: Essays on Queer Theory and Film states that “the study of film
is especially important to questions of desire, identification, fantasy,
representation, spectatorship, cultural appropriation, performativity, and mass
consumption.” Benshoff & Griffin (2006) also assert that films are essentially
“cultural artifacts'' that manifest society’s understanding of gender, sexuality,
history, and identity. This particular relationship between film and society is
interesting in the context of Thailand and the Philippines in which there are
various social phenomena that concern the LGBTQ+ community. i.e., local social
movements, specific issues, narratives, and queer identities. LGBTQ+ rights
advocates in Thailand and the Philippines have lobbied for equal rights and anti-
discrimination policies for decades, but progress has been slow.
Nevertheless, the trend which calls for the recognition and normalization
of institutionalized gender reforms in these societies still stands. This begs the
question, are these social phenomena being properly translated or reflected in
queer films, and are these validated by actual queer experiences? With these, the
researchers decided to conduct a study that would assess the connection of
significant societal conditions in Thai and Philippine queer cinema, present

dominant portrayals and queer issues depicted in these films, and validate these
portrayals and issues using actual queer experiences.
1.1. RESEARCH PROBLEM
The various representations of the LGBTQ+ in Philippine and Thai queer

cinema are observed through the post-second wave, occurring from 2010 to 2019.
Despite the surge of queer films in both Thailand and the Philippines, Musico
(2017) propounds that there are yet legitimate issues linked with the validity and
fairness in telling the stories of the LGBTQ+ community as a whole and their
experiences.
1.2. RESEARCH QUESTIONS
In this study, the researchers aimed to answer the following questions:
• How do queer themes and portrayals of the post-second wave of

Philippine and Thai queer cinema (2010-2019) mirror societal conditions
and actual queer experiences from 2010 onwards?
1. What are the societal conditions that may have influenced the
content and portrayal of LGBTQ+-related themes in films?
2. What are the queer themes and portrayals presented in the
Philippine and Thai queer-themed films?
3. How do film themes and portrayals affirm actual queer
experiences?
1.3 RESEARCH SIGNIFICANCE
The intersection of Philippine queer cinema and bakla identities was

extensively examined by Michael Nunez Inton in 2017. The same study which dealt
with Thai queer cinema and its intersection with kathoey and gay identities was
also explored by Peter Jackson since the early 2000s. Their studies, however, did
not thoroughly deal with other queer concepts such as lesbianism and other forms
of gender identities aside from transgenderism and male homosexuality. This
study aimed to contribute to the discussions about the struggles, stereotypes, and
other issues faced by the queer communities in Thailand and the Philippines.
In this study, the rationale for comparison between the Philippines and
Thailand are as follows:
(1) Both the Philippines and Thailand have diverse and unique perspectives
and interesting takes on gender and sexuality. For instance, both these Southeast
Asian countries have their own gender matrix — the Philippines has the kasarian
while phet in Thailand. These cultural nuances on gender and sexuality in
Philippine and Thai society cannot be fully and properly examined through
Western lenses, therefore, necessitate being delved into and carefully discussed.
(2) The Philippines and Thailand have a plethora of resources on gender

and sexuality and local queer cinema. The abundance of literature was a
significant consideration in this study as it facilitates pointing out the similarities
and differences on LGBTQ+ culture and developments in local queer cinema.
(3) Although the Philippines and Thailand have notable differences in

religion, it is considerable fact that predominant religions in these two countries
played an influential role in shaping the attitudes, behavior, and perceptions
toward the LGBTQ+ community in their respective societies.
(4) The Philippines and Thailand have an apparent timeframe or waves of

local queer cinema. Both local queer cinemas in these countries practically started
within the same time frame — specifically during the second wave of queer
cinema.
(5) Societal conditions and actual queer experiences of Filipino and Thai
queers show an apparent resemblance. Both the Philippine and Thai societies
share similarities in terms of protracted development of comprehensive legal and
social policies that will protect and safeguard the interests of the LGBTQ+ people.
Additionally, this study pursued to benefit the following stakeholders:
Filmmakers. As filmmakers rein the craftsmanship of a film's artistry, this research

study can serve as a reminder in delivering justice and an accurate portrayal of the
struggles faced by the queer community, and eschewing baseless reinforcement
of queer stereotypes. Moreover, filmmakers may realize that queer issues and
themes are diverse, multi-dimensional, and ever-changing as opposed to the
conventional notion that it is linear and immutable.
Media Practitioners. As traditional and digital media continue to become

influential sources of information and entertainment, this research study may
help media practitioners to foster and cultivate a sense of social responsibility and
accountability in importing queer stories to be consumed by the public.
Media Studies Scholars. This study may offer supplemental and substantial
analyses for media studies scholars in their pursuit to assess, understand, and
elucidate the practices in media industries, the numerous factors that impact the
creation of content, and how society and institutions hold a certain power in the
process of communication and/or narration.
Queer Community. This study may explore one of the many rationales behind the
current perceptions towards, the struggles of, and the issues about the queer
community in the Philippines and in Thailand. This may help the queer community
to realize how their narratives are being portrayed in films which may ultimately
lead to better queer representation in Thai and Philippine cinema.
1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS AND OBJECTIVES
1.4.1 HYPOTHESIS
The study claimed that societal conditions influence queer themes and
portrayals of the post-second wave of Philippine and Thai queer cinema (2010-
2019), which are then corroborated by actual queer experiences.
1.4.2 OBJECTIVES
General Objective
The study intended to capture the recurring themes and portrayals
concerning LGBTQ+ portrayal presented across the post-second wave of
Philippine and Thai Queer Cinema in the context of societal conditions
from 2010 onwards.
Specific Objectives
The study likewise extensively incorporated the following
objectives:
● To determine the societal conditions in Thailand and the

Philippines that have influenced the content/plotlines and
portrayal of the LGBTQ+ in selected films of Philippine and Thai
queer cinema; and
● To investigate Philippine and Thai Queer cinema’s portrayal of

the LGBTQ in their respective societies. This pursues to capture
and describe specific queer issues and recurring themes
(“patterns”) recognized through the presentation of codes that
encompass discrimination, violence, scarcity of acceptance,
macho gay men, effeminate men, and the queer against their
environment; and
● To corroborate these queer portrayals in selected films of

Philippine and Thai queer cinema through investigations of
these respective countries’ societal conditions and the
inclusion of actual queer experiences.
1.5 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

This study explored and discussed the prevailing themes and struggles in
the selected queer-themed films of Philippine and Thai cinema of the post-second
wave of queer cinema which spans from 2010 to 2019. The discussion
incorporated societal conditions of the queer community in both societies and the
actual experiences of the LGBTQ+ people, which paralleled and intersected in the
films. A separate comparative discussion also covered which determined and
enumerated the similarities and differences concerning queer experiences,
prevailing themes in Filipino and Thai queer-themed films, and the given
conditions within the Philippine and Thai societies.
In terms of the selection of films, this research study examined selected

mainstream and independent films of Philippine and Thai cinema. In order to
diversify the exploration of this research study, a set of films, irrespective of genre,
was considered in the discussion and analysis section, however, this study did not
include any other queer-themed media or materials that were outside the
premises of cinema like soap operas, television series, documentaries, and short
films. The selection of these films also focused on Benshoff’s criterion on
classifying queer-themed films in which the queer character is considered as the
primary mover of the film’s storyline. This research also delved into the recurring
themes which are manifested through the plotline, characterization, and
conflict/issues presented.
This study did not further delve into the reception of the general public on
the films specified above. Moreover, the study did not also include the impact of
queer films on state institutions, particularly in relation to the legislation of
policies that concern the queer community. Most importantly, as much as this
study ought to examine and analyze the entirety of the queer community and to
gather actual queer experiences, the availability of resources and the given global
health crisis posed limitations in conducting this research undertaking.
1.6 DEFINITION OF TERMS

Cinema. This refers to the art of making motion pictures (films) in which it
is presented and consumed by the general public. This can also pertain to the
film industry that is constituted by various media and technological institutions
of filmmaking (i.e., film production companies, film studios, film festivals, film
productions) (Merriam-Webster, n.d.).
Queer. It is an umbrella term that encapsulates the fluidity of one’s

individual sexual and/or gender identity in which it does not subscribe and
conform to established heteronormative behavior and standards (Augustyn &
Hidalgo, 2016).
Queer Cinema. The production of films in which the plotline primarily

revolves around queer themes. These queer-themed films put a premium on
the queer character as it is the primary mover of the storyline (Benshoff and
Griffin, 2006; Taweewuttichai, 2016: 6).
Portrayal. The depiction of the LGBTQ+ community in cinema. This

pertains to the inclusion, diversity, accuracy, and even misrepresentation or
stereotypes, of the cinema and media industry of the LGBTQ+ community in
queer films (Payuyo, 2012).
Story. Likewise identified as narrative, a story pertains to an account of a

series of events happening in space and time, often in ways that are ordered
and connected by the logic of cause and effect (Literary Terms, 2018).
Themes. One of the analytic steps employed in Thematic Analysis that is

characterized by a common, recurring pattern covering the dataset, which is
clustered around a central organizing idea. Likewise, it incorporates a concept
that encapsulates and summarizes the fundamental point of a coherent and
consequential pattern observed in the data (Braun and Clarke, 2006 as cited by
Turner, 2019).
CHAPTER 2
Review of Related Literature and Studies
2.0 ON ‘QUEER’: CONTEXT AND DEFINITION

The paths to progress incorporated societies’ active attempts to forge an
environment that is more inclusive, recognizant of identities, and empowering.
Alongside this development, the parlance applied to discuss LGBTIQ people is
persistently expanding, thus the older and shorter acronym – LGBT – is further
investigated and broadened to address the ever-changing struggles and concepts
of the community. The evolution of the idea is observed through the following
movements: new terms have emerged, while words that were unutilized and
forgotten, including terms that were once perceived derogatory, have been
reclaimed and have presently plunged into a common language (Montz, 2020).
The concept of ‘queer’ was primarily applied up until the nineteenth century to
identify individuals considered as nonconformist and odd (Hanhardt, 2019); albeit
it was often but not typically proposed as a label and imputed to individuals rather
than applied for representation. By the twentieth century, however, the term was
utilized for perceived sexual or gender nonconformity. Hanhardt (2019) adds that
a newly emerged social movement during the 1960s and 1970s advocated for the
rejection of tags and epithets including queer and homosexual, which were
deemed medical problems and insulting, to promote proud pronouncements, viz.,
“Gay is Good.”
However, around 1990, the idea of ‘queer’ gained more public

consciousness and had confronted ostensible normalizing means of state power
to tag and confine its sexual subjects as: “male or female, heterosexual or
homosexual, natural or perverse, and married or single” (Eng, Halberstam, &
Muñoz, 2005: 1). The authors further claim that the political promise of the
concept reposed particularly in its wide critique of numerous social antagonisms
that included race, nationality, gender, class, and religion, in addition to the
discourses about sexuality (Eng et al, 2005: 1).
To further discuss the term, it is essential to elucidate the word ‘queer’ in

other areas of study – such as politics. The political contextualization of the idea
transpired in order to discuss a plethora of controversies, including the politics of
sexual minorities, AIDS activism, and post-structuralist-inspired theories (Kornak,
2015: 16). The emergence of sexual minority politics or the term ‘queer’ already
transpired in the United Kingdom for the purposes of activism and academic
debates starting in the 1990s, however, the term was not deemed as essential in
terms of culture and politics. Thus, the author argued that the “queer” as a
political concept is significantly linked with the past accounts of the United States’
sexual minorities (Kornak, 2015: 16), by which the appearance of the gay, lesbian,
and sexual minority movements were given public awareness after the Second
World War. However, Kornak (2015) states that the rise of ‘queer’ as a political
concept was patterned after the 1969 Stonewall riots by many activists and
theorists, while pre-Stonewall mobilizations and numerous homosexual groups
were generally tagged as the “homophile movement.” In the present context,
despite the reclamation of the term ‘queer’, not all individuals from the LGBTQIA+
community identify themselves as one – to note that the tag is still considered an
insult according to LGBTQIA Resource Center. Nonetheless, ‘queer’ is still widely
known as an umbrella term and is significantly preferred by those in the
community, primarily because the term does not force an individual to choose a
specific tag for their gender identity and sexual orientation (Miller, 2016: 307). The
usage of ‘queer’ is also linked with interrogating and transgressing the borders of
heteronormativity. To create a more in-depth elucidation of the term, QPOC or
Queer People of Color emerged to understand minority groups’ experiences.
2.1 ORIENTING THE QUEER DISCOURSE

Queer Studies and Asian Studies have undertaken considerable changes
with their objects of examination and disciplinary position to explore numerous
elements that influence different areas of analysis, posing as a challenge to, and
beyond the dominance of, queer Eurocentrism and US exceptionalism (Chiang &
Wong, 2017: 121). Lee (2019: 219) propounds that putting Queer and Asia
together addresses different concerns apart from the concept of “queer” as it
leaves a series of unsolvable issues including the resentment on sexual or national
modernity, the redefinition of nation or state, and the formation of
‘Counterpublics’ dedicated to opposing a dominant ideology and strategically
unsettle that construction of ideology in a public discussion (Fattal, 2018: 1). The
current disposition of queer inquiries has progressively shifted to intersectional
sorts of study from its emergence as a new sphere of examination in the mid-
1980s to divorce itself from feminism and be presented as a precursor to critique
poststructuralist notions of gender, sex, body, and sexuality. The intersectional
framework presents feeling, structuring, transforming queerness through the
sociohistorical patterns of class, ableism, race, gender, and the preeminence of
neoliberalism (Chiang & Wong, 2017: 121). This also posits the significance of
orientation to tackle numerous themes such as queer studies directed towards
the areas of colonial history, the geopolitics of war and terror (Eng et al, 2005:1 as
cited by Chiang & Wong, 2017: 121), indigenous identities, and the understanding
of queer diaspora and the queer fronts of globalization seen through the state of
geographical mobility to form new ideas and experiences of sexuality and gender
identity (Wesling, 2008: 31).
Inton-Campbell (2021: 28) suggests that positioning the context of queer

highlights the idea that the way gender is comprehended in Southeast Asia may
be fundamentally different from how the rest of the world perceives gender.
Consequently, it is further posited that the contemporary methods of interpreting
gender or sexuality divide fall into the issues of obscuring local means of
discovering, which can examine the individual in a more complete and holistic
manner that proposes sexuality as not dissociative from gender performance – an
idea popularized by Judith Butler in her book Gender Trouble (1990, as cited by
Figueira, 2016: 1) to challenge the dominant philosophical model forged during
the 1970s that presumes a dissociation of gender and sex. To present Philippine
and Thai queer identities, the discussion must be examined through a queer
theory. Judith Butler’s theory as stated in her mentioned book, Gender Trouble,
extensively counts gender, sex, and sexuality to be performative or as a pattern of
performances, this explicates that what constitutes the identity is how it is sensed
to be (Butler, 1990: 24-25, as cited by Garcia, 2000: 267). The idea purports that
gender is always a doing, and thus, the identity or the ‘I’ is produced only by, and
in performance within the array of gender. Following Butler’s theory, gender has
been perceived differently and is no longer deemed for it to be accounted for in
isolation from the realm of a biological arrangement. Rather, it follows the idea
that all identities and orientations – gender, sex, and sexuality are the results of
the undertaking of doing and discourses. In other words, identity is not what one
is, but what one does. Butler utilizes a concept of structure within which the acts
of subjectivity are made to be logical; this arrangement is called the ‘heterosexual
matrix.’ The rationale of this matrix encompasses two sexes (male and female),
two genders (masculine and feminine), and two sexualities (homosexual and
heterosexual) (Butler, 1999: 17).
2.1.1 PHILIPPINE QUEER IDENTITIES

There must be a point of orienting sexual histories or considering the
historical and cultural particularity to not be confined within the Western context
of identities, which means that although some versions of the heterosexual matrix
exist in the Philippines, it is not automatically consistent as Butler’s matrix (Garcia,
2000: 269-270). Garcia emphasizes that while the bipolar lalake/babae
(male/female) sex classification is prominently discussed in the Philippines, there
UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMAS FACULTY OF ARTS AND LETTERS P a g e | 10
are other possible ideas beyond the masculine and feminine concepts in Philippine
society.
The Western counterpart of the gender matrix in the Philippines is known

as Kasarian (literally means ‘type’), it semantically bears relatively more flexibility
than that of the West. Garcia (2000) examines that the nonsensical rhyme: girl,
boy, bakla, tomboy creates a four-level hierarchy, signifying the babae as the
cisgender, heterosexual woman and the lalake as the cisgender, heterosexual man
categorized under the normative genders, while the bakla and the tomboy fall
under the non-normative type. According to Inton-Campbell (2021: 28), the
Tagalog term Bakla coalesces concepts of male homosexuality, transgenderism,
cross-dressing, and effeminacy. In a contemporary context, the mentioned is
identified as someone who is mainly perceived as a person assigned with male sex
at birth, but exhibits numerous expressions of femininity; this includes, but is not
limited to, transgender women (Yarcia, de Vela, & Tan 2019: 1). On the other hand,
the contemporary usage of tomboy is associated with a person with female sex at
birth but who has a masculine expression, including transgender men. Philippine
sexual variations also incorporate the silahis. Albeit silahis is translated in English
terms as bisexual, in Philippine society, it is predominantly associated with males
who have masculine gender expressions and those who have sex with males and
females. Thus, although the SOGIESC framework is accessible and more universal
– the bakla does not necessarily fit in the model as the identity is both a gender
expression and a sexual orientation (Inton-Campbell, 2021: 28-29). However, even
s it is associated with the concept of homosexuality, it must not be automatically
confused with the babaeng bakla. The latter is commonly identified within the
parlance of scholars as a heterosexual woman who establishes deep friendships
or almost particularly linked with the indigenous bakla LGBT subculture who
stereotypically possesses the lingo, fashion sense, mannerisms, and campy sense
of humor of the bakla (Torre & Manalastas, 2013: 149). A prominent celebrity who
self-identifies herself as one is Rufa Mae Quinto (Placente, 2019). However, just
as the other terms and ideas, the concept of the babaeng bakla can also transform
as LGBTQ+ experiences constantly evolve.
The gender matrix Kasarian can also be associated with Thai’s gender
matrix phet. Nonetheless, it must be considered that terminologies are not solely
contingent on generalized terms but also on the specific experiences, associations,
political and socio-economic conditions, and historical and cultural origins –
important elements that must be taken to extensively examine the context of
queerness in Philippine society. The historical roots of the bakla may be patterned
after the Babaylan, a cross-dressing religious bureaucrat from the pre-colonial
era. In contemporary times, the bakla has continued to evolve and break into
numerous concepts. Macdonald (2007) discloses other terminologies related to
Philippine queer identities: Parloristas, Pusong Babae, and Vakler. Pusong Babae
is commonly used to identify men with a woman’s heart, while the Vakler is a
variation of swardspeak that is known to have corrupted the term bakla.
Nonetheless, the tag vakler is not static and is constantly being re-examined,
reinvented, and revised to reflect on new and changing life events and encounters,
thus can be regarded a sociolect rather than a dialect (Macdonald, 2007: 165).
Parlorista is a generic parlance used to identify low-income MSMs (men who have
sex with men) or queers from the lower class who are depicted as effeminate,
loud, and crass (Manalansan, 2013: 572). Some queers do not consider the term
discriminatory as they deem it relevant to their life conditions; the average Filipino
likewise associates parloristas as representatives of the entire bakla population
(Macdonald, 2007: xii).
Other indigenous LGBT terms in the Philippines have emerged, some are
used to identify specific groups and may be regarded as negative, positive, and
flexible identifications. These include: tibo, batibit, tiboli, lesbiyana, t-bird,
tomboy, and Charice, a prominent singer who is now notable as Jake Zyrus, for
“Lesbians”; bakla, bading, beks, and sirena are associated with the “Gays”; while
trans, bakla, binabae, lady boy, badingger, badaf, drag queen/king, and pa-girl are
used to identify “Transgenders” (UNDP-USAID, 2014) – these terms are
predominantly utilized in Metro Manila.
2.1.2 THAI QUEER IDENTITIES

The term “queer” that is widely prominent in the English language is not
particularly manifested in Thailand’s LGBT parlance and cultures (Jackson, 2000:
3). More evidently, the Thai term phet that encompasses concepts of sex, gender,
and sexuality is a grand idea that is pivotal to all discourses of gender and
sexuality. Inton-Campbell (2021: 30) construes Thai’s gender system as a three-
sexed framework of gender and sexuality that happens on the male and female
‘binary continuum’. The proliferation of Thai identities started in the 1960s to
1985, during which the number of categories to tag distinctive types of gendered
or sexed entity first increased swiftly (Jackson, 2000: 409). The complexities of
these connotations of phet eventually disclosed the term as a distinctive category
of gendered existence that possesses its own characteristic type of sexual desire
or eroticism, making the possibility of translating the term as an ‘Eroticized
gender.’ Jackson highlights that phet cannot be categorized in solely two groups,
thus, all identities are envisaged as the blending of distinct levels of masculinity
and femininity that understands the concept as a diverse construct (Jackson 2011:
3). This gender matrix, or the varieties of phet, reveals heteronormative identities
in Thai’s parlance as phu-chai (normatively masculine men) and phu-ying
(normatively feminine women), while dominant queer subjectivities are known as
tom, dee, kathoey, gay king, and gay queen.
The Kathoey is significant to be tackled to understand the evolution of the

‘queer’ discourse in Thai gender and sexual identities. This part of the varieties of
phet is regarded as an intermediate being, signifying a person who possessed
hermaphroditic characteristics or that their expressed attitude and behavior are
classified as inappropriate for their gender, understood in Thai culture as kathoey
(third gender or sex), this outlines the perceptions that the condition of ‘third
gender’ works in-between the spectrum of masculine and feminine. Jackson
(2000: 409 – 410) adds that since the 1960s, the explosion of a new range of
varieties of phet transpired, through which the category of kathoey split into a
plethora of masculine, feminine, transvestite, and hermaphroditic forms. The split
gave birth to new classifications, viz., kathoey thae (a true hermaphrodite),
kathoey thiam (a pseudo-hermaphrodite; or a cross-dressing man), kathoey sao (a
cross-dressing young woman), or other expression related to this term is known
as ying plorm pen chai (in literal translations meant ‘a woman who impersonates
a man’), krathiam (a humorous term which means ‘garlic’; this word meant a
‘false’ krathoey or a man who is sexually attracted to other men but does not
conform to effeminate attributes and cross-dressing), nonetheless the latter is
apparently different from kathoey num (a masculine young homosexual man),
kathoey phu-chai (a masculine adult homosexual man), and kathoey prophet
sorng (a second classification of kathoey which means a man who prefers males
but does not conform to kathoey stereotypes just as krathiam).
English-language terms have also entered the parlance of Thai

terminologies with respect to Gender Identity and Sexual Orientation,
nonetheless, these concepts are appropriated to emphasize cultural adaptation
and traditional nuances. Gay has been used in contemporary Thai urban cultures
for homosexual men to separately identify themselves from the effeminate
undertones attributed to the kathoey (Inton-Campbell, 2021: 31-32). On one
hand, women attracted to women are not tagged as “gay women”, but tom, di, or
les (lesbian) (Busakorn Suriyasarn, 2014: 17). However, the term Lesbian is
sometimes utilized and has negative interpretations. Bi or bisexual is also used,
but only a few identify themselves as one in Thailand. TG or Transgender has been
applied to refer to Thai transgenders and is commonly used by Thai transgender
activists and members of this community. Despite this adaptation, Thai terms are
still widely used due to their cultural specificity. The collective term Chai rak chai
(men who love men) is a preferred concept among this group, while the collective
and most favored identification for lesbians is Ying rak ying (women who love
women). Tom (or Tomboy) refers to women who possess a masculine gender
expression or identity and are emotionally, sexually, or physically attracted to
women but are not automatically considered a Di (a “lady” with feminine gender
expression and identity but is attracted to same sex). On the other hand, the
mentioned kathoey is currently contextualized and applied exclusively to MTF
(male-to-female) transgender people, nonetheless, not all MTF transgender
persons identify themselves as one, especially those who are pursuing to have a
final transition to the female sex (Suriyasarn, 2014: 18). Inton-Campbell (2021: 32)
states that due to the masculinization of the Thai gay man, the name attached to
kathoey is linked more with feminine males; the kathoey is likewise intently
attributed to the aesthetics industry and sex work. Lastly, Thai queer
terminologies also possess the concept of a “third gender”, which is known as Phet
thi sam, used to identify non-heterosexual persons and non-lesbian, gay, bisexual,
and transgender people. Despite this, the term Phet thi sam is not favored by
numerous Thai LGBT people as it is deemed to be reinforcing gender hierarchy
(Suriyasarn, 2014: 18).
2.2 QUEER FILM HISTORY

2.2.1 DEFINING QUEER CINEMA
The difference between queer cinema from other film genres primarily lies
in the content and objective it offers to the general public. The term ‘queer’ is
constantly changing and responding its meaning accordingly to the political and
cultural landscape where it is situated, therefore queer representation which
constitutes queer filmmaking is also transforming (Loist, 2014: 159).
A detailed and comprehensive explanation and enumeration were

provided by Harry Benshoff and Sean Griffin in their book entitled Queer Images:
A History of Queer. Benshoff and Griffin (2006: 9-12) stated the five qualifications
for a film to be considered under the category of queer cinema. Firstly and
arguably, the most apparent one is the appearance of queer characters. It is worth
noting that during the early years of Classical Hollywood, any type of queer-
themed film was banned. A subtle queer characterization, manifested through
mannerism, costuming, speech pattern, was utilized to imply a queer character,
which was known as connotative homosexuality, to directly or indirectly slip
Production Code censors. Secondly, a film could be considered queer through its
authorship: films can be considered queer when it is written, directed, or

produced by a queer person and starred by queer actors. Thirdly, the reception
and different means of spectatorship; a queer film is perceived from a perspective
of a queer viewing position. Fourthly, the types of films or films genres that might
be considered queer, which is attributed to specific characteristics like horror,
musical, science fiction films. Lastly, the act of experiencing the film; the
psychological processes of looking at and identifying with characters can be
considered queer. Benshoff and Griffin concluded that all these different ways of
defining a queer film can overlap and blur together.
This broad classification of how film can be considered as a part of queer

cinema already suggested a highly encompassing and different ways of strategies
and techniques from a non-normative perspective. Understanding Benshoff and
Griffin’s definition implies a broad and flexible definition of queer cinema, which
transcends beyond mere identity representation. Furthermore, this also implies
that a distinction could be made between LGBT representation and queer cinema
wherein the former focuses on identarian, and commonly “positive”
representation, while the latter explores different ways of expression of art and
culture (Loist, 2014: 160).
2.2.2 THE WAVES AND EVOLUTION OF QUEER CINEMA IN THAILAND AND THE
PHILIPPINES
The first wave of queer films in Thailand started in the 1980s which was
surprisingly late for a country known to be the haven of queer individuals in the
status quo. The surge of queer films in Thailand in the 1980s was mistakenly
attributed to the Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency
Syndrome (HIV/AIDS) epidemic or the aftermath of the Stonewall riots which
happened more than a decade prior which facilitated the New Queer Cinema
movement in the West in the 1990s (Kaewprasert, n.d.: 2; Rich, 2013: 16).
According to Grossman (2000:1) and his analysis of queer cinema, queer cinema
is often divided into two categories namely ‘a propagandistic search for bourgeois
acceptance’ and ‘a radical challenge to sexual hegemony’. Kaewprasert (n.d.: 4)
asserts that the first wave of queer films in Thailand which are The Last Song
(1985), Tortured Love (1987), and I am a Man (1987) fall to the first category of
Grossman’s analysis of queer cinema. In terms of depiction, Jackson (2002:220-
225) states the films mainly presented queer people’s sufferings in the forms of
suicide plots and impossible love stories. The first wave of queer cinema left much
to be desired concerning queer sensibilities, however, Kaewprasert (n.d.: 3) also
argues that the images or narratives of Thai queer cinema in the 1980s promotes
understanding and sympathy for the queer population in Thailand rather than
appealing for queer rights and identities.
Meanwhile, the first wave of queer films in the Philippines started in the
early 1950s with Rodolfo “Dolphy” Quizon, Sr. at the forefront. Dolphy’s Jack & Jill
(1954) was the first film to feature a queer person or a bakla in Filipino context,
which served as the primary mover of the film’s narrative (Inton, 2017: 28). Dolphy
has become a staple of Philippine queer cinema since its inception until the early
2000s through his roles particularly in Facifica Falayfay (1969) and Fefita
Fofongay, Sarhento Fofongay (1973). Lino Brocka is also a figurehead of the first
wave of queer cinema in the Philippines due to his works Tubog sa Ginto (1971),
Macho dancer (1988), Ang Tatay Kong Nanay (1978), Maynila: Sa Mga Kuko ng
Liwanag (1975) amongst others which tackle homosexuality and the presentation
of peripheral gay characters (David, 2012: 21). Brocka’s films offered a much more
nuanced queer imaging which was arguably ahead of its time—his films commonly
delved into sexual narratives and the plethora of gender expressions of male
homosexuals commonly divided into masculine and feminine (David, 2012: 36).
Brocka’s queer imaging transcended the construction of the early “Dolphy bakla”
which was predominantly slapstick and was inclined towards gay crossdressers,
somehow devoid of complexities in terms of expression.
Overall, comparable to the first wave of Thai queer cinema, the early form
of Philippine queer cinema did not necessarily inspire queer social movements, it
primarily aimed for the recognition, as well as understanding and sympathy, of
queer spaces and people (Baytan, 2008: 60).
The second wave or new wave of queer cinema in both Thailand and the
Philippines started in the 1990s wherein the public in both countries experienced,
or demanded at the very least, changes in attitude and policies towards queer
individuals. The second wave of queer cinema in Thailand and the Philippines
started to veer from Grossman’s first category of queer cinema to the second one.
Thailand produced films with queer-oriented films of various genres particularly
the Adventures of Iron Pussy (2003), Love of Siam (2007), and Bangkok Love Story
(2007). Kathoey and gay characters in these films challenged the pervasive
depictions of their sexual orientations presented in Thai queer cinema i.e., being
the comic relief (Ünaldi, 2011). Inton (2018: 2) states that these films present the
reality that a variety of genders exists and persists in Thailand, and these are also
appeals for free expression, self-acceptance, tolerance, and love beyond social
norms. In the Philippines, however, stereotypical depictions of the bakla were still
preponderant in the 1990s, but films such as Miguelle/Michelle (1998), Pusong
Mamon (1999), Markova (2001), Aishite Imasu 1941 (2004), and Bathhouse
(2004), have transcended and explored non-stereotypical discourses e.g., sex
work, and the intersection of economic standing and sexuality, regarding the
bakla which somehow fueled the rise of gay activism in this period (Baytan,
2008:184).
Interestingly, studies that deal with the analysis of second wave of queer
films in both societies as mentioned above only deal with movies that was
produced until 2009. There is a vacuum of studies that concern films made from
2010 up to the present, and there is no collective term for the queer films created
from 2010 onwards. Therefore, for the purposes of this study, post-second wave
of queer films will be the term used for queer films made from 2010 up to the
present.
2.3 REVIEW OF RELATED STUDIES

2.3.1 QUEER AND FILM STUDIES IN THE PHILIPPINES
A plethora of studies that dealt with the portrayal of gay characters in films
were done by Payuyo (2012), Reyes et., al (2012), and Catalan (2010), amongst
many others. However, the most extensive study regarding Philippine queer
cinema was done by Mikee Nunez Inton in her study “The Bakla and the Silver
Screen Queer Cinema in the Philippines.” Inton (2017) elaborate on the
intersection of Philippine cinema and the construction of the bakla through close
inspection of gender transitivity and intransitivity, construction and
reconstruction of the bakla desire, and the ideas of stardom and celebrity in the
context of bakla films of Vice Ganda, and Roderick Paulate, amongst many others.
This study successfully mapped out seven decades worth of queer films and
effectively presented the evolution of the bakla identity, performances, and lives
through the lenses of cinema.
As for methodology, Inton (2017) used narrative analysis to examine the

elements of story-telling as well as the technicalities e.g. camera work, framing,
mise-en-scene, sound, costumes, actor performances, and editing, of the films
selected between 1950s to 2010s. The author selected films that manifest
significant changes in the depiction of the bakla in the silver screen, most of which
starred Dolphy, Roderick Paulate, and Vice Ganda. Moreover, the author also
employed the cultural studies perspective which expounds the different contexts
e.g., political, cultural, and social, which affect the construction of bakla identity
in the silver screen. Simply, narrative analysis was used to understand the film
then it underwent the scrutiny of the cultural studies perspective to answer the
research questions posed. Studies done by Payuyo (2012) and Reyes et., al (2012)
utilized content analysis to interpret characters, actions, gestures, or symbols to
identify the stereotypes and recurring narratives in the respective films that they
have chosen.
Studies conducted by Payuyo (2012), Inton (2017), Catalan (2010) and

Reyes et., al (2012) delved on mainstream films that featured Dolphy, Roderick
Paulate, and Vice Ganda, however, few niche independent films were also
portrayed; these actors’ portrayals somehow signify different eras in Philippine
queer cinema. Inton (2017) asserted that the construction of bakla identity has
evolved all throughout the decades. Dolphy’s bakla was characterized for its
“effeminacy, cross-dressing, lower-class status, and sexuality directed toward the
lalake. The practice of cross-dressing is also a crucial feature of early queer films
since it is a tool which depicts femininity in the bakla character. Cross-dressing was
also seen in the films by Roderick Paulate, Vice Ganda, and other mainstream
films, but it was not as pronounced compared to the earlier queer films by Dolphy
in which cross-dressing was an everyday ordeal for the character (Payuyo, 2012;
Inton, 2017; Reyes et., al, 2012). Moreover, cross-dressing was replaced with
homonormative dressing in contemporary films because the construction of the
bakla in recent decades has shifted from gender fluidity and performance to male
homosexuality.
It should be reiterated that the concept of bakla encompasses

homosexuality, transvestism, and even transgenderism. To expound on the
gender transitivity and intransitivity of the bakla in Philippine queer cinema, the
Inton (2017) argues that since the bakla conflates the identities of the gay man
and the transwoman, the struggles of kabaklaan depicted in Philippine cinema
resonate with trans discourse all over the world. The idea that transitioning
somehow offers social acceptance is also pervasive in the construction of bakla in
Philippine queer cinema.
As much as the construction of bakla identity has become more nuanced

throughout the decades, the same is true with bakla desire. The bakla desire has
shifted from bakla-lalaki sexual dynamics into bakla-bakla relationships. In the
earlier Dolphy films, the bakla pursued the love of heteronormative cisgender men
and although this trope was still pervasive in the films of Roderick Paulate and Vice
Ganda, contemporary independent films now feature sexual dynamics between
two bakla characters.
Lastly, as for the ideas of stardom and celebrity of actors who play gay roles
in film and television, the author contended that Philippine queer cinema has had
a plethora of heteronormative cisgender actors e.g., Dolphy, sexually ambiguous
actors e.g., Roderick Paulate, and openly gay actors e.g., Vice Ganda, to play bakla
roles. Inton (2017) also added that in as much as Vice Ganda’s ubiquity in
mainstream queer cinema must be celebrated, he is politically uninformed, and
he uses other marginalized sectors such as women as the ammunition of his
humor which bring more harm than good to audiences who look up to him.
2.3.2 QUEER AND FILM STUDIES IN THAILAND

Most of the related studies conducted by other scholars primarily centered
on the characterization and portrayal of queers and dealt with the recurring queer
stereotypes in Thai queer cinema. Although cinema came early in Thailand during
the early 20th century, Kaewprasert (2008: 1) states that it took more than half a
century for the Thai cinema to introduce a film that dealt with a queer character.
Kaewprasert (n.d.: 1) emphasizes that the kathoey became a dominant queer
image and common fixture in the Thai queer cinema. The first appearance of a
male-to-female transgender thematic film in Thai history was seen in The Last
Song which was released in 1985. Throughout the first wave of Thai queer cinema,
specifically started from the mid 1980s and concluded in the late 1990s, the
familiar genres and narratives circulating in queer plotlines primarily revolved
around melodrama and tragic. These genres and queer narratives were
undoubtedly presented in the first three queer films in the 1980s — The Last Song
(1985), Tortured Love (1987) and I Am a Man (1987). Changes in genres were later
to be observed after the 1990s; the end of the first wave in Thai queer cinema.
This was seen in the commercially successful mainstream comedy film The Iron
Ladies which was produced in 2001. It is also worth noting that the kathoey
remains to be the main protagonist in the film however was presented in a
different genre at this time. As Kaewprasert argues (n.d.: 5) that the pervasiveness
of kathoey in mainstream media provided an opportunity for transgenders in
Thailand to be perceived as performers or entertainers. Kaewprasert (n.d.: 5)
additionally points out that transgendered people are often considered objects of
laughter and parody; in other words, kathoey is viewed as comic relief.
Kaewprasert (n.d.: 13) concluded that the representation of queerness in Thai
cinema has somehow remained to be unchanged in some of the characters,
including desiring true love, suicidal plots, screaming characters, and genres that
revolve around tragedy, melodrama, and comedy.
In the same light, a similar study conducted by Taweewuttichai (2016: 4-5)

wherein she draws on her analysis of three elements of character designs, namely
the characterization, deep character, and character’s arc which all these focus on
kathoey in different films. Taweewuttichai (2016: 36-39) chose three different
genre films which had a kathoey character and derived different scenes from these
films to employ the analysis. Taweewuttichai (2016: 40) argues that these selected
scenes will offer clear images of the kathoey at different points in the narrative
and provide a picture of how these characters are designed and how they
developed throughout the movies. These selected films were produced in a
different period as the Taweewuttichai aims to map out and track changes in
kathoey representation in Thai queer cinema. According to the findings of the
study, Taweewuttichai (2016: 95-97) states the kathoey characters are well
represented and highly visible in the films, which can be uniformly observed in the
selected films with their costumes and make-up. Taweewuttichai (2016: 95)
furthers that common representation is that the kathoey characters are portrayed
to be unaware of how they talk, implying that their representation is as
‘screaming’ and loudmouth characters. Taweewuttichai (2016: 95) specifies this
by saying that the kathoey characters talk about sensitive topics in public without
consideration and scold others. Taweewuttichai (2016: 96) also noted that
kathoey characters are represented as kathoey (male-to-female transgender)
wherein she clarifies that the kathoeys identify themselves as kathoey rather than
women; in other words, they classify themselves outsides from the binary gender
male and female. Taweewuttichai (2016: 97) also enumerates the stereotypes
associated with the kathoeys wherein she explains in her findings that the kathoey
characters were stereotyped as being obsessed with and crazy about men which
stems from the conventional notion that kathoeys are not successful in finding
true love.
Furthermore, in a similar study, Pongpanit (2011) explored and analyzed

how the practices of expression and maintenance of non-normative genders and
sexualities affect the lives of sexual minority characters or queer characters in
three different genres in Thai cinema: tragedy, drama, and comedy. Pongpanit
(2011) selected films that were produced within the twenty-year period, which is
from 1980 to 2010. The theoretical approaches and frameworks that were used
were cinematic diegesis and post-colonial theory, and film theory and critiques
were utilized to analyze the films. In the discussion of the results, Pongpanit
(2011: 215) also echoed the same findings of the same studies however with some
notable caveats. Pongpanit (2011: 215) explained that within the genre of tragedy,
despite the presence of traditional Thai non-normative gendered identities, the
kathoeys and toms, who conform to binary oppositions of masculinity and
femininity and have been long familiar to Thai society, are generally more
accepted, and interestingly remains to receive 'special tolerance' from the Thais,
however, Pongpanit (2011: 215) underscored that this should not be perceived as
an acceptance of the sexual minorities in Thai society generally. Pongpanit (2011:
2015) explains that this is primarily because of the economic contribution that
they are providing, which is particularly true for the kathoeys whose cross-
dressing performances attract both locals and international tourists. A tragic
ending caused by same-sex love and relationship is also a recurring theme that
Pongpanit (2011) put stress on. Pongpanit (2011: 215-217) mentioned that in the
films The Last Song, The Love of Siam, and Bangkok Love Story, same-sex desire is
not permissible and allowed to endure as it entails tragedy and deadly results.
Pongpanit (2011: 217) plainly puts "for characters with non-normative sexual
identities, love is neither real nor possible'. 'Pongpanit (2011: 216-217) also stated
that issues like HIV/AIDS are widely and inextricably associated with
homosexuality, depicted in films as contagious and destructive. Lastly, on queer
identities, Pongpanit (2011: 215-220) further followed the findings of other
studies, in which kathoeys are considered to be laughingstock or comic relief, and
a source of comedy, and some stigmas are still associated with kathoey characters.
Pongpanit (2011: 215-218) examined that the kathoeys are considered
'stereotypical traditional kathoeys' who are usually effeminate and loud, and the
'modern gays' whose expression and identity fall into masculinity that veered
away from the feminine image of queer identity in Thai queer cinema.
2.4 SYNTHESIS
The concept of ‘queer’ is thoroughly studied through the experiences of
the West. Albeit these studies are substantial in discussing numerous concepts
and theories, queer encounters must also be examined in the context of their
disciplinary orientation to understand the distinct struggles that are linked with
race, culture, religion, class, and among other elements. This means that the
issues of sexual minority groups are closely interrelated with the experiences of
their communities.
Judith Butler propounds the idea of ‘heterosexual matrix’ that was

positioned in the two mentioned countries. This gender matrix is known in the
Philippines as kasarian and phet in Thailand. The importance of extensively
examining this matrix separately is to note that despite the Southeast Asian
encounter, Thailand and the Philippines’ concepts on Gender Identity and Sexual
Orientation yet considerably vary in culture and experiences. Likewise, the
historical scenes and major turning points in the Philippines and Thailand were
discussed to provide contexts on the societies that are reflected in cinema that
are aligned with LGBTQ+ experiences.
Considering all the abovementioned discussions, this study aimed to

further elucidate the connection of society i.e., societal conditions to the content
of LGBTQ+ stories in queer cinema. This study examined the themes and
construction of the queer narrations portrayed through the Thai and Philippine
queer cinema throughout the post-second wave of queer cinema by properly
contextualizing queer identities in the said societies and by thematically analyzing
significant narrations regarding the LGBT community.
The study by Inton (2017), Payuyo (2012), Catalan (2012), and Reyes et. al.,
are certainly important references in the study of queer cinema since these
present an extensive insight regarding bakla discourse, however, it can be
innovated further by navigating the concept of queerness, which encompasses
transgenderism, homosexuality, non-binarism, and even lesbianism, in the
context of Philippine and Thai communities instead of just probing into the
concept of kabaklaan done by these authors.
The related studies by Kaewprasert (2008), Pongpanit (2011), and

Taweewuttichai (2016) show that there are research gaps that need to be
explored in terms of representation and evolution of queer portrayal and
narratives. This implies that other queer identities in the Thai queer community
are understudied which clearly necessitates exploration and analysis to diversify
insights on how queer is presented in Thai queer cinema.
2.5 THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

2.5.1 DENIS MCQUAIL’S THEORY OF MEDIA AND SOCIETY
This research undertaking aimed to examine the themes and portrayals of

LGBTQ+ stories in the post-second wave of Thai and Philippine cinema that
coincided with the prevailing existing societal conditions of the queer community
both in Philippine and Thai society. This study utilized the theoretical
underpinnings of Denis McQuail’s theory of media and society to support the
hypothesis of this study.
In his work Mass Communication Theory, McQuail (2010) contended that

mass media is a ‘metaphorical mirror that reflects myriad events in social and
physical worlds’. In this context, mass media refers to traditional media such as
television programs, newspapers, and films. He suggested that ‘media bears a
faithful reflection of the current societal mores, norms, and social structures.’ To
provide a context to his theory, McQuail (2010: 70) first puts emphasis on how
society and culture are interdependent on one another wherein he defines the
former as the material base, comprising economic and political resources and
power, and the latter as essential aspects of social life, including symbolic
expression, meanings and practices (e.g., social customs, institutional ways of
doing things, and personal habits). In this respect, McQuail (2010: 70-71) further
propounded that mass media was considered a societal and cultural phenomenon
that makes mass media institutions part of society’s structure. This implies an
evident interdependent relationship in which media and society are continually
interacting and influencing each other. The media satisfies society’s demand for
information and entertainment while simultaneously prompting progression and
facilitating the changes within the given social-cultural climate.
Furthermore, McQuail (2010: 73) also includes the mediation concept of

media where he argues that mass media, as a primary channel and medium, can
be used to relay second-hand versions of events and conditions which the
audience cannot directly observe as well as a platform for other societal actors
and institutions to interact with the society in line of their personal purposes and
interests. McQuail (2010: 74-75) also argues that mediation between media and
society holds various interpretations, wherein he enumerates metaphors for
media roles: as a window on events and experiences, which is an extension for the
public that allows providing current developments without interference from
others; as a mirror of events in society and the world, inferring a ‘faithful
reflection’ although inversion and possible distortion of the image which is
contingent on the public’s decision of the angle and direction of the mirror; as
a filter, ‘gatekeeper’ or ‘portal’, selecting certain parts of the experience for
special attention and withdrawing other views and voices, whether purposely or
not; as a signpost, guide or interpreter, providing a direction and contextualizing
on what is otherwise puzzling and fragmentary; as a forum or platform for
lobbying of information and ideas to the public, often with a prospect for
feedback; as a disseminator who publicizes and makes information not available
to all; as an interlocutor or informed partner in discourse who answers and
interacts to inquiries in a quasi-interactive way. McQuail (2010: 75), however,
mentions the caveats of mediation; he notes that mass media may either choose
between ‘a neutral, passive role, and one that is active and participatory’ and it is
not completely free agents as it is subject to formal and informal regulation by
other societal institutions. This suggests that mediation by the mass media is not
a purely neutral process — that the images of reality provided by the mass media
have been preselected and constructed and are carrying consistent biases.
It is important to take note that since this research study only deals with
how cinema mirrors and is influenced by society, the researchers decide to adopt
McQuail’s (2010) theory of media and society and adopt a framework that is in
line with the scope and limitations of the study. Modifications have been made in
order to encompass and operationalize the given variables of this research.
Figure 1
Theoretical Framework
Note. Retrieved from McQuail’s Mass Communication Theory (2010). A frame of

reference for theory formation about media and society: media interpose between
personal experience and more distant events and social forces (based on Westley and
MacLean, 1957).
This diagram shows the relationship of each variable and its respective role
in the overall dynamics of the framework. As shown in the diagram, society could
be composed of state institutions and other relevant societal actors which stand
as sources and advocates (e.g., civil society groups, non-governmental
organizations) as well as social conditions within the society. Media leads the
mediation concept because it primarily mediates the contents passed from society
to the audiences and is also utilized by societal actors who may advocate or hopes
to establish contact with a certain group of audience. The process of mediation
conducted by the media is also subjected to the interpretation and metaphors of
the media producers involved in the mediation procedure as it is in line with their
own purposes or the general public’s good. After the mediation process i.e., media
outputs, the contents will be validated by the audiences and public who have a
direct experience of reality.
It should be noted that the concept of reality is the context in which this
process happens. To understand the aspect of reality in this diagram, Mcquail
(2010: 83) mentioned that there is an existing division between a public terrain in
which a widely conceived perspective of reality is created by how the media
conveys, and a personal area where individuals could communicate freely and
directly. However, Mcquail (2010: 86) noted that experience is neither completely
nor mediated by the mass media as he argued that the public has the agency to
directly establish contact with social institutions and that the public can also
directly experience distant events relayed by the media (e..g., crime, poverty,
conflict and etc.)
2.5.2 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

This study employed the theoretical framework proposed by Denis
Mcquail to the study, therefore the investigation launched four substantial
elements that consisted of reality, societal conditions, post-second wave films of
Philippine and Thai queer cinema, and actual queer experiences. Proffered below
is the conceptualization of Mcquail’s model of media and society.
Figure 2
Conceptual Framework Diagram
The first component (reality) represents the unmediated contact with the
queer people, debunking that the stories accounted in cinema are always
mediated by the media. In fact, the element predicates a checks and balances in
the cinema portrayal of the queer people’s narratives as it incorporates the
presentation of personal, actual experiences of the community. In the imagination
of the model, all the other three variables are under this component as reality
influences and inspires sources of advocates to produce films actualized in
Philippine and Thai queer cinema that are contingent on the truths of queer
people and their societies.
On the other hand, the second element (societal conditions) represents

controversial and significant events that shape the course of Philippine and
Thailand’s realms throughout the post-second wave. This variable entails
extensively providing contexts of societal situations that are classified into two
categories being political and social conditions. The political aspect deals with the
state behavior and policies that influence queer people’s lives (e.g. homophobia
in the government, same-sex marriage, discrimination bills, etc), while the social
facet elucidates the general public’s perceptions of the LGBTQ+, as well as the
cultural behaviors that persistently impact the community in the Philippines and
Thailand. It also delves into the changes, and the lack thereof, in queer visibility,
acceptance, and societies’ attitudes towards the LGBTQ+ community.
The third component (post-second wave films of Philippine and Thai queer
cinema) pictures the stories portrayed in selected films during the years 2010 to
2019, incorporating the delivery of representation, imageries, recurring themes,
and observable queer struggles.
Furthermore, under the fourth integrant (actual queer experiences)

discloses the direct personal encounters of queer people that are extracted from
the amalgamation of primary and secondary references, narrating direct
encounters of stereotypes, homophobia, and different forms of struggles. The
sources employed consist of available footage, interviews (cited from journal
articles, programs or news segments, online reports), documentaries, and among
others.
Lastly, it is important to note the process transpiring among the variables.

The societal conditions influence the stories to be delivered and portrayed in the
post-second wave of Philippine and Thai queer cinema to carry out the interests
of queer people, which then leads to the fulfillment of narrating queer stories that
are contingent on the unmediated, direct personal queer encounters and the
societal conditions through which their lives are shaped.
CHAPTER 3
Methodology
3.0 RESEARCH DESIGN

Explanatory research was anchored in the study to present in-depth
explanations and analyses of post-second wave films that were portrayed in
Philippine and Thai queer cinema from the year 2010 onwards, which
encompassed societal conditions, structures, and cultural attitudes towards the
LGBTQ+ community that coalesce with queer experiences in Thailand and the
Philippines. According to Gray (2014), an explanatory study intends to explain and
forge answers for the descriptive information. Thus, while descriptive studies may
focus on ‘what’ types of inquiries, explanatory research design, on one hand, sets
out to ask ‘why’ and ‘how’ examinations. Moreover, this design seeks to discover
the causes and reasons, providing pieces of evidence to support or refute an
explanation, and look for some connections or relationships among distinct facets
of the phenomenon (Boru, 2018). While the investigation recognizes the existing
analyses about the LGBTQ+ in various media platforms and the scores of research
studies on the effects of cinema on society, this study, therefore, capitalizes on
the aspect that explains and delves into the role of Philippine and Thai queer
cinema in representing the recurring themes or patterns in the course of post-
second wave and portraying queer stories and issues via the inclusion of different
sources to affirm actual queer experiences in these two Southeast Asian countries.
3.1 SOURCES OF DATA

This research study largely used films as a primary source of data in which
these selected films were directly accessed through various video streaming sites
including YouTube, Vimeo, DailyMotion, PinoyMovie.Es, and other platforms. The
transcriptions of these films are also considered primary sources which are either
manually transcribed or accessed through websites that offer subtitle files such as
Subscene and YIFY. Interview videos and their transcripts and interview excerpts
extracted from journal articles are also utilized. Additionally, secondary sources of
data are derived from local and international online news articles. These will
contextualize and provide detailed information about the important societal
conditions that concern the queer community in Philippine and Thai society. Other
secondary sources such as journal articles, thesis, and publications that are also
related and similar to this research study were also considered. These diverse
sources of data will facilitate this research study in carefully surveying several
recurring themes and findings related to presenting queer narratives in cinema in
parallel with the given societal conditions and queer experiences.
Lastly, the criteria in selecting the films are as follows:
• Queer films that obtained the greatest number of awards and nominations
domestically and internationally among all the list of Thai and Filipino
queer films in the post-second wave; and
• In line with the aforementioned, these Thai and Filipino queer films are
marked as critically acclaimed: recipients of awards afforded by major
award-giving bodies and are conferred of relevant awards such as, but not
limited to, best picture, best director, best actor, best screenplay, and
among others.
The following films were selected based on the above-mentioned criteria:
Table 1.
Selected Thai and Filipino Post-Second Wave Films based on research criteria
Thai Post-Second Wave Films Filipino Post-Second Wave Films
Year Title Year Title
2010 Yes or No 2011 Ang Sayaw ng Dalawang Kaliwang

Paa
2012 It Gets Better 2012 Bwakaw
2015 How to Win at Checkers 2013 Ang Huling Cha-cha ni Anita
2015 The Blue Hour 2016 Die Beautiful
2016 Fathers 2017 Changing Partners
2017 Malila: The Farewell 2018 Rainbow’s Sunset

Flower
3.2 DATA COLLECTION AND GATHERING TECHNIQUES

The researchers used different video streaming sites to secure and retrieve
a copy of queer films produced in Thailand and the Philippines. The transcriptions
of these selected films have been surveyed which were either manually
transcribed or acquired on different websites that provide subtitle files. Video
interviews were accessed on major streaming sites. Excerpts of interviews are

directly extracted from relevant journal articles. Other sources of data that largely
came from digital repositories, such as published academic journal articles and
thesis, were obtained through digital repositories and databases. Local and
international news articles were also acquired from their respective digital news
outlets.
Figure 3
Data Gathering Process Flow
3.3 DATA ANALYSIS TECHNIQUES
This research employed two types of data analysis techniques namely

thematic analysis and data triangulation. Firstly, this study applied thematic
analysis, a method that captures patterns (“themes”) over qualitative datasets to
analyze patterns of meaning (Braun & Clarke, 2013). To thoroughly investigate the
pivotal role of Philippine and Thai queer cinema in reflecting the changes in their
societies, thematic analysis was vital in identifying recurring codes in film
transcripts to have a grasp of the overarching themes of the post-second wave of

queer cinema in the Philippines and Thailand. This analysis was chosen because it
investigates the pattern of shared meaning that is categorized around a core
concept, to spot the spread and essence of meaning, to unite data that initially
appear distinct, and to capture meanings that transpire in different and multiple
contexts (2018: 3). This was applicable because the Philippine and Thai concepts
of queer identities, queer portrayal, and queer themes presented in cinema might
be vulnerable to obscure and abstract discussions. This method elucidates large
portions of a dataset that delve into capturing implicit ideas “beneath the surface”
of the information and explicit meaning forged from smaller units (“codes”)
(DeSantis and Ugarriza, 2000, as cited by Braun, et al, 2018: 3). In the context of
this study, this method shed light on a wide range of discourses such as, but not
limited to, various queer representation in cinema, and the portrayal of themes
and issues in the post-second wave of Philippine and Thai queer cinema.
The researchers followed the thematic analysis method developed by

Braun and Clarke in 2006. This method follows six phases for analysis namely
familiarizing the data set, coding, generating initial themes, developing and
reviewing themes, refining, defining and naming themes, and writing process
(Braun & Clarke, 2006).
In the context of this study, the first phase i.e., familiarizing the data set,
was conducted through watching the movies multiple times and reading the
scripts of the selected films. Familiarizing involved citing observations and insights
regarding the patterns that are apparent in the films. The second step, coding, was
the phase in which codes were generated. Braun & Clarke (2006) stated that there
was no strict method in coding, just label “features of the data that might be
relevant to addressing the research question.” Examples of codes used in this
study were gender-based violence, flamboyance, self-acceptance, and gender
identity, amongst others. The third phase i.e., generating initial themes, entailed
arranging the existing codes into potential themes. During this phase, the
researchers drafted themes such as social issues, political issues, romantic
expression, struggles, sexual orientation, and stereotypes. The fourth and fifth
phase were conducted in this study simultaneously– after careful consideration,
the researchers have narrowed down the themes into three namely societal
issues, struggles, and stereotypes. These themes were used to prove the
hypothesis of the study. Nonetheless, the theme sexual orientation and gender
identity (SOGI) was still used to discuss the second research question. The last
phase, writing process, meant creating the narrative which was manifested in the
fourth chapter of this study. Likewise, this study also utilized the data triangulation
method.
Data triangulation was used to establish the relationship between the

datasets used, and to prove the hypothesis of this study i.e., societal conditions
influence queer themes and portrayals of the post-second wave of Philippine and
Thai queer cinema (2010-2019), which are then corroborated by actual queer
experiences. Data triangulation was employed because it “enhances validity,
creates an in-depth picture of the research problems, and interrogates different
ways of understanding the research problem” (Nightingale, 2020). This method
usually aims to cross-reference one measure against different methods,
observers, or datasets (Nightingale, 2020). In the context of this study, however,
this method was used to cross-check datasets e.g., primary sources like interviews,
secondary sources like news articles, and films, to assess and address the
relationship between societal conditions, queer films, and queer audiences in the
Philippines and Thailand.
CHAPTER 4
Results and Discussion
This chapter presents the results of the thematic analysis in the context of
Thai and Philippine post-second wave cinema which spans from 2010 up to 2019.
The first section discusses societal conditions and historical events during the
specified timeframe that may have influenced the content and portrayal of
LGBTQ+-related themes in films. The second section presents queer themes and
portrayals presented in the Philippine and Thai queer-themed films. The third
section discusses how the film themes and portrayals validate actual queer
experiences. Lastly, the fourth section presents the consolidation of these data
through a data triangulation that incorporates McQuail’s Theory of Media and
Society (2010).
4.0 COMPARISON OF SOCIETAL CONDITIONS DURING THE POST-SECOND

WAVE
The persistent championing of LGBTQ+ rights lobbied by different interest
groups and stakeholders in Thailand and the Philippines has significantly
progressed both socially and politically, however, it is worth noting that numerous
societal conditions need to be discussed to understand and examine how these
conditions may have motivated and reflected in the media. In this section, societal
conditions that concern the LGBTQ+ community will be discussed to contextualize
and examine the relationship of these to the portrayal and content of the LGBTQ+
themed films in Thai and Philippine cinema.
4.0.1 POLITICAL CONDITIONS

Legality of same-sex relationship/activity
Based on Stonewall’s Global Workplace Equality Index (2018), the

Philippines is classified under the Zone 2 category which means sexual acts
between same-sex are legal but the absence of institutionalized protections for
the LGBTQ+ community leaves the members of the community vulnerable to
discrimination, abuse, and persecution. This has also been reflected in the report
released by UNDP and USAID (2014) which states that any non-commercial private
same-sex activity between people of consenting adults is legal and is not
criminalized. Article 266-A of the Revised Penal Code stipulates that irrespective
of sexual orientation, the equal age of consent for any sexual acts is 12 years old,
however, this was raised to 16 after recent development transpired when
President Duterte signed a bill into law in March 2022 (Morales, 2022). This means
that any contact with a minor who is below the minimum age of sexual consent is
considered illegal. Moreover, the Supreme Court (SC) upholds the privacy rights
of the LGBT people by invalidating any governmental regulations that violate the
private sexual relations of consenting adults, articulating that this infringes the
right to privacy and personal dignity of individuals (Ocampo, 2011). In other
words, any consenting adults that are engaging in sex in ‘hotels/motels’
irrespective of their sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) cannot be
prohibited by the state. The Supreme Court’s ruling implies that the LGBTQ+ has
a legal claim on their right to privacy (UNDP and USAID, 2014). Nonetheless, this
does not mean that this is the same reality in other areas of the Philippines.
LGBTQ+ Muslims particularly from Marawi City do not relatively enjoy the same
level of legal recognition due to the ratification of the Bangsamoro Organic Law
(BLL) in 2018 (Santos, 2018). There were also reports stating that Marawi city
criminalizes those transgenders who are cross-dressing (ASEAN SOGIE Caucus,
2017). Moreover, the UNDP and USAID (2014) report has also stated that there
are laws that have been reportedly abused and enforced by the state authorities
to persecute and discriminate the LGBTQ+ people. Such of these is Article 200 of
the Revised Penal Code which prohibits ‘grave scandal’ and RA 9208 Anti-
Trafficking in Persons Act of 2003. Several bathhouses in Metro Manila which are
commonly visited by men who have sex with men (MSM) are being raided, men
who are being involved are usually coerced and intimidated by charging them with
‘grave scandal’. Many of these MSM pay the law enforcers due to the fear of being
outed to family and peers (IGLGHRC, 2011).
On the other hand, according to Stonewall’s Global Workplace Briefings

(2019), the Kingdom of Thailand is classified as a Zone 1 country which means that
sexual acts between people of the same sex are legal, however, there is also no
comprehensive protection exist for lesbians, gays, and bi people. Since Buddhism
is a major part of the collective psyche of Thai society, Thai Buddhism does not
regard same-sex eroticism as a sin (Khan, 2005). Khan (2005), however, noted that
in the legal domain, sodomy was illegal and is a punishable offense during the first
decade of the twentieth century as a way for the Siamese legal code to conform
to European norms. Non-commercial and private same-sex activity among adults
was only legalized in 1954 after the clause was removed from the legal code and
books as part of an effort to amend outdated and anachronistic edicts (Khan,
2005; UNDP and USAID, 2014). Moreover, according to section 283 of the Thai
Criminal Code, it is stipulated that the equal age of consent of 15 years for sexual
acts irrespective of gender or sexual orientation.
Same-sex Marriage
In the Philippines, the state does not legally recognize same-sex marriage
as it is unconstitutional under Article 1 of the 1987 Philippine Family Code which
confines the definition of marriage as a “special contract of permanent union
between a man and a woman entered into accordance with law for the
establishment of conjugal and family life” (UNDP and USAID, 2014). This has been
strengthened by lawmakers who previously filed bills that define men and women
who get married based on their genetic and/or birth sex (UNDP and USAID, 2014).
Such as these cases, for instance, in 1998, former Senator Marcelo Fernan
introduced Senate Bill Numbers 897 and 898 aimed to replace the word
‘biological’ with the words ‘man/woman’ and ‘male/female’ in the definition of
who is allowed to marry under the Philippine Family Code (Outright International,
2012). Similarly, in 2004, Representative Rozzano Rufino Biazon filed House Bill
1245 which aimed to amend the Family Code to confine marriage only to ‘natural-
born males and natural-born females’ (Lagablab, 2006). Furthermore, some local
government units also sought to ban same-sex commitment ceremonies. In 2011,
Philian Weygan, Baguio City councilor, proposed a resolution that will denounce
and prohibit any same-sex ceremonies or unions in the city which was later on
supported by the city mayor, Mauricio Domongan (ABS-CBN News, 2011). On an
interesting note, well-known ally former and late Senator Miriam Defensor
Santiago filed an anti-discrimination bill in 2006 but also ironically introduced
Senate Bill Number 1276 that aimed to bar same-sex marriages celebrated abroad
from being legally recognized in the Philippines. (Lagablab, 2006). In comparison
to heterosexual couples, the absence of marriage equality entails significant
challenges for LGBT Filipinos as it issues legal problems such as instances in making
decisions for medical and burial situations, hospital visitation, transfer of joint
properties, and being a recipient of insurance benefits, and child custody.
Similarly in Thailand, same-sex marriages, civil unions, or domestic

partnerships have no current legal recognition (UNDP and USAID, 2014). Thailand
does not recognize same-sex marriage as Section 1448 of the Civil and Commercial
Code strictly defines marriage as a union between a man and a woman. Since
2011, numerous efforts have been made to attain equal legal recognition for
same-sex unions. During the 16th Asia Pacific Forum, the Thai National Human
Rights Commission and the Sexual Diversity Network presented draft legislation
that will grant marital status to same-sex relationships (Magaletti, 2011). In the
following year, an interesting development was also seen on the part Thai
government after it formed a committee to draft legislation on civil-partnership
law for same-sex couples (Leach, 2012). The said draft legislation will provide
insurance, pension, tax reduction, and rights on inheritance, however, it must be

noted that the proposed draft will not automatically bestow adoption rights or
custody of children as a couple as adoption by one of the partners is only allowed
(Zeldin, 2013). The 2014 political crisis caused the delay in the development of the
civil partnership bill. Significant progress only transpired in 2017 after the Ministry
of Justice positively responded after receiving massive pressure through a public
petition signed by 60,000 people (Today, 2017). The Director-General of the Rights
and Liberties Protection Pitikan of the Ministry of Justice Sithidej announced the
petition has revived the said bill and has set the motion again for development
(Today, 2017). By May 2018, the Ministry of Justice started to convene the
discussion of the draft civil partnership bill (Necati, 2018) The bill was introduced
to the public for consultations and was later approved by the Cabinet in December
2018 (Theparat, 2018).
Legal Recognition of Name/Sex
Transgender persons who wish to change their legal name on their birth
certificate are prohibited by the state through the Clerical Error Law of 2001 (RA
9048) which particularly states that “no correction must involve the change of
nationality, age, status, or sex of the petitioner” without a judicial order (ASEAN
SOGIE Caucus, 2017). Changing a legal name is only possible under specific
circumstances if someone has Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia, a condition that
affects the process of secretion of hormones from the adrenal glands. This was
seen in the case of Jeff Cagandahan after Supreme Court Justice Leonardo
Quisumbing allowed him to change his gender and name from Jennifer to Jeff,
citing his rare medical condition, Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia (Outleadership,
2021). The absence of having a legal option for the Filipino transgender people to
change their names or gender markers on official documents undeniably leaves
them in a vulnerable situation in which discrimination is more pronounced as their
privacy and security are being compromised.
On a similar note, Thailand presently has no law that allows transgender

people to legally change their title, sex, or gender on official documentation
(UNDP, 2018). Interestingly, Thailand’s legislature passed the Person’s Name Act
in 2007 which allows transgender people to legally change their name but not
their gender (Stonewall, 2019). For instance, despite the prevalence of sexual
reassignment surgery and other forms of physical augmentation surgeries for
gender reaffirmation in Thailand, a transgender that had undergone a complete
physical transformation, the sex assigned to them will continue to bear it on all
official documents (UNDP and USAID, 2014). Therefore, in the absence of
legislation that would recognize their gender in official documents, transgender

people in Thailand continue to encounter legal challenges and experience being
more vulnerable; ranging from seeking employment, pursuing education to
availing of medical and social services (Strangio, 2021; UNDP and USAID, 2014).
Presently, it is worth mentioning that intersex persons can apply for a legal title
change, provided that they have completed the needed medical procedure for the
desired sex selection and have only chosen a single-sex (ILO, 2014). The first
recorded change of legal title for an intersex person, from Mister to Miss
happened in August 2012 (ILO, 2014).
Anti-discrimination bill/law
Despite the 1987 Philippine Constitution upholds the right of every person
to equal protection before the law, the constitution itself does not explicitly
mention any clauses that deal with Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, and
Expression (SOGIE), hence, making the subsequent policies non-responsive to
various forms of discrimination against LGBTQ+ people (ASEAN SOGIE Caucus,
2017). Since 2000, the national Anti-Discrimination Bill has been consistently stuck
in the lower congress. This paved the way for LGBT activists and organizations to
demand and lobby for anti-discrimination local ordinances in their respective
regions and cities (UNDP and Commission on Human Rights Philippines, 2018). At
present, there are eighteen cities (Angeles, Antipolo, Bacolod, Baguio, Batangas
City, Butuan, Cando, Cebu City, Dagupan, Davao City, General Santos, Iloilo City,
Mandaue, Mandaluyong, Quezon City, Puerto Princesa, San Juan, and Vigan), one
municipality (San Julian, Eastern Samar), three barangays (Bagbag, Greater Lagro,
and Pansol, Quezon City) and six provinces (Agusan Del Norte, Batangas, Cavite,
Dinagat Islands, Ilocos Sur, and Iloilo) have implemented local anti-discrimination
ordinances (Bilon and De Leon, 2018). Despite all of these, the lack of a
comprehensive national policy against discrimination leaves other Filipino
LGBTQ+ people to be vulnerable to persecution and harassment.
In Thailand, the Gender Equality Act was enacted on March 13, 2015, and
is presently considered to be the strongest tool for advocating legal gender
recognition in Thailand (UNDP, 2018). The passing of this policy is considered to
be the first national legislation in Southeast Asia to specifically protect against
discrimination (Knight, 2015). The legislation criminalizes discrimination against
gender identity or sexual orientation, and those found guilty may face up to six
months in jail and a fine of twenty-thousand baht (Williams, 2018). The law
prohibits government agencies, private organizations, or individuals from creating
anti-gay policies, rules, or operating procedures (William, 2018).
4.0.2 SOCIAL CONDITIONS
Cultural and Social Attitudes
In 2013, the survey of the US-based Pew Research Center showed that 73
percent of Filipino respondents said that homosexuality should be accepted with
a higher percentage of 78 percent (Pew Research Center, 2013). This earned the
Philippines be considered one of the most gay-friendly countries in the world,
ranking 10th place out of 39 countries covered by the global survey (Tubeza, 2013;
Pew Research Center, 2013). Despite this, LGBT Filipinos doubt the results of this
survey, saying that LGBTQ+ people are tolerated only if they subscribe to
stereotypes (UNDP and USAID, 2014). This sentiment is also echoed by Tan (2001)
who claimed that “acceptance is conditional as long as the bakla remain confined
to certain occupational niches and fulfill certain stereotypes”. The study
conducted by the Philippine LGBT Chamber of Commerce and research firm
Cogencia, the Philippine Corporate SOGIE Diversity, and Inclusiveness Index (CSDI)
reported that out of 100 companies they have surveyed, there was no Philippine-
based company that implements policies meant to protect their employees from
SOGIE-based discrimination (Casal, 2018; Guillermo, n.d.). It revealed that merely
17 percent of the companies — which are foreign headquartered companies —
have anti-discrimination policies. Furthermore, the study reported the following
results: (1) 60 percent have experienced being a subject of slurs and jokes in the
workplace; (2) 33 percent have experienced harassment from co-workers; (3) and
25 percent have experienced harassment from their employers (Guillermo, n.d.;
Casal, 2018; Philippine LGBT Chamber of Commerce, 2021). In terms of attitude
and general perception toward same-sex marriage/union, strong opposition to
same-sex civil unions was being seen among the majority of Filipinos based on the
survey conducted by the Social Weather Stations (SWS) in March 2018 (Social
Weather Stations, 2018). The survey showed that 61 percent of Filipinos disagreed
with the proposed bill that legalizes same-sex marriage, only 22 percent agreed
with it, and the remaining 16 percent were undecided. This explains that only two
in 10 Filipinos favor the proposed legalization of the same-sex union in the
Philippines. (Talabong, 2018). On stereotypes, LGBT Filipinos stated that they are
only tolerated if they subscribe to certain stereotypes, for instance, parloristang
bakla (UNDP and USAID, 2014). International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia,
and Transphobia (IDAHO) Manila Network spokesperson Ron de Vera explained
that within the Philippine society, LGBT people are expected to conform to
stereotypes. For instance, being loud and effeminate entertainers and
stereotypical jobs like comedians (Bernal, 2013). This sentiment is further echoed
by Adihartono and Jocson (2020) who argued that LGBT people are only being
tolerated as long as they are comic or humorous. Familial acceptance also is a

common experience for LGBTQ+ Filipinos. An account reported by the ASEAN
SOGIE Caucus (2017) claimed that a transgender woman experienced familial
discrimination after the mother of her nephew claimed that playing with her child
is a form of child molestation. Moreover, in the case of a transman activist Stuart
Barretto who underwent reparative (also known as spiritual therapy) after his
religious mother hired a spiritualist to interfere with his sexual identity (De
Guzman, 2019). Many human rights activists have already condemned these
conversion efforts as it has already been proven that they may pose danger and
harm to one's mental health.
Meanwhile. despite Thailand having a global reputation with a relaxed

attitude towards gender and sexual diversity, the reality on the ground is different
as LGBT people continue to encounter stigma and discrimination that are largely
caused by prevailing negative beliefs and attitudes towards the community.
According to the country report by UNDP and USAID (2014), LGBT behavior and
people that are outside of and deviant to heteronormative standards are widely
perceived as ‘inherently abnormal’ in Thai society. The LGBT community is often
separated into another group, referred to as the ‘other gender’, as society believes
that they do not fit into and subscribe to the widely accepted concept of sexuality
and gender. As LGBT Attitudes and treatment towards LGBT in Thailand are
somewhat tolerant as long as the LGBT people are within a certain social confine.
This kind of attitude and behavior can be generally attributed to a lack of
understanding of human rights principles which results in difficulties in fostering
sympathy for LGBT people who experience discrimination (UNDP and USAID,
2014). These social attitudes and perceptions were also echoed in the findings of
a survey conducted by UNDP from 2018 to 2019 in Thailand. The UNDP (2019)
survey titled ‘Tolerance But Not Inclusion’ — which focused on the experiences of
discrimination and social attitudes towards LGBT people — was considered to be
one of the largest national surveys to explore and look into the experiences of and
social attitudes towards LGBT people. Around, 2,210 participants partook in the
study and the age ranges from 18 to 57. These are some of the following major
findings of the study: (1) Even though non-LGBT respondents have positive
attitudes towards LGBT people and support legal access to services and equal
rights for the LGBT community, the case is different in terms of showing
acceptance for the LGBT people as family members, fellow workers, students, and
social acquaintances; (2) most LGBT people have experienced at least one form of
discrimination, such as being made fun of or having been called names. They were
suggested that they should conform to the heteronormative standards and should
hide who they truly are; (3) Only 44 percent of the LGBT respondents were aware
of the Gender Equality Act in comparison to the non-LGBT people who significantly
accounted for more than half. With regards to same-sex unions, 47 percent of the
participants claimed no objections to it (Chandran, 2019 UNDP, 2018). On the
other hand, positive findings of transgender were shown in a survey conducted by
the National Institute of Development Administration (NIDA) in 2019. Asked
regarding if they will accept transgenders as their family member or colleagues at
the workplace, 90 percent of the participants said ‘yes’ with the reasoning that
competence and conduct rather than sexual preference should be the basis of
judgment. On changing their name title, over half (54 percent) agreed with it.
Similarly, if a box for transgender to tick should be added to all kinds of
documents, more than 65 percent agreed with it. In the NIDA poll that was
conducted in 2015 and in comparison to the 2019 poll, there was an overall
significant increase in numbers in terms of showing acceptance for the LGBT
people (Bangkok Post, 2019). Regarding stereotypes showcased in media, several
queer-themed films were displayed with a diverse set of genres, aimed to show
the LGBT community as more than just stereotypes at the first-ever Bangkok Gay
and Lesbian Film Festival in 2015. Anucha, the director of the Blue Hour, claimed
that despite most Thai films still highlighting stereotypes, a positive trajectory was
seen in the development of Thai queer cinema. Anucha said “gay men and katoey
were previously portrayed as loud and obnoxious. But that is being developed and
changing for the better. People can now see that gay men don’t have to be
feminine. They are just ordinary men who happen to like men. Gay films nowadays
don’t just focus on romance and heartbreak. They now tell stories of humanity,
society, politics and other things” (Mahavongtrakul, 2015).
Gender-based Violence and Hate Crimes
As there is no national legislation and coordinated and comprehensive

framework that protects LGBT Filipinos, this leaves an environment that may
amplify discrimination, gender-based violence, and related hate crimes. In
circumstances when these are reported, the state authorities handle these as
ordinary crimes (ASEAN SOGIE Caucus, 2017). The same is true when a
transwoman is murdered, the Philippine National Police records her gender as
male, and similarly for transmen (Redfern, 2021). This is largely due to the
absence of a policy that recognizes and criminalizes gender-based violence and
hate crimes. This has been seen in the case in Zamboanga City, Mindanao when
an 18-year-old transgender reported being gang-raped. After she survived the
sexual assault, she complained to the police authorities only being ridiculed,
presuming that she sexually provoked the perpetrators and that she enjoyed the
incident (Mendoza, 2013). Similarly, in the same city, a 55-year-old transgender
woman named ‘Erlinda’ was accused of being a thief. She was physically abused
and tortured through electrocution after being sent to police authorities (ASEAN
SOGIE Caucus, 2017).
The killing of Jennifer Laude in 2014 made national headlines and sparked
outrage from the Filipino LGBTQ community. On October 11, 2014, Jennifer Laude,
a 26-year-old transwoman was brutally killed by US Marine Lance Corporal Joseph
Scott Pemberton (BBC, 2015). The Regional Trial Court of Olongapo City ruled that
Pemberton was guilty of homicide instead of murder as the court argued that the
discovery of Jennifer Laude’s male genitalia caused Pemberton to be ‘disgusted
and repulsed’ that led to a crime of passion (Abad, 2020). As a result, the court’s
ruling stated that Pemberton had no intention to kill which reduced his
imprisonment sentence to less than two years, originally 10-12 years
imprisonment (UNDP and CHR Philippines, 2018). Jennifer Laude’s case is only one
of forty transgender or non-binary individuals who have been legally recorded to
be murdered in the Philippines since 2010, according to Transgender Europe’s
Trans Murder Monitoring (TMM), an initiative that started in 2009 to track and
collect reports of murders of trans people around the world (TGEU, 2016). Reports
of hate crimes against LGBTQ people are even higher according to the data
released by the Philippine LGBT Hate Crime Watch as it has collated around 164
cases of murdered LGBTs in the Philippines from 1996 to June 2012 (Bernal, 2012).
Nevertheless, LGBTQ groups, however, stated that these numbers are
underreported and the real death toll is likely higher.
Meanwhile in Thailand, according to a report released by International Gay

and Lesbian Human Rights (IGLHRC) in March 2012, 15 targeted killings of lesbians
were being reported between 2006 and 2012 (Outright International, 2012). The
statement published expresses its outrage and demand from the government
conduct an immediate investigation into the serial killings of lesbians. The IGLHRC
stated that state authorities dismissed these incidents as ‘crimes of passion, love
went wrong, or the fault of the victims’ and were not considered hate crimes. For
instance, the case of 25-year-old Kanchana Changkwian, a tomboy, whose
decomposed body was only discovered two months after she went missing. Police
authorities claimed that Kanchana was raped and murdered (Outright
International, 2012). Moreover, Likhitpreechakul (2016), a board member of the
SOGI Foundation, stated in a news article for Bangkok Post that corrective rape is
also widely considered to ‘cure’ sexual orientation and is often done by their
family members. Likhitpreechakul (2016) reported that a father from Loei
Province confessed that he raped his 14-year-old daughter for four years,
believing that her daughter will distance herself from toms. Likhitpreechakul
(2016) further expressed concern as such practice is being normalized through the
expression Kae Tom Som Dee or ‘fixing tom and dee’. Similarly, Likhitpreechakul
(2016) explained that it is only the tip of an iceberg as many incidents of
discrimination and killings are set aside as ordinary crimes instead of classified as
hate crimes due to this absence in the Thai legal system. Therefore, it can be said
that tragic situations like these are being underreported.
LGBT and the Religion
The Philippines is presently known as the largest Christian nation in Asia

where Roman Catholics constitute 86 percent of the population (Lipka, 2015).
Conservative values remain to be a major source of opposition to the
development and progression of same-sex marriage in the Phillippines. As an
influential institution in the Philippines, the Church maintains its stance on same-
sex marriage by saying ‘to love the sinner yet hate the sin’ citing the teaching of
Catechism of the Catholic Church 2357 which states: “Basing itself on Sacred
Scripture, which presents homosexual acts as acts of grave depravity, tradition has
always declared that homosexual acts are intrinsically disordered. They are
contrary to the natural law… under no circumstances can they be approved.”
(Catholic Church, 1994; UNDP and USAID, 2014). On a similar note, in August 2013,
Executive Secretary of the Episcopal Commission on Family and Life of the Catholic
Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) Fr. Melvin Castro reiterated the
Church’s position on homosexuality by clarifying that the Church fully embraces
gays and lesbians but same-sex relationships and same-sex unions are
unacceptable (Pro-Life Philippines, 2013). This was further corroborated by the
CBCP Media Office pronouncing that the “church will not tolerate same-sex
marriage; believing that being an LGBTQ+ is a personal choice which can still be
changed” (UNDP and USAID, 2014). Believing that one’s sexual orientation can still
be changed, Reparative therapies are led by Christian groups which provide
spiritual therapy and support for men and women with same-sex attractions to
live chaste lives following the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church, however,
this is widely condemned by the LGBTQ as this may pose psychological damage
and distress (UNDP and USAID, 2014). While in Mindanao, the southern major
island of the Philippines, Islam is one of the predominant religions alongside
Roman Catholic. Islamic teachings also share the same belief with the Catholic
church on homosexuality, espousing that homosexual acts are sinful and
punishable by God (Ally, 2008). Kugle (2010) claimed that for the majority of
Muslims, homosexuality is considered a sin and heresy, rather than difference and
diversity. The lack of acceptance within a predominantly Islamic population in
regions in Mindanao entails a challenging and hostile environment for LGBTQ
Muslims. Rhadem Morados, a member of the Mindanao Pride Core, claimed

during a Senate Committee Hearing in September 2019 that discrimination,
gender-based hate crimes, and violence against LGBTQ Muslims are far worse and
more rampant than in Luzon (Cigaral, 2019).
Meanwhile, Thailand is a religiously homogenous country as it is

predominantly composed of Theravada Buddhists who account for 94.6 percent
of the population. In the Deep South, the largest minority religious group is the
Muslims who account for 4.6 percent (UNDP and USAID, 2014). Views on
homosexuality are not explicitly stated in Buddha’s teachings, however, one of the
Buddhist five teachings of Right Conduct teaches that one must “abstain from
sexual misconduct”. Theravada Buddhism teaches that for someone to attain
enlightenment (Nirvana), one must transcend any form of sexual desire
(Robinson, 2010). In line with religious ordination and showing reverence to
Buddhist monks, one must extinguish his desire as sexual lust is painted as a
negative and sinful desire (UNDP and USAID 2014). The UNDP and USAID (2014)
explained that within Thailand’s conservative Buddhist population, there are two
prevailing divergent perspectives on same-sex activity. The first view, considerably
more tolerant of homosexual activity, believes that people who bore into gender
and sexual minority are punished for committing immoral sins in their past lives.
Being homosexual is a direct consequence of one’s past immorality rather than
free will or associated with biological preconditions (Likhitpreechakul, 2009). This
belief results in self-oppression for religious LGBT people as they may believe that
they are undeserving of better treatment from society, hence, continuing to dwell
in their bad karma (UNDP and USAID, 2014). Meanwhile, the other prevailing
belief is based on will rather than the consequences of karma. Homosexuals are
believed to be people who cannot control their sexual impulses and tendencies,
which urges them to actively engage in immoral sexual activities that do not follow
the natural law. This belief is said to be less tolerant and is grounded in Buddhism’s
idea of binary gender identities and expression. This particular belief perceived
men who have sex with men and transgender individuals are promiscuous,
morally corrupted, sexually deviant, and perverted. Furthermore, this belief
pushes many parents to forcibly send their children into monkhood in the hopes
that monastic life will change their sexuality and control their immoral sexual
appetite and reaffirm their masculinity and manhood (UNDP and USAID, 2014).
4.1 COMPARISON OF QUEER THEMES AND PORTRAYALS IN THE POST SECOND-

WAVE OF PHILIPPINE AND THAI QUEER CINEMA
Thematic analysis revealed three recurring themes across the six chosen
films for Thai and Philippine queer cinema, respectively. These themes are (1)
homophobia, (2) stereotypes, and (3) struggles. Each theme has its own codes
which account for the overarching essence of the theme. This section also
presents the portrayals of the LGBTQ+ population in the context of the Sexual
Orientation and Gender Identity Expression (SOGIE), as well as illustrate the
unique holistic features of the post-second wave of queer films in each society.
A. QUEER THEMES AND ISSUES IN THE POST SECOND WAVE OF PHILIPPINE

QUEER CINEMA
a. Homophobia
The codes that emerged relating to the theme of homophobia through the
thematic analysis of the selected Filipino queer films are presented in the
following table:
Table 2
Codes under Homophobia for Filipino Queer Films
FILIPINO FILMS CODES RELATED TO
HOMOPHOBIA
Ang Sayaw ng Dalawang Kaliwang Paa N/A

(2011)
Bwakaw (2012) Gender-based Violence
Ang Huling Cha-cha ni Anita (2013) N/A
Die Beautiful (2016) Gender-based Violence

Gender-based Discrimination
Microaggressions
Changing Partners (2017) Internalized Homophobia
Rainbow’s Sunset (2018) Gender-based Violence

Microaggressions
Internalized Homophobia
Gender-based Violence
Indicators of deeply inculcated homophobia in the Philippine society were

very much evident in the post-second wave of Filipino queer films which made it
one of the pervasive themes in the thematic analysis of the films. Homophobia is
defined as the “animosity, hatred, or dislike of LGBTQ+ people that often
manifests itself in the form of prejudice and bias” (PFLAG, 2021). The repeated
codes under homophobia were gender-based discrimination, microaggression,
gender-based violence, and internalized homophobia. These terms are nuanced
forms of homophobia, but these codes are not necessarily mutually exclusive of
each other. The differences are further discussed in this subsection.
Gender-based violence (GBV) includes physical, sexual, mental, or

economic harm inflicted on a person based on their gender (UNICEF, 2022; GBV-
ITCILO, n.d.). This was further specified by the researchers as disgust and hostility
done by anyone towards queer people with the intent to harm. In Bwakaw (2012),
for example, GBV was manifested through verbal assaults done by Sol:
“SOL: Get away from me! Don't touch me! You disgust me!
You're revolting! Faggot!” (Lana, 2012).
In Die Beautiful, GBV was done by Trisha’s father. Trisha was continuously
verbally assaulted, which is apparent in the following quote:
“FATHER: You shameless faggot. You’re not going to stop, are

you? You’re disgusting. You son of a bitch. Your sins are
unspeakable” (Lana, 2016).
Aside from being verbally abusive, her father also slapped her across the
face before he disowned her which is considered as physical assault. Another
instance of GBV that Trisha experienced was that she was also gang-raped by her
schoolmates which resulted in her hospitalization.
Lastly in Rainbow Sunset (2018), the comments of people who witnessed

Fredo and Ramon’s affection were also a form of verbal abuse and GBV:
“MAN: She’ll give those two gay grandpas hell.

WOMAN: Serves them right. If you had done that to me, you and
your gay lover would be dead meat.”
It is worth noting that in these films, the characters who commit GBV are
typically the embodiment of machismo or patriarchy e.g., Sol and Trisha’s father.
They think that nonconformity to gender binarism must necessitate violence.
Microaggression
The next common code among the films is microaggression which is a form
of homophobia done by cisgender heterosexual individuals towards the LGBTQ+
community. These are typically “the use of heterosexist or transphobic
terminologies, endorsement of heteronormative culture and behaviors,
assumption of universal LGBTQ+ experience, discomfort or disapproval of LGBTQ
experience, assumption of sexual pathology or abnormality, and denial of bodily
privacy” (Nadal, 2014). These actions are done unconsciously or unintentionally,
usually without the intent of causing pain, however, these still inflict a negative
impact on queer people. Die Beautiful (2016) portrayed this behavior through
Beth, Trisha’s sister. Beth needed Trisha’s friends to be less flamboyant and more
masculine as prerequisites for them to attend her wake. This is clearly an
endorsement of heteronormative culture under microaggression. In another
scene, Beth treated Trisha with awkwardness and discomfort after seeing the
latter’s post-transition body. Beth also relentlessly inquired about Trisha’s body—
whether her hair and breasts were real or not. These are in line with
microaggression’s displays of discomfort or disapproval of LGBTQ experience and
denial of bodily privacy.
Microaggression was also shown through misgendering, deadnaming, and

overall lack of knowledge of the other characters regarding the queer character’s
sexual orientation and gender identity. Here is one of the dialogues from Die
Beautiful (2016) which exhibited this behavior i.e., misgendering, to Trisha, the
transgender protagonist of the film:
“BAR OWNER: Ma'am! This is the men’s

room.
TRISHA: Why? Do I look like a man to you?
BAR OWNER: Sir, just use that other toilet.
(Lana, 2016).
Die Beautiful (2016) also showed several scenes in which Trisha was
intentionally deadnamed i.e., the act of calling a trans or non-binary entity by their
birth name after they have chosen a new name post transitioning (Sinclair-Palm,
2017), by her immediate family. Misgendering and deadnaming, due to ignorance,
invalidate the SOGI of a person which may have adverse effects on their mental
health.
Rainbow Sunset (2018) portrayed microaggression several times. The best

example of this in the film was the scene in which Fredo and Ramon attended
Georgina’s birthday. The latter, visibly scandalized by their display of affection,
wanted to stop whatever was happening and decided to separate the two by
changing the seating arrangement. Ben, Fredo’s nephew, also wanted the couple
to stay inside their house for them to avoid being seen by other people. Again,
these scenes depict disapproval of the LGBTQ people done by cisgender
heterosexual people.
Gender-based discrimination is generally any action that denies or limits

rights and opportunities to a person on the basis of their gender (INC, 2022). The
researchers further specified this as the unjust treatment of LGBTQ individuals
within the family, their work or school, and in establishments, amongst others.
Gender-based discrimination was a rampant code present in two of the selected
six films. This type of discrimination was manifested in Die Beautiful (2016) when
an establishment denied Trisha, a transwoman, the right to use the restroom that
coincided with her gender identity. The owner wanted her to use the men’s
restroom despite her obvious discomfort. Arguably, the most severe form of
discrimination portrayed in this film is the father’s disownment of Trisha. The
father actively denied his child the right to education and the right to a good life
all because of her SOGI.
Meanwhile, in Rainbow Sunset (2018), discrimination was evident within

Ramon’s family. Ramon’s children were unable to accept their father’s display of
affection towards Fredo and labeled it as unacceptable and embarrassing.
Ramon’s children limited their father’s right to love whoever he wanted.
“RAMON: I love him like I love your mother.

GEORGINA: That’s unacceptable, Papa! What would people say?”
(Lamangan, 2018).
The last code is internalized homophobia which is the “negative and

distressing thoughts and feelings experienced by lesbians and gay men about their
sexuality” (Williamson, 2000). The researchers further defined this as being unable
to accept or being ashamed about their own sexuality, conforming to heterosexist
stereotypes to be accepted, and believing that there are certain standards to be
an appropriate member of the LGBTQ+ community, amongst others. Internalized
homophobia can only happen within the LGBTQ+ community—this can be
inflicted on oneself or to other members.
Changing Partners (2017) presented several portrayals of internalized

homophobia as seen in the dialogue between Alex (Isidro) and Cris (Luna) in which
the former used “cheapangga bakla” and “butch lesbian” as an insult. Alex painted
members of the LGBTQ+ community and their gender expression in a rather
insulting manner. She somehow implied that other forms of gender expression are
laughable and less acceptable.
In Rainbow Sunset (2018), Fredo did not pursue Ramon in the past because
of this internalized homophobic notion that their love was forbidden. The former
felt ashamed of his sexual orientation and the consequences it might bring to
Ramon’s reputation.
YOUNG FREDO: But don’t you worry. I know where I stand. I know
it’s wrong. I know it’s forbidden. I know I shouldn’t for it. All that he
loves and treasures, I love and treasure as well. (Lana, 2018).
b. Stereotypes
The portrayal of stereotypes i.e. established beliefs, prejudices, and
attitudes towards the LGBTQ+ population that systematically advantages or
disadvantages the said community (Careem, Jussim, & Rubinstein, 2020) is very
much evident in the post-second wave of Filipino queer films. The recurring codes
under this theme are the work stereotype, hobby stereotype, queer people as a
milking cow, and promiscuity of queer people. The occurrence of these codes in
the selected films is presented in the following table:
Table 3
Codes under Stereotypes for Filipino Queer Films
FILIPINO FILMS CODES RELATED TO STEREOTYPES
Ang Sayaw ng Dalawang Kaliwang Paa N/A

(2011)
Bwakaw (2012) Promiscuity of Queer People

Hobby
Work
Queer People as Milking Cow
Flamboyance
Ang Huling Chacha ni Anita (2013) Work
Die Beautiful (2016) Hobby

LGBT and the Family
Flamboyance
Work
Queer People as Milking Cow
Promiscuity of Queer People
Changing Partners (2017) Young gays getting money from older

gays
Rainbow’s Sunset N/A
Work Stereotype
Under the work stereotype, the notion that queer people, specifically gay
and transgender women, can only have low-income beauty salon work, or
parlorista, which has been pervasive since the 1970s (Benedicto, 2008), was still
very much present even in the post-second wave of Filipino queer films. In the film
Bwakaw (2012), Zaldy is a flamboyant hairdresser and in Die Beautiful (2016),
Trisha and Barbs are both freelance makeup artists who struggle to make ends
meet. The film Ang Huling Cha-cha ni Anita (2013) also depicted a stereotype for
sapphic women in terms of work. At the beginning of the film, Anita was portrayed
as a platoon leader in a military camp. In this case, the queer character is
portrayed in a traditionally masculine occupation, which is totally acceptable in its

own right; however, it seems that the writer just chose a lesbian stereotype
because Anita’s work has no implications to the film’s overall storyline.
Hobby Stereotype
Meanwhile, the depiction of hobbies that are stereotypically associated

with the LGBTQ+ population was also persisting but was not as recurrent as the
work stereotype. Bwakaw (2012) presented Zaldy and Tracy, their protégé, as
make-up connoisseurs. This paralleled Die Beautiful (2016) which exhibited almost
all bakla characters i.e., transwoman and gay, to be beauty pageant fanatics,
make-up enthusiasts, and Filipino soap opera supporters. These movies also
portrayed the flamboyant characteristic commonly associated with queers i.e.,
transwomen and gays. Zaldy, Tracy, Trisha, Barbs, and their friends are loud,
effeminate, and dramatic.
Promiscuity of Queer Characters
The promiscuity of queer characters was also highlighted in some of the

films. Bwakaw (2012) and Die Beautiful (2016) painted queer characters as sex-
hungry individuals who engage in intercourse with male prostitutes or virtually
anyone. Here are some of the dialogues in the said films:
“TRACY: Fabulous boy toys for you! They're a steal for only
50 pesos. Buy one, take one. This one's huge.” (Lana,
2012).
“BARBS/QUEER CLASSMATES: So, who’s bigger girl? Is it

Migs or Josh?” (Lana, 2016).
This stereotypical depiction may have dangerous implications e.g., sexual

harassment, to the LGBTQ+ community in general because it enforces the idea
that queer people dispense sexual favors easily.
Queers as Milking Cow
The stereotype of queer promiscuity is somehow related to the queers as

milking cow stereotype. This code happens when the queer character spends
lavishly on their love interest. This act can be motivated by compulsion or sheer
willingness; either way, this is done out of the queer character’s desire to be loved
properly. In Bwakaw (2012), there was no explicit depiction of the queer as milking
cow stereotype, however, it was acknowledged by the said characters in the film
as shown in the dialogue below:
“ZALDY: Did you notice? The old man blushed! Pussy!

Careful, he might clean out your bank account” (Lana,
2012).
In Die Beautiful (2016), however, there was a clear depiction of this code
through the protagonist, Trisha. Trisha met a sex worker named Miko and
eventually, they became a couple. Trisha paid for Miko’s rhinoplasty surgery at
the expense of her MTF bottom surgery or vaginoplasty. Shortly after this, Miko
was caught cheating, so they ultimately separated.
Nevertheless, the absence of any form of stereotypes in two out of six films
presents a rather optimistic trajectory for Filipino queer cinema.
c. Struggles
The codes that emerged relating to the theme of queer struggles through
the thematic analysis of the selected Filipino queer films are presented in the
following table:
Table 4
Codes under Struggles for Filipino Queer Films
FILIPINO FILMS CODES RELATED TO
STRUGGLES
Ang Sayaw ng Dalawang Kaliwang Lack of Acceptance from Others

Paa (2011)
Bwakaw (2012) Existential Crisis

Late Self-Acceptance
Questioning
Denial of One’s SOGIE
One’s SOGIE as a source of
punishment
Ang Huling Chacha ni Anita (2013) Acceptance

Unrequited Love
Die Beautiful (2016) Body Dysmorphia

Familial Discrimination
Homophobia
Rape
Cheating
Changing Partners (2017) Jealousy

Controlling a partner
Lesbian fear
Cheating
Betrayal
Rainbow’s Sunset Familial Discrimination
Portrayals of struggles faced by queer individuals were somewhat unique

in each film. However, there were instances when the same types of struggles are
used as a recurring plot device across a certain film wave. In the context of the six
selected films, the recurring struggles are familial discrimination and cheating.
Familial Discrimination
Familial discrimination is similar to the aforementioned gender-based

discrimination but the former is micro in scope since it concerns the family. Die
Beautiful (2016) portrayed familial discrimination through Trisha’s father. Her
father claims that she is a dishonor to their family. Ultimately, her father denied
her the right to education solely because of her SOGIE. Trisha was also forced to
live in poverty because her father disowned her. In Rainbow’s Sunset (2018), the
situation is quite similar, Ramon’s children and Fredo’s nephew were concerned
about other people’s opinions, hence, they adamantly opposed Ramon and
Fredo’s love.
Cheating
Cheating on one’s partner is another recurring struggle in Filipino queer

films. This was depicted in Die Beautiful (2016) when Miko, Trisha’s beau, left her
for another queer entity. In Changing Partners (2017), this was manifested when
both characters named Cris cheated on their significant partners both called Alex,
with a straight and queer third party character. This struggle somehow always
preceded something significant i.e., Trisha meeting her greatest love named Jesse
in Die Beautiful, and the end of protracted toxic relationships in Changing Partners
(2017).
B. The Portrayal of Filipino Queerness and Stories in the Post Second Wave
of Queer Cinema
a) Sexual Orientation and Object of Desire
The post-second wave of Filipino queer films presented varied sexual

orientations that capture the fluidity of queerness. Some films presented rigid
male homosexuality, one depicted transgenderism, and others presented sapphic
love and bisexuality.
The films that presented rigid male homosexuality are Ang Sayaw ng
Dalawang Kaliwang Paa (2011), Bwakaw (2012), and Rainbow’s Sunset. This form
of sexuality was depicted through Dennis, Rene, and Fredo, and their objects of
desire were strictly male i.e., Marlon, Sol, and Ramon, respectively, although
Marlon and Ramon were not necessarily cisgender-heterosexual.
Transgenderism was featured in Die Beautiful (2016) with Trisha as its

epitome. Trisha underwent breast augmentation and she had plans to undergo
vaginoplasty to feel like a “complete woman.” Trisha’s sexual orientation
coincided with her gender identity since her objects of desire were strictly
cisgender heterosexual men i.e., Migs, Miko, and Jesse. Die Beautiful’s portrayal
of kabaklaan was parallel to the previous depictions in the past waves in which
the bakla desire longed for the straight macho lalake (Inton, 2017).
Sapphism was shown through Anita in Ang Huling Cha-cha ni Anita (2013)
and Alex (Isidro) and Cris (Luna) in Changing Partners (2017). In this case,
sapphism is an umbrella term for women or non-binary people, regardless of
gender, whose object of desire is only or includes women. Anita’s object of desire
was only Pilar, a cisgender-heterosexual woman, whilst Alex (Isidro) and Cris
(Luna) had relations with other queer characters also called Alex (Lorenzo) and
Cris (Martin).
As stated, several films depicted a rather nuanced take on SOGI. Many

characters were romantically and/or sexually attracted to both men and women
which can be regarded as bisexuality. These characters are Ramon of Rainbow
Sunset (2018), Alex (Isidro), Cris (Luna), Alex (Lorenzo), and Cris (Martin) of
Changing Partners (2017), and Marlon of Ang Sayaw ng Dalawang Kaliwang Paa
(2011). Ramon’s character had three children with Sylvia and it was evident that
he loved her deeply, but he also loved Fredo to the same degree. In Changing
Partners (2017), both characters called Alex became romantically involved with
the two Chris for a significant duration. Marlon’s sexual orientation in Ang Sayaw
ng Dalawang Kaliwang Paa (2011) was quite ambiguous. He developed feelings
for Karen, but he had an obvious attraction towards Dennis. He can be considered
bisexual, pansexual, or questioning; nonetheless, he was queer.
b) Gender Identity and Expression
Five of the six selected films feature the bakla as the primary mover of
the narrative and only two were narrated by sapphic characters. (Changing
Partners (2017) portrayed one MLM couple and one WLW couple, both are equally
important to the narrative). This implies, to a certain extent, the disparity in the
number of award-winning films produced for male and female homosexuals.
Payuyo (2016) revealed two gender identity and expression stereotypes

in her study of queer films from 2000 to 2010. These stereotypes are parloristang
bakla or beauty parlor gay and Brokeback Mountain gay. The former refers to the
effeminate and flamboyant gay and the latter is the masculine gay. These
depictions of gender identity and expression amongst male homosexuals from the
said decade have also endured in the post-second wave. However, Payuyo’s
(2016) study stated that only one in the five films she selected portrayed the
Brokeback Mountain gay. This avows that the parloristang bakla gender
expression was much more pervasive in the second wave of queer film (late 1990s
to 2000s).
In this study, four of the five films which feature the bakla depicted the
protagonists as Brokeback Mountain gay. Dennis in Sayaw ng Dalawang Kaliwang
Paa (2011), Rene in Bwakaw (2012), Cris (Sandino Martin) in Changing Partners
(2017), and Fredo and Ramon in Rainbow Sunset (2018). These characters were
masculine, discreet in terms of their sexuality, and somehow contained. They
wore clothes worn by cisgender heterosexual men and their voice cues were
“manly,” however, their objects of desire included or were exclusively men.
Die Beautiful (2016) was the only bakla film that presented the
protagonist as a parloristang bakla. Trisha and her friends dressed femininely,
their voice cues were also feminine, and they were loud, sharp-tongued, and
humorous. Trisha performed tasks that were normatively feminine e.g., being a
mother to an adopted child, and cooking for her significant other, amongst others.
However, other films still depicted the parloristang bakla as a supporting
character—it was portrayed through Zaldy and Tracy in Bwakaw (2012) who were
literally parloristang bakla since they were flamboyant hair and makeup artists.
As for the portrayal of sapphics, Ang Huling Cha-cha ni Anita (2013)

painted Anita to be masculine and almost “butch.” She expressed herself in a
masculine manner and she cut her hair short. She preferred boy’s clothes instead
of typically feminine clothing e.g., dress and heels. In Changing Partners (2017),
the filmmakers portrayed both sapphic characters as “femme.” Alex and Cris
expressed themselves in a feminine manner—they dressed and behaved
femininely. It is worth noting, however, that these movies still portray a pervasive
theme among sapphic films i.e., one of the sapphics must act as the man and the
other a woman. In Ang Huling Cha-cha ni Anita (2013), Anita asked Oscar, her
cousin, how to court someone (in Filipino: manligaw). She asked her cousin
because courting was usually an endeavor done by men. In Changing Partners
(2017), Alex was portrayed as the provider whilst Cris stayed at home and
functioned like a housewife e.g., Cris cooked their meals and tended the house.
One of the scenes even reinforced the idea that Alex was the “man” in the
relationship:
“ALEX [ISIDRO]: Shut up. You don’t talk about a lady’s age.
CRIS [LUNA]: Lady? Aren’t you supposed to say gentleman’s age”
(Villegas, 2017).
c) It Is Not a Phase: Queerness at Different Stages in Life
The post-second wave of Philippine queer cinema presented several films

that debunked the notion that homosexuality is an ephemeral phenomenon that
one will outgrow. This was portrayed in Rainbow Sunset (2018) in which Fredo and
Ramon developed feelings for one another as early as 16 years old and it remained
in their twilight years despite Ramon having a family. It was also manifested in
Bwakaw (2012) through Rene who proclaimed that he was an “old gay.”
Conversely, Ang Huling Cha-cha ni Anita (2013) validated queering at a young age.
Anita knew at the age of 12 years old that she was sapphic.
These films reinforced the idea that homosexuality, or queerness in

general, must not be reduced or trivialized as a phase. This portrayal of queerness
is somewhat exceptional since queer films in the previous waves did not exactly
have old baklas or young sapphics as recurring primary movers of the film
narratives, with the exception perhaps of the Dolphy bakla in the second wave of
queer cinema (Inton, 2017).
d) The Portrayal of Endings in the Post Second Wave of Philippine

Queer Cinema
It is perhaps universally acknowledged that queer films often have tragic

or “overwhelming sad” endings, and very few portray a blissful conclusion
(Bernardo, 2021). This is not exactly analogous in the context of the post-second
wave of Philippine queer cinema since some presented varied conclusions i.e.,
sad, hopeful, and cathartic.
Out of the six selected films, Die Beautiful (2016) and Rainbow Sunset
(2018) portrayed the death of the queer protagonists i.e., Trisha and Ramon,
respectively. In the case of Ramon, he died without the absolute acceptance of his
children; however, he died a successful politician and in the arms of his lover.
Likewise, Trisha also died without reconciling with her homophobic father and
without experiencing genuine and guiltless love, but she died a successful beauty
queen, her lifelong aspiration. Clearly, these films presented complex
denouements that are not exclusively tragic.
On another note, Ang Sayaw ng Dalawang Kaliwang Paa (2011) and

Bwakaw (2012) painted rather hopeful conclusions about self-acceptance. Ang
Sayaw ng Dalawang Kaliwang Paa (2011) concluded with Dennis and Marlon
performing an ethnic dance interpretation of Humadapnon. According to Yapan
(n.d.), the director of the film, the dance ultimately aimed to liberate
Humadapnon, played by Marlon, “from the deadening effects of stereotypical
gender roles.” Arguably, this is a metaphorical depiction of Marlon accepting his
queerness. Meanwhile, Bwakaw (2012) paralleled the aforementioned notion
about self-acceptance. Despite Sol’s repulsion towards Rene’s sexuality and the
former’s rejection of the latter’s love, Rene transitioned from a grumpy and gay
old man awaiting his death to a more optimistic gay old man comfortable with his
sexuality.
Ang Huling Cha-cha ni Anita (2013) presented a unique ending that was
dominated by nostalgia for a childhood love that was lost. This film’s conclusion
was not necessarily tragic nor hopeful, it showed how the events of her childhood
molded the version of herself today, especially in terms of her sexuality. Lastly,
Changing Partners (2017) manifested a cathartic ending. The film ended with the
couples terminating their protracted toxic relationships riddled with distrust and
misunderstandings.
C. QUEER THEMES AND ISSUES IN THE POST SECOND WAVE OF THAI

QUEER CINEMA
a) Homophobia
Homophobia, as a theme, was also recurring in the post-second wave of

Thai queer cinema. The codes that emerged relating to the theme of homophobia
through the thematic analysis of the selected Thai queer films are presented in
the following table:
Table 5
Codes under Homophobia for Thai Queer Films
THAI FILMS CODES RELATED TO HOMOPHOBIA
Yes or No (2010) Stereotyping

Microaggressions
Gender-based violence
It Gets Better (2012) Microaggressions

Gender-based discrimination
The Blue Hour (2015) Gender-based violence
How to Win at Internalized Homophobia

Checkers (2015) Gender-based violence
Socio-economic class as a hindrance for same-
sex relationship
Stigmatization of Prostitution
HIV/AIDS
Child labor/abuse; prostitution
Gender-based discrimination
Transgender being recognized as someone who
has mental disorder
Fathers (2016) Gender-based discrimination

Microaggression
Second-hand discrimination/harassment
Internalized homophobia
Malila: The Farewell N/A

Flower (2017)
Coincidentally, the recurring codes under this were also gender-based

violence, gender-based discrimination, microaggressions, and internalized
homophobia.
Compared to the portrayals of gender-based violence in Philippine queer

cinema which were mostly verbal assaults, Thai queer cinema depicted not just
verbal but also explicit physical assaults. In The Blue Hour (2015), Tam, one of the
main characters, was bullied by his schoolmates because he was gay. The film
started with a still of Tam, bruised and scarred because he was beaten by his
schoolmates. Another scene also showed the bullies extorting money from Tam.
This was also the case in It Gets Better (2012). Homophobic expletives were
uttered by a cisgender heterosexual man towards Tonlew, a ladyboy or kathoey,
which escalated into physical violence. Moreover, Kitty, a transgender character
in How to Win at Checkers (2015), was sexually assaulted i.e., groped, by her
friend’s acquaintances. Yes or No (2010) was the only film that featured GBV
which exclusively depicted verbal assault. One of Kim’s schoolmates chanted
Ching Chub Ching Chub, a highly offensive slur about lesbianism or sapphism in
Thailand.
Circumstances of gender-based discrimination presented in the Thai queer

films were also more macro and nuanced because they included not just the usual
social or political discrimination, but also religious discrimination. It Gets Better
(2012) showed a kathoey who wanted to be ordained in a Buddhist monastery to
atone for her sins, however, the monks denied her request because she had
undergone breast augmentation and vaginoplasty. Moreover, Kitty of How to Win
at Checkers (2015) was called to attend the annual lottery for the military draft.
Surprisingly, Kitty was immediately exempted from the lottery due to her gender
identity and expression. This is not to say that trans people should be compelled
to be drafted into the military, however, they must have a choice if they want to
or not—the government must not decide for them. Lastly, in Fathers (2016),
discrimination was manifested from the lack of institutional or political and legal
recognition of LGBTQ parents. Phoon and Yuke have an adopted son named Butr,
but Phoon was the only legal parent on paper because of the non-recognition of
same-sex marriage.
Microaggression
On another note, microaggression was depicted in Yes or No (2010)
through Pie’s immediate acquaintances and their passive-aggressive disapproval
of Kim’s gender identity.
“P’VAN: If Pie's mom saw these girls she would be faint. I don't
know if Pie has told you or not. Her mom doesn't like something like
this.
KIM: What kind of thing P' Van?
P’VAN: Like... Girls that look so much like boys. This is the elder
thought.
KIM: Being tom is so disgusting P' Van?
P’VAN: I can confirm Pie is not among them. And I believe that Pie's
not going to be against nature like that” (Wongsompetch, 2010).
Moreover, Pie’s family and friends kept asserting that Kim was a tom even
though the latter was still questioning her sexuality. In It Gets Better (2012),
microaggression was exhibited through Tonmai’s initial interaction with Tonlew.
In their first encounter, Tonmai made a snide remark regarding Tonlew’s voice—
Tonlew spoke in a high-pitched voice since she was a ladyboy. Tonmai frequently
stated throughout the film that kathoeys are still men. Even though Tonmai’s
intentions were not malicious, it still invalidated their SOGI.
“TONMAI: Are you a ladyboy?

TONLEW: Why do you ask? Are you blind? Do you think I am a man?
TONMAI: Nope.
TONLEW: Have you ever had intercourse with a ladyboy?
TONMAI: Crazy! What man is turned on by another man? I'm not
gay” (Sukkhapisit, 2012).
Lastly, microaggression towards queers in Fathers (2016) was portrayed

several times, however, the most notable one was when a cisgender heterosexual
parent from Butr’s school implied that Phoon and Yuke were not good parents
because gays were allegedly aggressive.
Internalized Homophobia was manifested in How to Win at Checkers

(2015) when Ek, a gay man, viewed Kitty’s effeminacy as a source of mockery and
weakness. Ek implied that Kitty would not be able to manage herself if she was
drafted in the military. Meanwhile, in Fathers (2016), internalized homophobia
was depicted when Phoon did not want to “confuse” Butr and considered raising
him in another environment. He somehow suggested that homosexuality was
contagious even though he knew, as a gay man, that it was not.
b) Stereotypes
Three films illustrated several LGBTQ stereotypes as presented in the table
below:
Table 6
Codes under Stereotypes for Thai Queer Films
THAI FILMS CODES RELATED TO STEREOTYPES
Yes or No (2010) Flamboyance

Mental health and the LGBT
It Gets Better Flamboyance

(2012) Work
Blue Hour (2015) N/A
How to Win at N/A

Checkers (2015)
Fathers (2016) Heteronormative perspective that all children

need a mother and a father to be loved properly
Perceiving gay parents’ love as insufficient
Children of gay couples are unhappy
Malila: The N/A

Farewell Flower (2017)
Among the codes, the only recurrent code was flamboyance commonly
associated with queer people. In Yes or No (2010), one of Pie’s friends, named Boy,
fit the stereotypical effeminate and dramatic image of homosexuality. Meanwhile,
in It Gets Better (2012), the flamboyant image of queers was painted through the
queer performers of the cabaret that Tonmai inherited. These performers were
loud, confident, artistic, and stylish.
Suffice to say that the post- second wave of queer films in Thailand present
little to no recurring stereotypes aside from the abovementioned flamboyance.
Compared to Philippine queer cinema, Thai queer cinema present more varied
portrayals of queer that do not necessarily align with stereotypes.
c) Struggles
Another noticeable theme in Thai queer films is struggles. The codes
pertaining to the said theme are presented below:
Table 7
Codes under Struggles for Thai Queer Films
THAI FILMS CODES RELATED TO STRUGGLES
Yes or No (2010) Questioning

Homophobia
Lack of Acceptance
It Gets Better (2012) Lack of Acceptance

Body Dysmorphia
LGBT and Religion
Self-Acceptance
Blue Hour (2015) Familial Discrimination

Lack of Acceptance
Double Standards
How to Win at Checkers N/A

(2015)
Fathers (2016) Imposition of Heteronormative

standards
LGBT and the Family
Malila: The Farewell Flower Sick LGBTQ+ person blaming

(2017) themselves
Longing for a dead lover
Under struggles for Thai queer films, the only recurrent code or plot device
was acceptance, or the lack thereof. This code was defined by the researchers as
the process of whether or not the queer person is going to be accepted by their
friends, immediate family, or society. This code was portrayed repeatedly in Yes
or No (2011)—when Pie initially did not acknowledge Kim’s sexual orientation
after coming out, and when Pie’s mother did not allow Kim to date her daughter
after Pie said that she was also sapphic, among others. In It Gets Better (2012),
this was manifested through the relationship of Din and the senior monk. Din
obviously had a romantic attraction toward the senior monk and the former
directed his affection to the latter. The senior monk did not like this romantic
attention and he asked Din to stop. Lastly, in Blue Hour (2015), Tam’s family never
acknowledged Tam’s sexuality and they even asked him if he could return to
normal because it would ease their burdens. This plot device was commonly used
before the family, friends, or the queer characters holistically accept their
queerness.
D. The Portrayal of Thai Queerness and Stories in the Post Second Wave of
Queer Cinema
a) Sexual Orientation and Object of Desire
Akin to the post-second wave of Philippine queer cinema, Thai queer

cinema of the same period also presented diverse depictions of sexual orientation.
One film depicted Toms (masculine homosexual women) and Dees (feminine
homosexual women). Several films portrayed Kathoeys (transgender women), but
most films presented Kes (homosexual men).
Yes or No (2010) was the only film that portrayed tom and dees. The tom
character was Kim since she was a masculine sapphic whose object of desire was
Pie. Meanwhile, this film presented two important dee characters which were Pie
and Jane. These two were feminine sapphics and their object of desire was Kim, a
tom.
It Gets Better (2012) and How to Win at Checkers (2015) both presented
kathoey or ladyboy characters. Tonlew of It Gets Better (2012) and Kitty of How to
Win at Checkers (2015) have not undergone complete sex-change surgery yet,
while Saitarn of It Gets Better (2012) transitioned completely from male to female.
As depicted in the films, the aforementioned kathoeys’ of desire were typically
cisgender men.
Most of the primary movers of the film were kes or homosexual men. Din
of It Gets Better (2012) was a ke before he fully transitioned into a kathoey named
Saitarn. Other ke characters were Tam and Phum of The Blue Hour (2015), Jai and
Ek of How to Win at Checkers (2015), Phoon and Yuke of Fathers (2016), and Shane
and Pich of Malila: The Farewell Flower (2017). They were all masculine male
homosexuals whose objects of desire were cisgender males who may or may not
be heterosexual.
b) Gender Identity and Expression
Interesting portrayals of gender identity and expression were observed in

the post-second wave of Thai queer films. In Yes or No (2012), Kim, the tom
character, had a masculine physical gender expression, however, her behavior
was very “feminine.” Her hobbies were typically associated with femininity i.e.,
gardening and cooking, and she was easily frightened by darkness and thunder.
Kim was a perfectly rendered character of both masculine and feminine gender
expression. Meanwhile, Pie and Jane, the dee characters, had hyperfeminine
gender identity and expression—they physical gender expression, voice cues, and
overall behavior were womanlike.
As stated, in It Gets Better (2012), Din was a masculine ke before he fully

transitioned into Saitarn who was a kathoey. Saitarn had a high-pitched voice, and
her behavior and mannerisms were womanly—she was a female-passing kathoey.
This was also the case for Kitty in How to Win at Checkers (2015). Meanwhile,
Tonlew was a kathoey, however, her gender expression was not strictly feminine.
She wore ill-fitting masculine clothes, and she did not indulge in typically feminine
acts e.g., wearing make-up, unlike her colleagues in the cabaret. Nonetheless, her
voice cue was feminine, and she was also female-passing. It must be noted,
however, that the Saitarn and Kitty fell under the persisting “loud and obnoxious”
stereotype that persist among Thai kathoeys and while Tonlew do not necessarily
fit this standard since she was passive and non-dramatic.
The main queer characters in Blue Hour (2015), How to Win at Checkers
(2015), Fathers (2016), and Malila: The Farewell Flower (2017) were kes whose
gender identity and expression were parallel with the Brokeback Mountain gays
that Payuyo (2016) cited. These ke characters were straight-looking,
conventionally handsome, and their behavior, mannerisms and interests were
very manly.
c) Thai Permissiveness: Variety of Genres and the Portrayal of Explicit

Sexual Encounters in Thai Queer Films
Compared to the genres presented in the post second wave of Philippine

queer films, Thai queer films depicted greater selection in terms of genre. The
aforementioned wave of Philippine queer cinema presented mostly dramas,
but Thai queer cinema of the same wave showed romance, drama, and horror
films.
Yes or No (2010) was a lighthearted romance film that depicted how a

wholesome, albeit tumultuous, first love between a tom and dee. It had a
happy and hopeful ending which was arguably rare in queer films in the early
2010s. Meanwhile, It Gets Better (2012), How to Win at Checkers (2015),
Fathers (2016), and Malila: The Farewell Flower were the dramas films in the
said wave. These films, more or less, tackled serious issues such as Thailand’s
military lottery and legality of adoption between same-sex partners, amongst
others. These central issues were much more blatantly political and religious,
relative to the issues presented in the second wave of Philippine queer cinema
which were highly societal. Lastly, The Blue Hour (2015) was a horror film that
was perhaps a fresh take on Thai queer films in general. This film depicted
family psychodrama, ghost story, and crime drama in one. Critics avowed that
it was “fleshly” and “psychic”—a total divergence from other queer films in
Thailand.
Again, relative to the post-second wave Philippine queer films, Thai

queer films of the same wave were much more explicit in terms of their
depiction of queer intimacy and sex. Yes or No (2010) portrayed a tasteful take
on tom and dee intimacy that was tender and not necessarily sexualized.
Queer sex i.e., between a kathoey and cisgender man, in It Gets Better (2012)
was riddled with consent, respect, and affection. The rest of the films which
presented intimacy between kes was rather accurate and amatory, for a
country that is underlyingly conservative.
4.2 Comparison of Cases: Affirmations of Actual Queer Experiences Via

Queer Themes and Portrayal in the Post-Second Wave of Philippine and Thai
Queer Cinema
In this portion, the predominant themes being homophobia, struggles, and
stereotypes will be extensively dealt with as the actual queer encounters are
scrutinized and corroborated through the employment of varying sources, e.g.,
primary and secondary references, that disclose sentiments, perceptions, and

realities of queer people in Thailand and the Philippines.
A. Queer Themes and Issues in the Post-Second Wave of Philippine Queer

Cinema
Affirming Actual Queer Experiences: Homophobia
The Pew Research Center, a nonpartisan American think tank, released a 2013
survey that exhibits a huge incongruity by region on the controversial inquiry of
whether to accept or reject homosexuality. Among the eight nations covered in
Asia-Pacific, the Philippines has shown a broad openness to welcome
homosexuality in society as compared to the other Asian countries following this
order: Australia (Pacific), Philippines, Japan, South Korea, China, Malaysia,
Indonesia, Pakistan. The report accounted for a vast majority of Filipinos
pronouncing acceptance with 73% of those who responded “Yes” and 26%
declaring the opposite. Provided in a similar survey that age is likewise a variable
to determine acceptance in several countries, the report exhibited that those
younger respondents have considerably more tolerant perceptions than the older
subjects. In the Philippines, 78% of those younger than 30 declared that
homosexuality must be accepted by society, while 71% came from the age bracket
of 30-49-year-olds, and 68% from those aged 50 and older.
Nonetheless, according to Mis (2014), Filipinos seemed to be more

homophobic when inquiries changed from society to personal moral beliefs as
propounded in the investigations of another Pew survey. When respondents were
queried whether homosexuality is morally acceptable, 65% answered
“Unacceptable,” 25% of surveyed Filipinos responded “Acceptable,” and 9% found
the question “Not a Moral Issue” (Global Survey: Philippines, 2014). This
postulates that although same-sex activity is not criminalized in the country, the
protection of gay people from discrimination is noticeably scarce. Meaning, the
general tolerance of homosexuality and the presence of anti-discrimination bills
do not automatically safeguard the well-being of the LGBTQ+ from hate crimes on
the basis of their sexual orientation. In a report conducted by the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) and United States Agency for International
Development (USAID) in 2014, there are still wide complexities in the investigation
of cultural and social attitudes towards the LGBT people in the Philippines despite
the hints of acceptance, leading to further doubts whether this acceptance is
predicated on LGBT Filipinos fitting into occupational niches and stereotypes. Still
and all, the evolving visibility of the community on the media does not necessarily
forge actual representation as the report discloses that there are yet threats to
LGBTQ+ people’s lives. To note that during the first half of 2011, LGBT Filipinos are
vulnerable to being murdered with 28 LGBT-related killings (Being LGBT in Asia:
The Philippines Country Report, 2014).
Herein, the study scrutinizes actual queer experiences of homophobia

employing varying sources, i.e., primary, secondary, and amongst other reference
sources.
Microaggression, Gender-based Discrimination & Violence
The LGBTQ+ community in the Philippines comes across numerous

instances of homophobia, one crucial example of this was the 2019 ‘restroom
controversy’ involving a transwoman. The issue has heightened discourses
concerning LGBTQ+ rights, particularly transgender rights, and gender-based
harassment and discrimination. On the other hand, there were also increased
concerns over forging separate comfort rooms for transgenders to mitigate the
instances of intolerance.
On 13 August 2019, a transgender woman named Gretchen Diez was

handcuffed, led to the office of the Quezon City Police District Anti-Cybercrime
Team at Camp Karingal, and detained for 11 hours after going live on Facebook to
record the incident when she was barred from entering the ladies’ restroom by a
janitress in a Cubao mall in Quezon City (Talabong, 2019; Marquez, 2019; Tupas,
2019). The janitress named Chayra Ganal was witnessed to be catapulting slurs at
Diez, asserting: “May utin ka pa rin. Tandaan mo ‘yan (You still have a penis.
Remember that).” As shown in the available footage posted by Bullet Santander
on Youtube in 2019, the clip presents Ganal firmly holding Diez’s arms, dragging
her into the security room, followed by the janitress continuously justifying her
actions by saying: “Alam mo, Sir, kanina nag-CR ka sa babae. In-assist kitang
maayos…’doon ka sa lalaki,’ sabi mo, ‘bakit?’ tapos pinipicture-an mo na ‘ko,
vinivideohan mo na ‘ko. (You know what, Sir, when you entered the female’s
restroom, I assisted you properly. I instructed you to go to the male’s bathroom,
you asked, ‘why?’, then suddenly you were taking pictures and videos of me).” To
extensively investigate this circumstance, Derald Wing Sue (2010, p. 29; Swann et
al., 2016) has offered in-depth depictions of microaggression, suggesting that the
act comes in three major forms: microinsult (often unconscious; anti-gay
attitudes), microassault (often conscious; societal disapproval), and
microinvalidation (often unconscious; heterosexism). In the case of Diez, it can be
postulated that the transwoman was evidently confronted with all these elements
as results of her encounter with Ganal. In a 2019 CNN Philippines’ interview with
Gretchen Diez, titled “On the Record: Challenges to the Filipino LGBTQ+,'' Diez
described the encounter as a clear image of how the LGBTQ+ are treated by the
society, thus suggesting an everyday experience of harassment and mockery while
the community remains silent:
“GRETCHEN DIEZ: I asked her, ‘Ate (big sister),

where do you want me to go?’ To which she
responded, ‘In the male’s bathroom.’ Then she
asked me if I am taking pictures, to which I
answered that I am instead video recording.
That was when she dragged me there… I asked
her with regard to my violation, she responded
to me by asserting that I still possess a body part
of a male. Then the janitress questioned, “Why
are you taking videos? Do you want to be
famous? You will not be famous; you are not
even beautiful.’ She also spurned, “Go share it,
so this faggot will become famous!”
Microinsult transpires when there is an environmental or interpersonal

communication that channels rudeness, insensitivity, and stereotypes, and that
discredits one’s sexual orientation (Sue, 2010, p. 31). This form depicts subtle
snubs and verbal slights that are often expressed absent the objective to harm or
demean members of a particular group (Sue, 2010, as cited by Bryan, 2017).
Nonetheless, Sue (2010, p. 31) clarifies that it can occur via sending a hidden
offensive message to the recipient. In this case, microinsult took place when the
janitress demeaned Diez’s gender identity by impulsively calling her ‘Sir’ despite
the transwoman’s feminine gender presentation as well as her gender identity the
moment she clearly attempted to enter a female’s restroom. Moreover,
microassault, which is characterized as a deliberate form of discriminatory act that
intend to inflict harm against a particular community (American Psychological
Association, 2014), manifested in the case of Diez. The American Psychological
Association (2014) further posits that microassaults can be demonstrated via a
deliberate labeling of an individual who identified as a gender or sexual minority
a pejorative slur, e.g., faggot. Another example includes the prohibition of trans
people from entering a multiple-stall restroom. Clearly, the practice was carried
out against Diez when Ganal justified her actions by asserting that the
transwoman has a penis, using the term bakla as a derogatory slur that intends to
dismiss Diez’s womanhood, and via instructing the transwoman to proceed to a
male’s comfort room. In an exclusive interview with Chayra Ganal as conducted

by PressOnePH (2019), the janitress presented her side of the story:
“CHAYRA GANAL: It was quarter to 1 when two women

complained to me that there was an LGBT person inside
the female’s restroom. I saw Ma’am Gretchen and
approached her properly. I said, ‘Ma’am, you must go
to the male’s restroom. I didn’t offer the PWD’s as there
were many people in line, unlike inside the male’s
restroom – there were no people.”
Ganal explained that she assumed there would be no issue on Diez’s end,
not until the transwoman took out her cellphone and began her Facebook live
video to document the incident. She added that the slurs were unintentional and
were committed against Diez due to stress about the situation.
The video that captured discrimination against the LGBTQ+ made Ganal a
victim of intense cyber-bullying. Nonetheless, her narrations of ‘properly’
recommending the nearby male’s comfort room to Diez falls under
microinvalidation, which is depicted as exclusion, negation, or invalidation of the
psychological feelings, experiential reality, and thoughts of a certain community
(American Psychological Association, 2014). Diez suggests that these instances are
considered discriminatory which also invalidates the gravity of denying one’s
gender identity. Thus, when asked if the incident happened just once, the
transwoman narrates:
“GRETCHEN DIEZ: When I was younger, I had

experiences when I am being kicked out of the
washroom – the female washroom specifically, simply
because I am a transgender, and they don’t accept that.
During those times, I’m not educated about my rights. I
am not the argumentative type of person. I will just
leave and endure, until [I] find an establishment, or just
go home – then finally, [I] can pee.”
Amidst the restroom controversy, Ice Seguerra, a celebrity-singer

transman, expressed his fears when discussing the risk of using public restrooms.
In Seguerra’s Instagram post, he shared his sentiments from attending events for
the NYC during which he refused to drink water the entire day just so he could
prevent from going to the restrooms to raising concerns about neglecting
discrimination against the trans community (CNN Philippines, 2019):
“ICE SEGUERRA: If you don't experience it, you'd just

dismiss it, but this is a real concern. For others it's a
shallow issue, but being looked down on and asked to
leave a restroom is an issue. It makes you feel as though
you want to disappear from embarrassment. What's
worse, I don't feel safe. [Translated by CNN Philippines]”
Seguerra posited that there were no other intentions; the people of his
gender only want to go to the bathroom.
On the other hand, one of the most horrifying examples of hate crimes
carried out against the LGBTQ+ community was what previously mentioned in the
portion Societal Conditions - which was the killing of Jennifer Laude, a Filipino
transgender woman. As formerly discussed, the transwoman was murdered in
October 2014 by the United States Marine Lance Corporal Joseph Scott
Pemberton. Laude was discovered dead, naked, with her head plunged in a
bathroom’s toilet in Olongapo City (Revisiting the Jennifer Laude murder case,
2015). The investigations portrayed explicit descriptions of a brutal murder,
showing signs of her neck blackened with strangulation. In an interview conducted
by Rappler to speak with a self-proclaimed queer Professor John Andre “Andoy”
Evangelista, a University of the Philippines – Diliman Assistant Professor of
Sociology, in a segment titled: Rappler Talk: Why Jennifer Laude’s killing is a hate
crime against Filipinos (2020), which traverses across debates about transphobia,
victim-blaming mentality, and the suppression of LGBTQ+ rights in the Philippines.
Rappler’s reporter Rambo Talambong asked Evangelista to explain how the
professor became part of the LGBTQ+ movement, to which Evangelista answered:
“ANDOY EVANGELISTA: I think it is important to note my

self-identity. I am a “bakla” (queer), who grew up to be
queer in the Philippines. I used the term “bakla” for a
very specific reason as I am not just my own sexuality, I
am also identified with my citizenship and the country I
was born in. That is why it is very important to me to
mention that my self-identification, more than
anything, is a “bakla.” When I started pursuing the

social sciences – Sociology in particular, my research
interests and my research projects have always involved
LGBTQ politics…”
First, it is significant to highlight Evangelista’s mention of the

intersectionality of queerness. As formerly stated in the Review of Related
Literature Studies, the Philippines’ concepts of gender identities and sexual
orientation are far more complex than the definitions proffered by the West. The
bakla is commonly contextual and conditional, which typifies male-to-female
transgender identity, gay male identity, womanish expression, hyperbolic or
effeminized gay identity, and gay identity that is associated with urban poverty –
considering those who belong to the lower class (Manalansan, 2003; Peterson
2011 as cited by Diaz, 2015). Therefore, as much as the bakla evolves from its
association with moral degradation to becoming a form of reclamation and
empowerment, the identity must still be scrutinized contingent on the years-long
history and cultural accounts of sexual marginalization of the Filipino LGBTQ+. The
interview went on, Rambong then continued to ask regarding their sentiments
and opinions about the murderer Pemberton’s pardon, to which Evangelista
elucidated:
“ANDOY EVANGELISTA: I was mortified. Not just

because he [Pemberton] was pardoned, but because, I
know, there are a lot of people in the list who applied
for the pardon. As the events unraveled, I got angrier
because we then later on discovered that no one applied
for the pardon. Not his lawyers, not the U.S.
government, according to the Foreign Affairs Secretary.
So, it was solely, according to the news that I have read,
the decision made by the President… and when the idea
of GCTA, Good Conduct Time Allowance, was used to
credit the years of his sentence… I was sad. The idea of
GCTA was based on restorative justice, but when it is
used in this way, the idea of GCTA is being cheapened.
How insensitive to the aggrieved party it was.”
Rambong then inquired Evangelista as to the message being transferred to

the LGBTQ+ community through pardoning the murderer of Laude. Evangelista
propounded:
“ANDOY EVANGELISTA: There is a concept in queer

studies called ‘homonationalism.’ The idea refers to the
exclusion of LGBT lives from the national imagination
since the prevailing discourse during the 80’s is queer
equals death because of HIV and AIDS. Many scholars
asserted that there had become a transition. Nation-
states were able to include some queer rights, but then
still exclude some queer rights. We see how
homonationalism operates through the initial provision
of justice.”
The queer professor posits that ‘homonationalism’ plays in which the

victim will obtain justice and inclusion at the outset. However, Evangelista reasons
that this form of inclusivity only functions under the idea of ‘conditional
acceptance’ which leads to a more volatile condition for the LGBTQ+, as depicted
by Evangelista. Thus, the queer professor explains that the move sends a crucial
message propounding a short-term and restrictive regard of queer voices by the
state. This explains the community’s vulnerability to become isolated yet again as
soon as the political interests have shifted.
Worse, gay panic defense was employed by Pemberton to extenuate his

crime. According to Williams (2020), panic defenses have been fortunately
employed to lessen or mitigate sentences in murder cases of LGBT persons
throughout the world. In this case, violence against the community was further
pronounced after the judge had taken Pemberton’s legal argument that the non-
disclosure of Laude’s gender identity was a mitigating condition. Williams
postulated that this sends an alarming narrative that the crimes perpretated
against people in the community are not treated the same as similar crimes
carried out against non-LGBT persons, suggesting a normalization of harming LGBT
people.
The absence of social support potentially contributes to internalized
homophobia, in which sexual minorities encounter a negative self-concept
causing barriers to the development of an identity that is positive (Ereño, 2014).
Herek (1990, as cited by Reyes et al., 2017) posited that continual discrimination,
victimization, harassment, and objectionable ideas of sexual orientation became
internalized when sexual minorities start to perceive and recognize themselves
just as how the majority views and regards them. In an interview with Rommel
Bonus, a self-proclaimed straight man, narrated examples of discriminatory acts
within the LGBTQ+ during an affairs-talk reality show, “The Bottomline” (ABS-CBN,
2019):
“ROMMEL BONUS: I’ll give an example. There is
an individual whose gender expression and
sexual orientation is heterosexual, just like mine.
Then that person becomes a hot topic among
those who consider themselves part of the
LGBTQ+. Now, people from the community
doubts the person, asserting that, ‘Oh, he’s not
straight. He’s a closeted gay.’”
Herein, Geraldine Roman, a transgender politician, emphasized the issues

of the LGBTQ+ community about outing other people within the same community.
Moreover, Gretchen Diez pointed out that discriminatory acts within the
community may also transpire in other forms such as slighting or making offensive
descriptions of the queer person:
“GRETCHEN DIEZ: It could also be about judging
a person based on personal appearance. Saying
things [to an LGBTQ person] like, “look at her,
she’s not even pretty!” Unconsciously, we are
discriminating one another.”
Another crucial example of internalized homophobia substantially

manifested during an interview with celebrity hairdresser Ricky Reyes when they
were requested to speak for the LGBTQ+ community for President Rodrigo
Duterte, to which they avouched (INQUIRER.net, 2019):
“RICKY REYES: What for? For what? How many
Presidents have I helped? [Duterte] is already
the sixth, so why do I still need to [represent the]
LGBT [community]? This year, I gathered the
LGBT, all of them, and I told them to stop all this
gayness. Do not crossdress anymore because we
just get laughed at all the more, ok? [Translated
by INQUIRER.net]”
Reyes further emphasized the conditions to be accepted by society:

“RICKY REYES: The oppression of gay people
should be kept within the sphere of gay people.
We should not display it to other people. Why

should we tell all the rest of other people, “Hey,
understand me, I am gay.” Hold it right there.
[Translated by INQUIRER.net]”
Nonetheless, Reyes clarified that they respect the community, but they are
still persistent about telling the community to be in their proper places.
Furthermore, the celebrity hairdresser made an insulting remark to the queer
community by tagging them as baklang hamburger (gay hamburger):
“RICKY REYES: Just let it be. Gay is gay. Whatever
you do, if you are gay, write that down, you are
gay. Whether you grind that down, it will still
turn out as gay, a gay hamburger. [Translated
by INQUIRER.net]”
In line with this, internalized homophobia can expand from abandoning

queer voices, accepting abuses towards sexual minorities, to hurdling the rights
and protection for the queer community.
Affirming Actual Queer Experiences: Stereotypes
Leloy Claudio (2013) has drawn closer attention to significant attempts to
allay alleged stereotypes among Filipino gay men, in which he averred that these
efforts inevitably proceed to similar conclusions: that not all gay men present
themselves as parloristas. In an interview with Gretchen Diez (ABS-CBN News,
2019) the defense appeared to be strong when the transwoman avouched that
the expanding stigma against people of her gender sprung from low societal
expectations of queer individuals, to which she stressed that transwomen must
always endure discrimination. She claimed, men must work hard to become
successful in their pursuits, women must work harder, but people of their group
must work the hardest to earn respect – such a statement’s trajectory was
directed to LGBT people’s hopes of the slightest, bare minimum forms of proper
treatment. Thus, although Claudio was right that there was a growing defense
among gay men and transwomen against associations to the parloristas, this
defense rooted from the inherent desire of LGBTQ+ to abate misconceptions.
Here, Diez further foregrounded:
“GRETCHEN DIEZ: So, when people ask me, ‘in

which parlor do you work?’ I am not sure if I
would just laugh. Not because there is
something wrong with people who are

employed in salons – that is a very decent job.
But stereotyping transgender people, or
members of the LGBTQ+ community to a certain
job adds to that stigma, implying that you
cannot go further than that.”
The parloristang bakla are often linked with a gay man toiling in a cheap
parlor, deemed to be cocksure, loud, and a gossipmonger (Cepeda & Orda, 2017).
While there are portions of truth in these stereotypes, the persistent confinement
of queer people into these categories results to more hurdles among the group.
In fact, Claudio (2013) divulged into discriminatory acts, which may also be
regarded as internalized homophobia, and stereotypical perceptions within the
LGBTQ+ community. He narrated:
“LELOY CLAUDIO: An intelligent, middle-class

gay friend once told me that the parlorista is a
barrier to the mainstreaming of LGBT
rights. The parlorista, he explained, reflects a
version of homosexuality that Philippine society
finds hard to accept: he/she is loud and
threatening to straight men (heaven forbid;
nanggagapang ang mga yan at nagpapa-pera
sa mga papa!) [heaven forbid; they pay straight,
masculine men for sex].”
Most often than not, gay men in privileged positions take offense when
being associated with the parlorista’s low lives. In his narration, there were
already three forms of stereotypes that coalesced: flamboyance, promiscuity, and
the LGBT, specifically effeminate, loud gay men and/or queer people as milking
cow. The Refugee Review Tribunal (2008) investigated the bakla or the
“flamboyant” homosexuals’ willingness to pay for sex with young males resulted
into the “call boy” phenomenon. The stereotypical narratives about the bakla as
a milking cow likewise manifested in a popular Philippine late-night talk show,
“Gandang Gabi, Vice!” when the prominent queer Vice Ganda interviewed former
celebrity couples Kim Chiu and Gerald Anderson (ABS-CBN Entertainment, 2017).
The exchange among these popular celebrities went like this:
“KIM CHIU: I used to be a bakla [queer]!

VICE GANDA: What is the most memorable?

[Vice Ganda asked Gerald Anderson about Kim
Chiu’s gifts]
GERALD ANDERSON: She gave me refs… There
was also a rumor about my house being given to
me [by Chiu].
VICE GANDA: [Talking to Chiu] You are really a
‘Vice Ganda’!”
In their communication, Vice Ganda appeared to have embraced the

concept of queer as milking cow, describing Kim Chiu as a Vice Ganda – a
seemingly phenomenon that caused the queer personality to use their screen
name as an adjective. On one hand, reports and investigations disclosed the harms
of stereotyping the bakla as promiscuous. Human Rights Watch contrived several
interviews among the LGBTQ+ students in the Philippines (2017) concerning
discrimination. One of the interviews included the stories of Gabriel K.,
(pseudonym), a 19-year-old gay person who narrated his experiences of
heterosexuals’ oversexualization of the LGBTQ:
“GABRIEL K.: [Classmates] would grab my hands,

and they’d touch them to their private parts, and
they’ll say to me that’s what gay is, that’s it.”
Similarly, traumatic instances of these stereotypes that led to cases of

sexual harassment was further averred by Ruby S. (pseudonym), a 16-year-old
trans girl. She recalled:
“RUBY S.: [s]tudents acting like they were raping

me, and then my friends saying, oh you enjoyed
it, he’s cute. One of my classmates even said that
LGBT people are lustful in nature, so it’s because
you’re a flirt.”
Another crucial case that affirmed the long-lasting detriment of tagging

gays as promiscuous severely manifested in Jelay’s case, a trans woman in the
Philippines, when she narrated severely scarring experiences of rape and victim-
blaming (IGLHRC & Rainbow Rights Project, 2014):
“JELAY: He [my uncle] lifted me bodily into the

room. He said, ‘You’re a bakla so you suck my
penis.’ Of course, at that time [I was in second

grade], I had no idea about those things. Then
he told me to just suck it…[He raped me and] my
anus was torn, some organs came out of the
wound, and it was stitched later.”
Jelay’s family minimized the severity of her uncle’s crime when they
accused the transwoman of potentially flirting with her perpetrator because she
is a bakla. In a court hearing, Jelay recalled a traumatizing interrogation with the
judge as she was asked whether the rape was triggered by the transwoman’s prior
motives.
Stereotyping LGBTQ+ people may exacerbate cases of detrimental stigma

and oppression towards the community, resulting into confinement of
homosexuals in specific jobs, further discrimination, and worse, stereotypes may
trigger instances of abuse and rape committed to sexual minorities.
Affirming Actual Queer Experiences: Struggles

The most common forms of struggles endured by Filipino sexual minorities
are familial discrimination and non-acceptance of one’s sexual orientation and
gender identity. Discrimination and lack of acceptance were likewise evident in
state institutions. Proffered in Geonanga’s (2018) journal article titled,
“Formation of Identity and Sexual Orientation of Young Filipino Bisexuals: An
Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis,” the dominating norms in society
conditioned confused individuals to think of themselves as deviants for feeling
“wrong.” A Research Participant 1 narrated the phase of confusion:
“R1: [Of course, at first I felt “oh I think there is

something wrong, I am not like everybody else.”
That is when I thought,“what am I, am I gay or
not gay?”]
Geonanga (2018) further expounded the issues that succeed after not
conforming to heterosexual standards of proper behavior. Research Participant 1
expressed hatred towards gender-based oppression as he encountered it
firsthand within the family. He foregrounded:
“R1: [I hate gendered oppression and other kinds

of discrimination. I was a victim of it because my
mom favors my sister and she tends to behave

towards me assuming I’m a bad boy, though I
am not, that is just her gender expectation. So I
hated it and learned not to behave the same
towards gender. So I hated gender as a basis of
liking other people. I don’t assume to like guys
because I expect he’s masculine or a girl because
she’s feminine.]
Congruently, as disclosed in the reports of IGLHRC and Rainbow Rights

Project (2014), a transgender respondent, Stef, was confronted by non-
acceptance from her father:
“STEF: My father asked, ‘Why do you look this

way?’ My hair is long, my eyebrows plucked. I
was in pink again. ‘Can’t you be more
masculine?’ He said even if bakla, he’d want me
to be more discreet. I could have shorter hair…
It’s so sad my own father does not accept me
although he says, ‘I love you, you are my child.’
But I still do not feel the acceptance.”
Discussed in the aforementioned report was the experiences of a

transwoman Magdalena who was wrongly accused by her mother:
“MAGDALENA: I was playing with my nephew...

I was tickling him, he was laughing and enjoying
and [my mother] told me that that kind of action
‘tickling a baby boy and you are gay; that’s a
form of molestation, child molestation.’ So I
really felt bad, I cried.”
This opens discourses on familial bias and non-acceptance as belonging to

the LGBTQ+ people’s struggles. Provided in Poudel and Tang’s investigation
(2018), one of the interviewees (Participant 3) recalled family’s non-recognition of
sexual minorities:
“PARTICIPANT 3: I came from a family that

doesn’t recognize LGBT people. I’ve been kicked
out by my family because they can’t accept me
as a transgender woman, so they sent me out of

the house”
Similarly, the culture of non-acceptance was further compounded by state

institutions as there are consistent lobbying efforts to pass anti-discrimination bill
and reform policies. One participant indicated that legislators were mostly
influenced by their religion and negative perceptions towards the LGBTQ+
community. They (Participant 8) argued:
“PARTICIPANT 8: Some senators are delaying the

implementation of the bill and its passing. It is
really hard because we can only do so much. We
insist and are determinate to push and fight for
the bill. But people in the government don’t
show their support and it is hard for the
community when people of power discriminate
us”
The investigation exhibited a cumulative impact of lack of acceptance and

familial discrimination, noting non-acceptance from the government and society
trickles down to lack of acceptance in the family, and worse, rejection of one’s
own sexual orientation and gender identity.
B. Queer Themes and Issues in the Post-Second Wave of Thai Queer Cinema
Affirming Actual Queer Experiences: Homophobia
The United Nations and Development Programme (2019) contrived a

comprehensive report based on a national examination accorded in the “2018
UNDP Being LGBT in Thailand Survey” to investigate social attitudes towards the
LGBT, with a total of 2,210 participants examined. According to the findings, 88%
of the surveyed respondents mentioned a possible acceptance of the LGBT people
outside the family, while 77% promoted equal rights and access to services, and
69% noted generally positive views towards the LGBT people. Looking at a
different survey which thoroughly delves into various instances of
“homonegativity” in Southeast Asia, Thailand is among the countries in the region
with lower levels of homonegativity, in comparison to Indonesia and Malaysia that
appeared to be expressing high levels of homonegative attitudes (Manalastas et
al., 2017). The expanding visibility of queer individuals in the country afforded
Thailand a global branding for tolerance. However, despite attaining the
reputation as a ‘gay paradise’ (Shrestha et al, 2019), Arisa Thanommek and

Pacharee Hungsabut - and other members of the community - claim that, most
often than not, this acceptance is a façade (Liljas, 2014). That is to say, actual
queer experiences of hate crimes and anti-gay attitudes have confronted the
extent of this “positive attitude”, thus consequently places the image of tolerance
in question.
The findings mentioned in a similar report by the UNDP (2019) disclosed

that 61% of those surveyed counted the LGBT as a problem and 44% expressed
support for prohibiting the community from organizing discussions concerning
gender gaps. Likewise, although 88% expressed possible tolerance for LGBT
individuals outside the family, the figure shrinks to 75% if the inquiry shifts to
accepting LGBT people within the family. Negative perceptions towards the
community in Thailand poses serious threats to LGBT people’s lives and survival,
with debates ranging from issues on stigma and discrimination to persistently
curbing the community’s access to their full potential as students, workers, and
community members.
Microaggressions, Gender-based Violence & Discrimination

Substantial discourses on various forms of anti-LGBT bullying in Thailand
were thoroughly investigated by the United Nations Education, Scientific and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Bangkok and Plan International Thailand in 2014.
It is posited that cases of harassment in schools are further exacerbated due to
Thai people’s harmful, convoluted understandings of bullying. This includes a
minimization of harms inflicted to LGBT students, depicting behaviors as harmless
teasing (kan yok-lo) and less serious forms of rough teasing (kan klaeng). The
figures exhibited that over half (56%) of self-identified LGBT students disclosed
being bullied on the basis of their sexual orientation or gender identity, while 25%
of those who did not identify themselves as LGBT reported encounters of bullying
for being perceived to be transgender or attracted to the same sex (UNESCO,
2014). Among the participants, transwomen, bisexuals, and male gays were
recorded to be victims of sexual humiliation, which transpires when their abusers
mimic sexual positions, intercourse, and/or rape to them. On the other hand, the
common location of bullying among bisexuals, transwomen, and gays was
reported to occur near the male toilets, which intercepted these sexual minorities
from using any toilets during the day due to constant fear of being harassed. In an
interview with a queer activist Sirisak Chaited, they corroborated traumatic
experiences of harassment extending to sexual aggravations (Leelasestapornm
2021). Chaited recalled:
“SIRISAK CHAITED: The fact that I wasn’t like the

other boys my age made it worse. Some kids
would pull down my pants and pretend to rape
me. Teachers mocked me and threatened to
break my back if I didn’t act manly enough. I
couldn’t talk about this to anyone – even my
own family since they were all Catholics. There
was no one I could trust.”
A significant shortfall in awareness concerning boundaries and limitations

further detriments the lives of queer people in Thailand as heterosexual
oppressors continue to cross the line. A woman at heart, Angsanil Kaewmusi,
encountered frequent verbal and physical abuse, with her classmates causing
taunts and insults directed to her parents, while the boys would sometimes
squeeze her chest as she was treated to be part of the same sex (Vichitsorasatra,
2014). The launching of “From Insult to Inclusion,” an investigation conducted by
UNESCO (2015), found bullying to be widespread in numerous forms,
incorporating verbal, psychological, and physical bullying. Vichitsorasatra (2014)
posits, with research studies that demonstrated online and offline harassment to
be strongly interconnected, cyberbullying becomes more prevalent as online
abuse becomes generally associated with violence offline. On the other hand,
Kangwan Fongkaew, an openly gay man, brought back traumatic experiences of
abuse during his childhood. He encountered being shoved about, called names,
and was even coerced to play football to act more like a “man” (McAvoy, 2018).
Employing the interviews provided in a journal article titled “An intersectional
burden: Gender and sexual stigma against toms in Thailand” (Miederma et al.,
2022), one of the participants narrated similar instances of being strained to
conform to heterosexual standards, physical violence, and coercive feminization:
“PARTICIPANT: I liked playing with cars and gun

toys and didn’t like wearing skirts. Dad and
Grandma would hit me and force me to wear
skirts and I would refuse and cry.”
To further assess the analysis launched by the previously mentioned

UNESCO Bangkok and Plan International Thailand in 2014, it is reported that toms,
or females with masculine gender identity/presentation, appeared to be least
favored. Anti-tom hate groups were also discovered in some schools mentioned
in the study. Thus, UNESCO (2015) further propounded that among the list of
sexual orientations and gender identities, female bisexual, lesbian, and tom
students had a comparatively higher currency of victimization owing to their

perceived sexual orientation or gender identity. In a similar article conducted by
Miederma, Browne, and Yount (2022), one of the participants described instances
of microaggressions and mockery, stating:
“PARTICIPANT: Sometimes when I use public

transportation, [teenage boys] would sing songs
mocking me. Sometimes, even the ones who are
younger than me would sing, “tom, tom, where
you go…””
Another form of microaggression, which narrates selective respect to non-

heterosexual females owing to their physical appearance and a more feminine
gender presentation, the study incorporated accounts during which one of the
interviewees experienced these kinds of instances:
“He said, “normally I don’t like toms, but I feel

like you’re a cute [authors’ note: as in more
feminine tom], because you don’t act [like a
man]… I see toms around campus who walk with
their legs so spread apart and say “ha” [authors’
note: the informal version of khrap]…”
The narration suggests that the participants were judged contingent on

whether they remained different from male masculinity. Miederma, Browne, and
Yount (2022) mentioned the concept of ‘boundary policing’ linked to tom
masculinity and the inconclusive gender status of toms in Thailand. Depictions of
boundary policing elicit stigma encounters owing to both same-sex sexuality and
gender identity, this suggests a collective idea that men were instinctively hostile
to toms which sprung from the dilemma over defining the difference between tom
and male masculinity. In a similar work, a 31-year-old interviewee described
experiences of male aggression:
“31-YEAR-OLD PARTICIPANT: I just started

college, and my friends and I were drinking
together. One upperclassman tried to hurt me,
probably because he was annoyed with me,
since I had a good-looking girlfriend.”
To which a validation of male hostility toward toms was further averred:

“PARTICIPANT: Don’t forget that when guys see

toms, they already have a negative view
towards toms. When toms keep on acting
[manly] to men, they’re finding trouble for
themselves. You need to know the limit.”
In line with this, some participants made substantial efforts to self-police

their own masculinity and that of other toms to minimize the likelihood of tensions
and conflicts with masculine men.
Moreover, religious-based discrimination is among the other facets that

persistently entrenches negative attitudes towards the LGBTQ+. Proffered in
Leelasestaporn’s (2021) interview with Sirirsak Chaited, the queer activist has
been battling for the right to enter the monkhood as it would gradually forge
substantial shifts in religious structures, including right to religious practices,
mitigation of hostility, and more openness to LGBTQ+ monks. They posited:
“SIRISAK CHAITED: Since we were kids, we have

been taught to believe that we are wrong for
being born gay, that it is a sin waiting to be
atoned for. So when they see religious texts
sanctioning homosexuality, they readily
embrace it without realizing the errors within it.”
Here, Chaited opined that regardless of someone’s gender or genitals,

people must have the right to enter the monkhood and access monastic lives as
long as they do not act against the rules. The queer activist has also recounted the
moment they felt severely mistreated for holding a Pride Parade. They narrated:
“SIRISAK CHAITED: About 300 or 400 villagers

blocked our way in and out of the parade. Some
of them threw bags filled with blood and plaa
raa (fermented fish) at us. They finally agreed to
let us go if we agreed on the following: We must
cancel the event immediately; we would not
host another LGBTQ+-related event for the next
1,500 years, and we would have to crawl on our
knees to apologize. It’s unthinkable that they
didn’t see us as humans. I was furious. We may

have differences, but we should be able to stand
equal as humans.”
On one hand, the International Labour Organization and the United

Nations Development Programme (2018) published reports on LGBTI people’s
reach to employment in which it foregrounded major shifts in Thailand’s
legislative body in recent years. However, although homosexuality is no longer
recognized a mental illness by the Ministry of Public Health, transgenderism is yet
part of the list of mental disorders which formed more barriers for transgender
people. According to an interview with Kath Khangpiboon, the founder of Thai
Transgender Alliance, conducted by the Destination Justice (2018), the
transwoman offered her justifications for becoming involved in LGBTIQ rights
work:
“KATH KHANGPIBOON: I did not go straight into
LGBT work. I applied for a scholarship to train in
social work, but my application was rejected, as
the local government who are the funders of the
scholarship said they could not support
transgender people like me. It was the first time
that I realised, as a transgender woman, I have
a problem in society.”
Khangpiboon further suggested the intersectionality of queer issues,

posing phenomena that range from discrimination on the basis of identity and
sexual diversity to social class – suggesting that hindrances are exacerbated
through scarcity in LGBTQ people’s resources.
Lastly, extreme forms of gender-based violence and harassment have

constantly fractured Thai LGBT’s way in better, healthy working conditions.
Thomas Kollen (2016: p. 211) discovered that lesbians are vulnerable to sexual
violence, while male-to-female trans people reported cases of harassment and
violence. Kollen posited that tomboy lesbians disclosed cases of rape and
attempted rape by male friends and co-workers, while intersex individuals
reported rape and attempted gang rape due to their equivocal gender identity. In
fact, murder and rape of lesbians, and among other sexual orientations and
gender identities, undeniably fit the depiction of hate crime but are yet to be
deemed as such by the Thai police (IGLHRC, 2012 as cited by Kollen, 2016: p. 211).
The narratives strongly corroborated that the mechanisms to protect LGBTQ+
community in Thailand are yet counterproductive, suggesting that these sexual

minority groups still have a long way to go in fighting against homophobia and
discrimination.
Affirming Actual Queer Experiences: Stereotypes

Dominant depictions of Thailand as a haven for the LGBTQ+ cannot
enshroud the fact that these sexual minorities are commonly perceived in
detrimental ways in Thai society (Fongkaew et al., 2017). Most often than not,
LGBTIQ people are broadly perceived as “sexually deviant,” abnormal, and
disordered because of their SOGIE. Fongkaew et al. (2017) elucidated that the
community is largely underrepresented in Thai news media, and when
characterized they are usually pictured stereotypically, objectionably, and
inaccurately absent a clear-cut understanding of their intersex variation, gender
identity and presentation, and sexual orientation. In Thai society, sexual minorities
often fall into broader stereotypical depictions that would classify them
distinctively from heterosexual characteristics, attributes, and appearances.
Among these sexually marginalized groups, tom and dee are found to be
vulnerable to misconceptions and acts of stereotyping. In a documentary titled
“Toms: The Complex World of Female Love in Thailand” (2015), a prominent figure
in the community of toms named “Dee Lesla” averred homosexual females’
conformity to broadly pigeonholed ideas of Thai society towards them:
“DEE LESLA: Thai Toms have to conform to a

pattern. You have to look manly like a guy. [A
Tom has to be] strong, someone who can take
care of their partner. To be like a guy, firstly, you
have to have a flat chest. Secondly, you have to
be able to protect your girl. Thirdly, you have to
act like a ‘sugar daddy’ and pay for everything
for your girl.”
Dee Lesla expounded the dilemma that toms need to face in society,
admitting that Thai toms have been forced to act in a certain way – feeling the
necessity to follow the pattern. The queer figure elucidated that, although some
do not feel as themselves while conforming to the pattern, they correspond to
these classifications, nevertheless.
Apart from toms, gay men are likewise strongly typecast in society.
Examples of these labels are linked to promiscuity, flamboyance, and the desire
to appear women-like. In an interview with Tumpapon “Max” Torsupin
(Boonbandit, 2019), a gay worker Aware Corporation recalled his discomfiting
experience of stereotyping:
“TUMPAPON “MAX” TORSUPSIN: I’m not sure

that campaigns only informed by the ideas of
straight people would understand what we
really need. Even worse, they might carry a
stereotypical image of who we are… I was about
to join a multinational corporation before I came
to Aware, but I declined their offer because I was
asked whether I would dress as a girl to work. I
felt humiliated, so I chose to work with this
smaller firm instead.”
Similar issues of automatic tagging of gay men were investigated by

Gadavanji (2021) through an examination of gay sounding speech among Thai
individuals, proffering a popularly held view that gay men possess their own
distinct speech style which added to the pervasiveness of gender stereotypes
among the public. Coincidingly, it is believed that gay voice is identified to be
higher and that possesses a more exaggerated intonation than their heterosexual
male counterparts (Rogers and Smyth, 2003 as cited by Gadavanji, 2021).
Flawed representation of the LGBTQ+ community in larger platforms, such

as news outlets, appears to perpetuate more stigma and negative image.
Fongkaew et al. (2017) studied the content of news reports broadcasted about
sexual minorities, from which they discovered that the usual news
documentations about lesbians were tabloid gossip. Lesbians received offensive
undertones about their sexual activities characterizing the act as “hlong dat cha
ni,” likewise known as “addicted to fingers.” On the other hand, gay men and other
men who have sex with men were generally portrayed as overly obsessed with
plastic surgery, beauty, and sex. Moreover, they were almost often linked with
HIV transmission. Lastly, queer individuals were displayed as clowns or as deviants
in numerous condemnatory news reports.
Overall, objectionable perceptions towards the LGBTQ+ community

continue to manifest in Thai society as there are sparse, insubstantial
understanding of sexual minorities’ sexual orientation, gender identities, feelings,
and struggles.
Affirming Actual Queer Experiences: Struggles

According to UNDP (2015), family relations in Thailand are specifically
convoluted for some LGBT people, exhibiting figures that indicate 37% of non-
LGBT people to have negative feelings on having an LGBT member in the family.
Thus, the complexity in these relationships resulted into LGBT people becoming
more open concerning their sexuality to their peers and social networks than their
families. Proffered in the same report were narratives about lack of acceptance in
the family, one participant identified as a transgender woman and freelancer
narrated:
“My father did not really accept me, but my mother
knew since I was a kid and supported me, so I tried not
to engage my father because he does not speak much.
He is conservative and stubborn. He used to be a boxer
and a soldier, so he has this deeply rooted belief that a
son has to be 100 percent man.”
Many of the stories on the scarcity of acceptance were about LGBTQ

people’s fathers’ intolerance towards their queer children, thus, in the same
report, another transgender man who is distinguished as a swimming teacher
recalled:
“My parents are very conservative because my dad is a
policeman and my mother is a teacher … My brother
acts girly. My dad was very against that and he would
hit, kick or throw a chair at him. He scolded … said ‘You
are prohibited!’ …My dad does not speak much and
when he speaks, he scolds. There is no such a thing as
sitting down and talking … He has never scolded me, so
I don’t know what he is thinking. But with my mom, I
could talk to her.”
However, an interview with Note Jetsada Taesombat, the Co-Founder and

Executive Director of the Foundation of Transgender Alliance for Human Rights,
by Stonewall Global Workplace (2019) disclosed the conditionality and/or
possibility of acceptance within the family dependent on the LGBT people’s

backgrounds. Taesombat posited:
“Acceptance for trans people in Thailand is conditional:
trans people who are from a good family, meet
traditional beauty standards and have money are more
likely to be accepted. Trans people experience more
pressure to succeed to prove they deserve acceptance.”
Still and all, the extent of this acceptance is yet up for debate as queer
children are inherently pushed to prove to be worthy of family acceptance. On the
other hand, the lack of societal acceptance has grown more fear for sexual
minorities as imparted in an interview by Miedema et al. (2022), one participant
recalled being disowned by her own friend for liking a person from the same sex:
“PARTICIPANT: I like [name] and I’m in a relationship

with her.” She went, “What?! [Name] is a girl!.. I can’t
accept it. I can’t take it. Go far, far, away”… I was so
hurt. I felt like I wasn’t a human being. I felt like I was
something that shouldn’t have been born. I was an
abnormality in the world.”
It is disclosed that the scarcity in societal acceptance sprung from the

detrimental attitudes of the state towards the community. Krit
Phianmungsamphan in an interview conducted by Thailand Today (2020), a gay
man, revealed that despite queer visibility, many Thai people are still skeptical
about the LGBT. Most of the time, skepticism is only mitigated based on the queer
person’s educational, social, and historical background. Phianmungsamphan
reasons that the LGBTQ+’s backgrounds can influence how they are accepted as
sexual minorities continue to be invisible in society.
4.3. Analysis
This section discusses the relationship of the societal conditions in the
Philippines and Thailand, their influences on the post-second wave of queer
cinema, and films’ fulfillment of actual queer experiences through the lenses of
McQuail’s Theory of Media and Society (2011). This study posits that societal
conditions influence queer themes and portrayals of the post-second wave of
Philippine and Thai queer cinema (2010-2019), which are then corroborated by
actual queer experiences.
4.3.1. The Application of Mcquail’s Theory of Media and Society in the Post-
Second Wave of Philippine Queer Cinema
McQuail (2010) explained in his theory that the media acts as an

intermediary element between societal groups and the public. The mediation of
content in media can be influenced either by the societal actors whose motivation
may be for propaganda or advertisement or can be inspired by fulfilling the
demands of the public (Mcquail, 2010). However, it must be noted that the study
focuses on the latter proposition in which society utilizes media to convey
messages and images based on the public’s needs.
Examining the societal conditions of Filipino queers from 2010 up to the

present, it is evident that hate crimes, gender-based discrimination, gender-based
violence, unequal or non-recognition before the law, stereotyping, difficulties in
receiving acceptance from the family, and the absence of legal frameworks remain
to be the prevailing challenges that the Filipino queer community continues to
face (BBC, 2016; CNN Philippines 2018; UNDP, 2014 & 2018). The Filipino queer
films clearly paralleled and reflected the societal conditions of the Filipino queer
community. Despite there being a diverse genre in the selected films, homophobia
was seen to be the most predominant queer issue that was witnessed within the
post-second wave. Homophobia was apparent; however, it was packaged into the
storylines of the films differently as such as there were issues such as
microaggression, violence, and internalized homophobia. Familial discrimination
was the primary queer struggle that was incorporated into the films. Furthermore,
despite cheating being a prevalent code under struggle throughout the six Filipino,
there is no source that can affirm this phenomenon as there is a scarcity of data.
Aspects of queer stereotypes such as ‘queer people as a milking cow, associated
work (parloristang bakla), and generalized queer mannerisms like flamboyance
and loudness were also apparently presented in the films. This implies that these
films continue to follow the staple packaging of queer characterization and it did
not deviate from the usual presentation of queer identities in previous waves of
Philippine queer cinema. Adihartono and Jocson (2020) and Tan (2001) argued
that acceptance for the queer community remains to be conditional, in which
acceptance is only based upon the idea that queer people should remain within
the established confines of being comic or humorous.
Actual experiences of Filipino queers acquired through primary sources

clearly validated these societal conditions and queer challenges presented in the
films. These were seen in the cases of Gretchen Diez and Aiza Seguerra as they
have experienced gender-based discrimination due to the issues on the

‘appropriate’ usage of the restroom of transgender people. On stereotyping,
Gretchen Diez also stated in her interview that all Filipino queers are automatically
associated with jobs like parloristas and comedians. She further explained that
Filipino queers were being reduced to the idea that Filipino queers will not go
further than these stereotypical jobs. Lastly, narrations of familial discrimination
of the research participants from a journal article were evidently presented.
Participants experienced difficulties in seeking acceptance from their immediate
family due to their homosexuality. The similarity in the experiences of Gretchen
Diez, Aiza Seguerra, and the research participants in the selected secondary
source with those that were portrayed through the films is evident.
4.3.2. The Application of Mcquail’s Theory of Media and Society in the Post-
Second Wave of Thai Queer Cinema.
As already established, societal conditions utilize media to convey their

perspectives to the public (Mcquail, 2010). The mediation of content can be
motivated by the directives of other social institutions e.g., advertising or
propaganda, or it can be motivated by the anticipated needs of the public
(Mcquail, 2010). This study focuses on the latter motivation—society uses media
to provide images and stories according to the public’s needs. In the context of
this study, the assumption was that Thai society, through advocates, uses media
i.e., films, to present narratives according to the queer public’s needs e.g.,
challenges that queers face daily, and the films are then validated by actual Thai
queers.
Some of the pressing challenges faced by the Thai queers from 2010 up to
the present were targeted killings, continued stigmatization of queerness as an
illness, and pervasive verbal and sexual assault (UNDP, 2014; Outright
International, 2012; UNDP, 2018). Congruently, homophobia was one of the
overarching themes in the post-second wave of queer cinema. It was depicted
through gender-based discrimination, internalized homophobia, gender-based
violence, and microaggressions. Of course, there were nuances in the
presentation of the abovementioned struggles in the films. The films presented
the queer challenges under a more microscope i.e., homophobia in the family and
school. Nonetheless, several queer entities in Thailand e.g., Sirisak Chaited, Kath
Khangpiboon, and anonymous tom participants, from the gathered primary
sources corroborated homophobia as a theme. Actual queer experiences point
out that they were sexually and physically harassed by their immediate family and
teachers, their right to the demonstration was impinged due to their gender, and
they were discriminated against from scholarship grants because they were queer,
amongst others (Miederma et al., 2021; ASEAN, 2018; Leelasestaporn, 2021).
Within these circumstances, the need of the queer public that must be addressed
was the recognition that several forms of homophobia occur in their quotidian
lives, hence, it must be discussed and represented. The films evidently addressed
this need.
The limited number of recurring stereotypes was also a dominant theme

in the post-second wave of Thai queer cinema. Flamboyance was the only
stereotype that emerged, and it was only present in two out of six films. This was
totally divergent to the stereotypical portrayal of Thai queers in the previous
waves which usually depicted loud and obnoxious kathoeys or presented tragic
narratives about being queer (Jackson, 2002). Societal advocates such as
filmmakers addressed the need to present stories that deviate from stereotypes
from the previous waves. The Blue Hour’s director, Anucha, stated that Thai
queers must also have stories about humanity, society, and politics because they,
too, are normal people (The Bangkok Post, 2015). However, Umpapon “Max”
Torsupsin, one of the respondents in a study, stated that he still experienced
stereotyping i.e., asking if he would dress like a woman because he was gay, in his
company. This enforces the idea that even though there is a limited portrayal of
stereotypes in films, these are not totally eradicated. Nonetheless, out of the
several primary sources that the researchers checked, Mr. Torsupsin was the only
one who reported stereotyping as one of his challenges as a queer person.
Lastly, struggles in the form of lack of acceptance were also a theme that
was used as a plot device in several films of the post-second wave of That queer
films. Societal conditions point out that there was low acceptance of Thai queers
as family members, workers, students, and social acquaintances (UNDP, 2018).
These queers have experienced several offshoots of the lack of acceptance such
as discrimination and heteronormative pressures (UNDP, 2018). Therefore, there
was a necessity to tackle this challenge in the films. This was then substantiated
by Thai queers—Krit Phianmungsamphan stated that there is structural
discrimination against the queers in Thailand (NBT World, 2020). One of the
anonymous tom participants also corroborate this struggle; they were disowned
when they disclosed that she was romantically involved with a woman (Miederma
et al., 2021).
The representation of the application of McQuail’s Theory of Society and

Media to the findings of the study is shown on the following page
Figure 4 Operationalization of Framework

4.3.3. COMPARISON OF CASES: THEMES, SOCIETAL CONDITIONS, AND QUEER

REALITIES IN THAILAND AND THE PHILIPPINES
In the post-second wave of Philippine and Thai queer cinema, the recurring
themes that manifested in the investigation were homophobia, stereotypes, and
struggles. However, it is suggested that, although there were multiple similarities
in codes derived from the three main themes among the selected films, the
trajectory and delivery of the content clashed between the Philippines and
Thailand. In this portion, the recurring themes alongside their codes are
scrutinized contingent on the coalescing interpretations of societal conditions and
the corroborations of actual queer experiences.
Table 8.
Consolidation of Themes and Stories in Philippine and Thai Queer Films in the Post-
Second Wave
THEMES/ FILIPINO FILMS: PREVALENT THAI FILMS: PREVALENT

STORIES CODES CODES
Theme: • Microaggression • Microaggression

Homophobia • Internalized • Internalized
Homophobia Homophobia
• Gender-based • Gender-based
Violence Violence
• Gender-based • Gender-based
Discrimination Discrimination
Theme: • Work Stereotype • Flamboyance

Stereotypes • Hobby Stereotype
• Queer as Milking Cow
• Promiscuity of Queer
Characters
Theme: • Familial • Lack of Acceptance

Struggles Discrimination
• Cheating
Homophobia
First, under the major theme homophobia, the recurring codes in the
Philippines were microaggression, internalized homophobia, gender-based
violence and gender-based discrimination. As presented in the analyses of selected
Filipino queer films, gender-based violence may also manifest via disgust and
hostility with the intent to harm queer people. These acts transpired in both Die
Beautiful (2016) and Bwakaw (2012) when the main characters encountered
forced exclusion and verbal assaults, during which they were drove away, tagged
as faggots and disgusting, and Trisha from the film Die Beautiful was called a
sinner. The Philippines is labeled as among the most gay-friendly countries in the
world, however, studies found these attitudes to be controversial as LGBTQ+
people still experience harassment from their co-workers, while others encounter
this concern from their employers. Moreover, there is an absence of a model and
policy that acknowledges and criminalizes hate crimes and gender-based violence,
which further place the community into a severely vulnerable position. These
criminal activities were pronounced during the gang-rape incident that transpired
against an 18-year-old transgender, as well as the 2014 brutal killing of Jennifer
Laude by US Marine Lance Corporal Joseph Scott Pemberton. In an interview with
Prof. Andoy Evangelista, a self-proclaimed queer and a UP Professor, as conducted
by Rappler, Evangelista depicted the incident as mortifying, noting the corruption
for supposed restorative justice through the Good Conduct Time Allowance. Here,
the UP Professor further expounded the national case in the idea of
homonationalism through the state’s provision of initial justice. The concept
foregrounded a short-term and conditional regard of queer voices, and the
vulnerability of the community once the political interests have shifted.
In the Philippines, there were evident anti-discrimination bills in eighteen

cities, one municipality, and six provinces. Nonetheless, the general protection
towards the LGBTQ+ remain scarce. This is particularly correct during the
‘restroom controversy’ which involved a transwoman named Gretchen Diez when
she was barred from using a female comfort room and had encountered forms of
microaggression, one of which was to be called ‘Sir’ despite her feminine gender
presentation. Akin to the incident in the film Die Beautiful, the transgender
protagonist Trisha was misgendered after she was instructed to go to a men’s
bathroom. In the scene, Trisha became assertive as she asked the bar owner if she
looks like a man, however, the owner insisted her to proceed to the male’s
bathroom. Similarly, Gretchen Diez’s interview with CNN disclosed a daily
encounter of exclusion, discrimination, and disrespect towards the community.
She revealed asking the janitress who told her to go to the men’s room with regard
her violations. Herein, she recalled being discriminated against and mocked for
having a penis.
Moreover, internalized homophobia was evident in the film Changing

Partners (2017) when Alex (Isidro) made use of cheappangang bakla (a low-life
queer/gay) as an insult. To parallel this with an actual queer experience, celebrity

hairdresser Ricky Reyes told the community to be in their right places and labelled
the gays as baklang hamburger (gay hamburger), suggesting a pejorative remark
against the mentioned sexual minorities.
Thailand and the Philippines evidently showed similar codes under the
theme homophobia. In the film Blue Hour (2015), the main protagonist Tam was
pestered by his schoolmates because he was gay; he was shown to be bruised and
scarred after being beaten and was extorted of money by his perpetrators.
Another form of morally and physically demeaning acts committed against the
LGBTQ+ community transpired to a transgender Kitty in the film How to Win at
Checkers (2015), during which she was sexually assaulted. Paralleled to the
information proffered in the portion Social Conditions, the International Gay and
Lesbian Human Rights (IGHLRC) reported 15 targeted killings of lesbians. On a
demeaning note, these murders were minimized into being tagged as ‘crimes of
passion, love went wrong, or fault of the victims’ instead of these being
substantially considered as hate crimes. Corrective rape, an act that is supposedly
non-debatable, is considered to cure sexual orientation, which was mostly
committed by family members. In one of the realities posited in the previous
discussions, coercive feminization and physical violence were apparent, notably
when one of the participants reported being hit and forced to wear skirts
(Miederma et al., 2022). These severe offenses could also be affirmed through
queer activist Sirisak Chaited’s accounts of traumatizing incidents which extended
to sexual offenses. Chaited recalled being pestered by some kids through pulling
down their pants and pretending to rape them.
Comparable to the bathroom incident that occurred in the Filipino queer

film Die Beautiful, microaggression was also depicted in the Thai queer film It Gets
Better (2012) when Tonlew, a ladyboy, was asked if she was one – to which Tonlew
assertively asked if she appears to be a man. Eventually, Tonmai insisted that
kathoeys are still men. In a UNDP and USAID (2014) report, LGBT people outside
the heteronormative beliefs are generally perceived as inherently abnormal in
Thailand. On the other hand, microaggression can also transpire through selective
respect. According to one of Miederma, Browne, Yount’s interviewees (2022), a
masculine man explicitly expressed his hate towards toms, unless they have
convincingly attractive appearance and/or they do not present themselves as
masculine.
Stereotypes
Second, under the major theme stereotypes, it can be posited that the
prevailing codes in Thailand and the Philippines were conspicuously distinct.
Prevailing codes among the selected queer films in the Philippines were work
stereotype, hobby stereotype, queer as milking cow, and promiscuity of queer
characters. On the other hand, the only prevalent code manifested among the
selected Thai queer films was flamboyance.
In the films Bwakaw and Die Beautiful, work stereotypes deeply coalesced
with the queer’s economic and social class. Zaldy in the film Bwakaw was
characterized as a flamboyant hairdresser, while Trisha and Barbs in Die Beautiful
were struggling freelance make-up artists. In an interview with Gretchen Diez
(ABS-CBN News, 2019), she expressed defense against common stereotypes
committed to people of her gender. She propounded that people automatically
associate transwoman to parlors or salons, implying that they cannot go further
than their occupational niches. These stereotypes followed the wide perception
of the queer as milking cow and promiscuous. Leloy Claudio (2013) proffered
opinions about discriminatory and stereotypical remarks within the LGBTQ+
community, particularly committed by middle class gays. Claudio recalled an
exchange with a gay friend, with the other calling parloristas as loud and
promiscuous due to their willingness to pay straight, masculine men. The
stereotypical perceptions of the queer as milking cow manifested during
“Gandang Gabi, Vice!” a prominent Philippine late-night talk show when actress
Kim Chiu labeled herself as a former bakla as she used to give lucrative gifts to her
then-partners. In the films Die Beautiful and Bwakaw, the promiscuity of queer
characters manifested when other characters perceive the queer protagonists as
sex hungry. Moreover, the queer as milking cow manifested in Bwakaw when one
of the characters named Zaldy made a remark about the gay person cleaning out
someone’s bank account.
On one hand, the only code flamboyance among selected Thai queer films
under this major theme occurred in Yes or No film when one of Pie’s friends, Boy,
was characterized as the stereotypical effeminate and dramatic homosexual. In an
interview with Tumpapon “Max” Torsupin (Boonbandit, 2019), he recalled
offensive experiences when he was asked during a job offer about his willingness
to dress as a girl to work.
In comparing the content and portrayal of these codes under the theme
stereotypes, Filipino queer films had tendencies to represent stereotypical
narratives against the queer that were forged by the society. On the other hand,
the scarcity in stereotypical characterizations in Thailand manifested a more

varied depiction of queer characters that do not necessarily need to fit common
heterosexual standards.
Struggles
Third, albeit the theme stereotypes propounded significantly distinct

codes, the major theme struggles revealed that the trajectory of plotlines in
Thailand and the Philippines were also different, albeit the codes were not as
many as proffered in the theme stereotypes. The Philippines saw familial
discrimination and cheating as prevailing codes, while lack of acceptance occurred
to be the most prevalent in Thailand. In Rainbow’s Sunset (2018), the children of
Ramon insistently opposed his love affair with his childhood friend Fredo as they
were perturbed about the opinions of other people. The same case of familial
discrimination manifested in Die Beautiful when Trisha’s father told the
transwoman that she is a dishonor to their family, and eventually disowned her.
In a report by the ASEAN SOGIE Caucus (2017), a transgender woman was accused
of molesting her nephew by the child’s mother. Similarly, in a study by Geonaga
(2018), one of the research participants expressed becoming a victim of
discrimination as his mom favors his sister more and was disliked due to his
gender. Moreover, one of the participants in the mentioned study recalled being
kicked out of the house for being transgender – likewise paralleling to the scenario
experienced by Trisha in Die Beautiful. Regrettably, albeit cheating was one of the
recurring codes in the Philippines, the information and actual queer
corroborations were scarce on this topic.
On the other hand, lack of acceptance in Thailand had almost similar cases
with familial discrimination as proffered in the Filipino queer films. However, the
aforementioned code in Thailand encompasses other micro level aspects apart
from familial issues. In the film Yes or No (2011), lack of acceptance manifested
when Kim’s sexual orientation was not initially recognized by Pie, and when there
was an insistence from Pie’s mother to avert Kim from dating her daughter. In an
interview conducted by Miederma et al. (2022), one of the participants
remembered being disowned by her own friend for liking someone from the same
sex, eventually making her feel abnormal. Lastly, according to the Foundation of
Transgender Alliance for Human Rights, Note Jetsada Taesombat, acceptance
within the family is conditional, emphasizing trans experience where they are
pressured to succeed to prove that they are worthy of people’s acceptance.
SYNTHESIS
Overall, among the major themes, codes in Thai and Filipino queer films
were closely resemblant under the theme homophobia. In parallel to the societal
conditions and actual corroborations, the portrayal of homophobia correspond
gender-based violence through persecutions of the LGBTQ+ community and
physical assaults, as well as gender-based discrimination and microaggression in
which queer people experienced misgendering, exclusion, and isolation. However,
the portrayal of the codes under the theme stereotypes were substantially
divergent between Thai and Filipino queer films owing to the fact that
flamboyance is the only recurring code in Thailand. This propounded that among
the selected queer films in the Philippines, conforming to and representing actual
stereotypes forged by the society were among the evident patterns in the
characterization of the queer.
Lastly, although cheating was among the code suggested in Filipino queer
films, familial discrimination and Thai queer films’ lack of acceptance posit close
resemblance – diverging only on the inclusion of other micro level discourses in
Thailand.
Table 9.
Data Triangulation Table for the Post-Second Wave of Queer Cinema in the Philippines
SOURCES
INDICATORS MEASURES SECONDARY DATA FILM PRIMARY DATA
(Societal Conditions) (Dialogues) (Actual LGBTQ+ Experiences)
HOMOPHOBIA The ubiquity of • Since 2010, BWAKAW (2012) • “GRETCHEN DIEZ: I
gender-based Transgender • SOL: Get away asked her, ‘Ate (big
violence, gender- Europe’s Trans from me! Don't sister), where do you
based Murder touch me! You want me to go?’ To
discrimination, Monitoring disgust me! You're which she responded, ‘In
internalized (TMM) reported revolting! the male’s bathroom.’
homophobia, and that there are Faggot!” Then she asked me if I
microaggressions forty DIE BEAUTIFUL (2016) am taking pictures, to
against and within transgender or • FATHER: Damn which I answered that I
the Filipino non-binary you… I am this am instead video
LGBTQ+ individuals who close to kicking recording. That was
community. have been you out of the when she dragged me
officially house. Shame on there… I asked her with
recorded to be you for not only regard to my violation,
murdered in the dishonoring me she responded to me by
Philippines your father but the asserting that I still
(TGEU, 2016). entire family. Be possess a body part of a
• Reports of thankful I'm still male. Then the janitress
gender-related letting you eat in questioned, “Why are
hate crimes my house even you taking videos? Do
against LGBT though you disgust you want to be famous?

people are me! You will not be famous;
significantly CHANGING PARTNERS you are not even
higher compared (2017) beautiful.’ She also
according to • ALEX [ISIDRO]: spurned, “Go share it, so
Philippine LGBT Have some shame, this queer will become
Hate Crime woman! You let famous! [In literal
Watch. The yourself be translation: ‘Sige, i-
group has dragged around by share niyo, i-like niyo
recorded 164 these jerks. You para sumikat iyang
cases of send yourself up baklang ‘yan!’ In this
murdered cases like a two-cent context, the purpose of
from 1996 to queen [In literal using the term ‘bakla’
June 2012 translation: Mas was to humiliate Diez].”
(Bernal, 2013). masahol ka pa sa • “CHAYRA GANAL: It was
• US soldier Joseph cheappangang quarter to 1 when two
Scott Pemberton bakla]. women complained to
killed • ALEX [ISIDRO]: The me that there was an
transgender lowlife butch who LGBT person inside the
Jennifer Laude in thought her icky female’s restroom. I saw
October 2014 as orange hair turned Ma’am Gretchen and
the US soldier her into an Adonis. approached her properly.
felt disgusted RAINBOW’S SUNSET I said, ‘Ma’am, you must
and repulsed as (2018) go to the male’s
he discovered restroom. I didn’t offer
Jennifer’s male the PWD’s as there were
genitalia (Abad, • MAN: She’ll give many people in line,

2020). those two gay unlike inside the male’s
• The study of the grandpas hell. restroom – there were no
Philippine LGBT WOMAN: Serves people.”
Chamber and them right. If you • “RICKY REYES: Just let it
Cogencia had done that to be. Gay is gay. Whatever
revealed that out me, you and your you do, if you are gay,
of the 100 gay lover would be write that down, you are
companies they dead meat. gay. Whether you grind
have surveyed, • RAMON: I love him that down, it will still turn
there was no like I love your out as gay, a gay
single Philippine- mother. hamburger. [Translated
based company GEORGINA: That’s by INQUIRER.net]”
implementing unacceptable,
policies that Papa! What would
protect their people say?
employees from
SOGIE-based
discrimination
(Casal, 2018;
LGBT Chamber of
Commerce,
2021).
• In Zamboanga
City, a 55-year
old transgender
woman named
‘Erlinda’ was
accused of being
a thief. She was
physically
abused and
tortured through
electrocution
after being sent
to police
authorities
(ASEAN SOGIE
Caucus, 2017).
STEREOTYPE The continual • LGBT Filipinos BWAKAW (2012) • “GRETCHEN DIEZ: So,
stereotyping of stated that they • TRACY: Fabulous when people ask me, ‘in
the Filipino are only boy toys for you! which parlor do you
LGBTQ+ tolerated if they They're a steal for work?’ I am not sure if I
community in subscribe to only 50 pesos. Buy would just laugh. Not
Filipino queer certain one, take one. This because there is
films. stereotypes, for one's huge. something wrong with
instance, • ZALDY: Did you people who are
parloristang notice? The old employed in salons –
bakla (UNDP and man blushed! that is a very decent
USAID, 2014). Pussy! Careful, he job. But stereotyping
• Tan (2001) might clean out transgender people, or
explained that your bank account! the members of the
“acceptance is HULING CHA-CHA NI LGBTQ+ community to

conditional as ANITA (2013) a certain job adds to
long as the bakla • ANITA: Platoon, that stigma, implying
remain confined line up! that you cannot go
to certain DIE BEAUTIFUL (2016) further than that.”
occupational • TRANS WOMAN 1: • “LELOY CLAUDIO: An
niches and fulfill Look girls Pia intelligent, middle-class
certain Wurtzbach. gay friend once told me
stereotypes”. TRANS WOMAN 2: that the parlorista is a
• International Day I like this one barrier to the
Against better. Megan mainstreaming of LGBT
Homophobia, Young. rights. The parlorista,
Biphobia, and • BARBS: We're he explained, reflects a
Transphobia doing make up for version of
(IDAHO) Manila the entourage. We homosexuality that
Network need to be Philippine society finds
spokesperson early. Stop hard to accept: he/she
Ron de Vera complaining. Be is loud and threatening
explained that thankful that we to straight men (heaven
within the have a job. forbid; nanggagapang
Philippine CHANGING PARTNERS ang mga yan at
society, LGBT (2017) nagpapa-pera sa mga
people are • CRIS [MARTIN]: She papa!) [heaven forbid;
expected to thought the they pay straight,
conform to neighbors took me masculine men for
stereotypes. For for a slut going to sex].”
instance, being town with a loyal • “RUBY S.: [s]tudents

loud and client. acting like they were
effeminate raping me, and then my
entertainers and friends saying, oh you
stereotypical enjoyed it, he’s cute.
jobs like One of my classmates
comedians even said that LGBT
(Bernal, 2013). people are lustful in
• Adihartono and nature, so it’s because
Jocson (2020) you’re a flirt.”
argued that LGBT
people are only
being tolerated
as long as they
are comic or
humorous.
STRUGGLES Familial • Transman DIE BEAUTIFUL (2016) QUESTIONING
discrimination activist Stuart • FATHER:
and cheating as Barretto Patrick. Come
the primary underwent here. How dare
struggles faced by reparative or you? You have no • “R1: [Of course, at
the Filipino queer spiritual therapy respect. Get first I felt “oh I think
community. after his religious out. Leave this there is something
mother hired a house at once. wrong, I am not like
spiritualist to • BETH: Patrick I’m everybody else.” That
interfere with his trying to is when I
sexual identity understand thought,“what am I,

(De Guzman, you but why did am I gay or not gay?”]
2019). you do this?
LACK OF ACCEPTANCE
• An account • TRISHA: I only have
reported by the one question for • “PARTICIPANT 3: I
ASEAN SOGIE you. Tell me the came from a family
Caucus (2017) truth. Are you that doesn’t
claimed that a having an affair recognize LGBT
transgender with my husband? people. I’ve been
woman CHANGING PARTNERS kicked out by my
experienced (2017) family because they
familial • Cris [Luna]: When can’t accept meas a
discrimination you caught me transgender woman,
after the mother kissing someone in so they sent me out of
of her nephew BGC. the house”
claimed that RAINBOW’S SUNSET • “PARTICIPANT 8:
playing with her (2018) Some senators are
child is a form of • EMMAN: I can’t delaying the
child believe Papa. He implementation of
molestation. didn’t even think the bill and its
about our family’s passing. It is really
honor! hard because we can
• GEORGINA: What only do so much. We
would people say, insist and are
Emman? What determinate to push
and fight for the bill.
would the whole of But people in the

San Martin say? government don’t
show their support
and it is hard for the
community when
people of the power
discriminate us”
Table 10.
Data Triangulation Table for the Post-Second Wave of Queer Cinema in Thailand
SOURCES
INDICATORS MEASURES SECONDARY DATA FILM PRIMARY DATA
(Societal Conditions) (Dialogues) (Actual LGBTQ+ Experiences)
HOMOPHOBIA The pervasiveness • According to data YES OR NO (2010) • “SIRISAK CHAITED:
of gender-based cited by Outright • MAN: I just met a The fact that I wasn’t
violence, gender- International girl who's more like the other boys
based (2012) from the handsome than me. my age made it
discrimination, International Gay Hey! You're so worse. Some kids
internalized and Lesbian handsome. You use would pull down my
homophobia, and Human Rights, it Mr. or Miss? pants and pretend to
microaggressions was reported that • MOM: I can't rape me. Teachers
against and within around 15 accept these mocked me and
the Thai LGBTQ+ targeted killings abnormal threatened to break

community. of lesbians sexualities. my back if I didn’t act
between 2006 IT GETS BETTER (2012) manly enough. I
and 2012. • MAN: Fucking couldn’t talk about
• LGBT people who ladyboy! this to anyone – even
behave outside • LADYBOY: Today I my own family since
and are deviant came here to meet they were all
to the the abbot to Catholics. There was
heteronormative request to be no one I could
standards are ordained. But, he trust.”
widely perceived won't permit it • “31-YEAR-OLD
as ‘inherently because I've PARTICIPANT: I just
abnormal’ (UNDP already got boobs started college, and
and USAID, 2014). and had a sex my friends and I were
• The national change operation. drinking together.
survey ‘Tolerance THE BLUE HOUR (2015) One upperclassman
but not inclusion” • TAM’S BROTHER: tried to hurt me,
by UNDP (2018) Don't quibble! You probably because he
reported that 53 want dad to beat was annoyed with
percent of LGBT you up? me, since I had a
respondents HOW TO WIN AT good-looking
claimed that they CHECKERS (2015) girlfriend.”
have experienced • MAN: Hey. Where • “PARTICIPANT: I liked
verbal are you going? playing with cars and
harassment, 16 [groped Kitty’s gun toys and didn’t
percent have private part] Ouch! like wearing skirts.
been sexually FATHERS (2016) Dad and Grandma

assaulted, and 42 • MAN: As they say, would hit me and
percent said that gays are force me to wear
they need to aggressive. They skirts and I would
pretend to act want to have a refuse and cry.”
like a straight to child, but don’t
be accepted at know how to raise
school, work or at him properly.
home.
• In Loei province, a
father confessed
that he raped his
14-year-old
daughter for four
years, hoping that
her daughter will
stop socializing
with toms.
Likhitpreechakul
(2016) claimed
that there is a
worrying trend
that corrective
rape is being
normalized in
Thai society.
STEREOTYPES The decline of • Based on a survey • “DEE LESLA: Thai

queer stereotypes conducted by the Toms have to
in Thai queer National Institute conform to a pattern.
cinema. of Development You have to look
Administration manly like a guy. [A
(2019), 90 Tom has to be]
percent of the strong, someone who
participants YES OR NO (2010) can take care of their
agreed that • BOY: We have the partner. To be like a
transgender same hairstyle guy, firstly, you have
should be maybe we're soul to have a flat chest.
accepted as their mate. Secondly, you have to
family members be able to protect
or colleagues at IT GETS BETTER (2012) your girl. Thirdly, you
the workplace, • HONG DAENG: have to act like a
and further Okay. Okay... If you ‘sugar daddy’ and
argued that it is want to kiss me just pay for everything for
competence simply tell me. No your girl.”
rather than need to be shy.
sexual
orientation
should be the
• “TUMPAPON “MAX”
basis of
competence or TORSUPSIN: I’m not
judgment. sure that campaigns
only informed by the
ideas of straight
• During the first- people would

ever Bangkok Gay understand what we
and Lesbian Film really need. Even
Festival in 2015, worse, they might
several queer- carry a stereotypical
themed films image of who we
were showcased are… I was about to
with a diverse set join a multinational
of genres, aimed corporation before I
to show the LGBT came to Aware, but I
community as declined their offer
more than just because I was asked
stereotypes. whether I would
Anucha, the dress as a girl to
director of the work. I felt
Blue Hour, humiliated, so I chose
claimed despite to work with this
that most Thai smaller firm
films still instead.”
showcasing
stereotypes, a
positive
trajectory is seen
in the
development of
Thai queer
cinema. Anucha
said “gay men
and katoey were
previously
portrayed as loud
and obnoxious.
But that is being
developed and
changing for the
better. People
can now see that
gay men don’t
have to be
feminine. They
are just ordinary
men who happen
to like men. Gay
films nowadays
don’t just focus
on romance and
heartbreak. They
now tell stories of
humanity,
society, politics
and other things”
(Bangkok Post,
2015)
STRUGGLES Lack of acceptance • A national survey YES OR NO (2010) • “My father did not
as the primary conducted by the • P’VAN: I can really accept me, but
struggle of Thai UNDP (2018) has confirm Pie is not my mother knew
queers. shown that among them. And I since I was a kid and
acceptance of believe that Pie's supported me, so I
LGBT people as not going to be tried not to engage
family members, against the natural my father because he
fellow workers, like that. does not speak much.
students, and IT GETS BETTER (2012) He is conservative
social • TONLEW: You're and stubborn. He
acquaintances is disgusted that we used to be a boxer
lower. had sex last night, and a soldier, so he
• Almost half, 47.5 right? has this deeply
percent, of the TONMAI: I love rooted belief that a
LGBT respondent woman, not men. son has to be 100
of the UNDP TONLEW: But last percent man.”
national survey, night you said you • “Acceptance for
have experienced were happy. trans people in
at least one form TONMAI: Because I Thailand is
of discrimination. was drunk. conditional: trans
Transgender Unconscious. You'd people who are
women are better go. Leave me from a good family,
reported to be alone. meet traditional
the group that THE BLUE HOUR (2015) beauty standards
most experience • TAM’S MOTHER: and have money are

discrimination, Can't you change? more likely to be
higher than any Did I raise you accepted. Trans
other group. badly? You know people experience
Discrimination your father hates more pressure to
included pressure this. Why? Don't succeed to prove
to end same- you have any pity they deserve
sex relationships, on me? acceptance.”
verbal abuse, • “PARTICIPANT: I like
pressure to enter [name] and I’m in a
a heterosexual relationship with
relationship, and her.” She went,
being threatened “What?! [Name] is a
and manipulated girl!.. I can’t accept
through it. I can’t take it. Go
economic control far, far, away”… I
(UNDP, 2019). was so hurt. I felt
like I wasn’t a
human being. I felt
like I was something
that shouldn’t have
been born. I was an
abnormality in the
world.”
CHAPTER 5
Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations
5.0 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
To review, the study sought to answer the following research questions:
How are queer themes and portrayals presented in Philippine and Thai
queer cinema in the post-second wave (2010-2019) in relation to societal
conditions and events during the time?
1. What are the societal conditions that may have influenced the
content and portrayal of LGBTQ+-related themes in films?
2. What are the queer themes and portrayals presented in the
Philippine and Thai queer-themed films?
3. How do film themes and portrayals validate actual queer
experiences?
In relation to the above questions, the summary of findings is as follows:
1. Both societal conditions that have affected the queer community

in Philippine and Thai society remain to be challenging as structural
issues impede progressive development for the LGBTQ+ people.
The absence of a comprehensive legal framework that will protect
the queer community from any forms of discrimination and
violence will continue to amplify the existing challenges they are
experiencing. Socio-cultural attitudes that endorse
heteronormative standards are also a major source for the
reinforcement of problematic ideas and beliefs that aggravate
social and political obstacles to the queer community in Thailand
and the Philippines. These societal conditions and prevailing socio-
cultural attitudes have influenced the stories and themes in queer
films about the community during the time period under
consideration, i.e., 2010 to 2019.
2. The examination of queer-themed films in the post-second wave of

Philippine and Thai queer cinema through thematic analysis has
shown that there were three recurring themes that were present
and emerged among the twelve selected films. Such these are
homophobia, stereotypes, and struggle. The queer portrayal was

also included in the discussion under the perspectives of Sexual
Orientation, Gender Identity, and Expression. Both films of
Philippine and Thai cinema exhibited similarities as homophobia
and familial acceptance as a struggle were major elements of the
storylines, however, stereotypes were much more apparent in
Philippine queer films in comparison to Thai queer films. This may
signal that Thai queer cinema is considerably veering away from
the conventional mischaracterization and misrepresentation of
queer characters and stories. The portrayal of these themes
validates the actual experiences of the queer communities in both
the Philippines and Thailand.
3. Actual queer experiences, which were gathered through primary

sources, validated the prevailing themes that were observed in the
films. Queer issues that were embedded in Philippine and Thai
society and their presence in the films undoubtedly mirrored the
actual experiences of the LGBTQ+ people in both countries. As
queer films of Philippine and Thai cinema acted as the microcosm
of the social realities of the queer community, actual accounts of
these narratives corroborated these phenomena.
5.1 CONCLUSIONS
Themes and portrayals in the post-second wave of Thai and Philippine

queer cinema had considerable societal grounding and were significantly affirmed
by actual Thai and Filipino queer experiences. Mcquail’s (2010) idea that films
mediate the experiences of the queer public, but the queer public has a direct
experience with reality and that is where they fulfill the representation through
the media was very much apparent in the context of Thailand and the Philippines.
Hence, the hypothesis that societal conditions influence queer themes and
portrayals of the post-second wave of Philippine and Thai queer cinema (2010-
2019), which are then corroborated by actual queer experiences.s, was proven.
The findings of this study present the societal conditions behind the
current perceptions, struggles, and issues of the queer community in the
Philippines and Thailand. The societal conditions that were relayed in the films
were also validated by the actual experiences of their respective queer societies.
These findings give the queer community a grasp on how their narratives are being
portrayed in films which may eventually lead to better queer representation in
Thai and Philippine cinema.
This study filled the vacuum of studies that deal with the post-second wave
of Thai and Philippine queer cinema. It was also an inclusive take on the study of
queerness because this research examined kathoey, bakla, tomboy, ke, and
bisexual characters in films that other studies did not undertake.
5.2 RECOMMENDATIONS
In the course of the study, the researchers identified potential
recommendations for future investigations, basing on the limitations of the
discussions and findings proffered.
First, while the complexities of Philippine and Thai queer identities were
mentioned in this undertaking, the results and discussions focused on a few and
most common queer identities, including the bakla, kathoey, and tom. Thus,
future researchers may delve into other emerging sexual orientations and gender
identities portrayed in Philippine and Thai queer cinema.
Secondly, the study primarily prioritized post-second wave films, which

transpired from the years 2010 to 2019, in the two forenamed Southeast Asian
countries. This, in fact, can open more exploratory studies to investigate the
evolution of queer portrayal in relation to their societal and historical contexts
from the first wave to the post-second wave of Philippine and Thai queer cinema,
or analyze the manifestations of queer portrayals, if there are any, during the
pandemic period that paves the demand for online streaming services.
Thirdly, since this study was conducted during a global health crisis,
conducting an interview posed an inevitable limitation, therefore, the researchers
recommend holding an actual interview regarding queer experiences. This
undertaking will allow the research study to have more information which will
help in substantiating the interests and concerns of exploration.
Finally, while this study employed a thematic analysis, future research

studies may explore queer films using either historical or content analysis, or the
combination of both analytic methods.
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Appendices
APPENDIX A
THEMATIC ANALYSIS: CODING TABLE
LEGEND OF THEMES AND CODES

SOGIE Sexual Expression Receiver of Sexual and/or Romantic Attraction ; Gaze ; Object of
Desire; Sexual Tension, or any implicit/explicit sexual activity; e.g.,
hookup, one night stand
SOGIE Gender Expression/Identity How they dress, how they express themselves, wanting to be
feminine, masculine, wanting to be a mother (if transwoman)
amongst others
SOGIE Questioning Questioning or Exploration of SOGIE
SOGIE Coming Out Acceptance of One's SOGIE
SOGIE Conformity to Maintenance/Insistence of Masculinity/Femininity or others

Heteronormativity/Homonormativity
SOGIE Sexual Activity: [Cis/Non-cis] Explicit sexual activity
SOGIE Relationship: [Same sex or Hetero] Romantic relationship shown
SOGIE Initial Sexual Orientation SOGI before questioning phase and coming out
SOGIE New Name Choosing a name to suit their SOGI more
SOGIE Gay for Pay
SOGIE Sexual Innuendo Hints/Suggestion of Sexual Activity
SOGIE Same Sex Relationship

STEREOTYPES Flamboyance Loud, stylish queer characters
STEREOTYPES Namecalling Rude terms, slangs directed towards queer people
STEREOTYPES Work Parlorista, masahista, manicurista, make up artist
STEREOTYPES Hobby/Likes Beauty Pageants, Barbies, makeup impersonations, or usually

attributed or going against
STEREOTYPES Mental Health and the LGBT For attention
STEREOTYPES LGBT and the Family Adopting
STEREOTYPES Queerness as contagious and incurable "Nahawa sa kabaklaan"

disease
STEREOTYPES Women as promiscous, sensual beings
SOCIAL ISSUE Mental Health and the LGBT Ex. high rate of suicide, self harm, lack of mental health services
SOCIAL ISSUE Gender Sensitivity/Insensitivity Dismissal of LGBT love, ignorance towards one's SOGIE
SOCIAL ISSUE Non/Recognition of LGBT Including the population, rights, desires, dreams, denial
SOCIAL ISSUE Homophobia: Gender-based Violence Disgust, violence, and hostility done by anyone towards queer
people ;
SOCIAL ISSUE Rape Rape done to queer people
SOCIAL ISSUE Homophobia: Gender-based discrimination within the family, work, school, establishments e.g.
Discrimination CR, and others
SOCIAL ISSUE Internalized Homophobia [applies to LGBT community only]
being unable or unwilling to acknowledge their own sexual

orientation
holding their same-sex partner to unreasonable standards rooted
in heterosexist stereotypes
feeling ashamed of their sexual identity or orientation
trying not to behave in ways that they see as being consistent
with heterosexist stereotypes
refusing to acknowledge their same-sex partner publicly
denying the role of heterosexism in LGBTQ+ oppression
deriding or disliking people who proudly say that they have same-
sex orientations
believing that there is a right or wrong way to be a member of
LGBTQ+ communities
having a fear of being gay or others labeling them as gay
SOCIAL ISSUE Homophobia: Microaggresions [applies to straight people towards LGBT people] heterosexist or
transphobic terminology, endorsement of heteronormatice
culture and behavior, assumption or universal LGBTQ experience,
assumption of sexual pathology or abnormality, intolerance
SOCIAL ISSUE LGBT and the Family Reproduction, Maintaining the family's lineage, caregiver
SOCIAL ISSUE Disownment to refuse to acknowledge as family
SOCIAL ISSUE Stereotyping Imposition of Stereotypes towards others;
SOCIAL ISSUE Prostitution Stigmatization
SOCIAL ISSUE HIV/AIDS Stigmatization
SOCIAL ISSUE Second Hand Discrimination Discrimination experienced by immediate family
SOCIAL ISSUE Deadnaming Deadnaming
SOCIAL ISSUE Transgenderism as a mental disorder Transgenderism is attributed to mental disorder; according to
categories of exemption on Thailand's conscription
SOCIAL ISSUE Socio-economic status as a hindrance for

same-sex relationship
SOCIAL ISSUE Child labor/abuse This may applies to domestic violence, forced labor, putting
minors in illegal workplaces
STRUGGLES: Body Dysmorphia Not liking one's body, doing things to change it to reach self
Man vs. Self acceptance
STRUGGLES: Double Standards LGBT people must achieve to compensate for their sexuality
Man vs. Others
STRUGGLES: Questioning If it becomes detrimental to the character

Man vs. Self
STRUGGLES: Acceptance (or lack thereof) Seeking acceptance from other people; Anxiety if they will be
Man vs. Others accepted
STRUGGLES: Self-acceptance (or lack thereof0 Acceptance that they are indeed queer
Man vs. Self
STRUGGLES: Familial Discrimination Discrimination within the family experienced by the queer
Man vs. Others character
STRUGGLES: LGBT and the Church The main character doesn't face off against God per se but
Man versus undergoes an internal struggle in which his faith in God or belief in
God holy works is questioned.
STRUGGLES: Homophobia Discrimination, violence, microaggressions inflicted by other

Man versus people experienced by the queer character
Others
STRUGGLES: Age Gap

Man vs. Others
STRUGGLES: Rape
Man vs. Others
STRUGGLES: In-denial of one's SOGIE

Man vs. Self
STRUGGLES: Afraid of being shamed/humiliated due to One's SOGIE is the source of shame for the character in relation to
Man vs. Others one's SOGIE other people
Ang Sayaw ng Dalawang Kaliwang Paa (2011)
DIALOGUE CODES THEMES
STUDENT: She’s pleasuring herself again. Gender Insensitivity Social Issue
STUDENT: Does she have a boyfriend? Or girlfriend? Gender Insensitivity
STUDENT: Man-hater? I wouldn’t be surprised with her love for feminist Gender Insensitivity
poetry.
KAREN: I cover you with my gaze. A city of love. Darkness traversed with Sexual Expression SOGIE
touches. Light accompanied by promises. I reel around with touches.
Memories wiped me out. Oh, I am a root ripped out. Levitating. Flying.
Eyes clouding over.
KAREN: When you stare at a woman, do you undress her with your eyes Sexual Expression
or do you cover her up?
MARLON: I don’t cover her up. Sexual Expression
KAREN: So in the end remembering becomes a form of intercourse. Sexual Expression

Entering into the body of the one remembered.
KAREN: There, I talk to Ma’am as if we are strangers. Here, I can really talk Sexual Expression
to her. I might even get a chance to dance with her. We might even
become close like you two.
MARLON: I really don’t know. Every time I see her in school, she looks like Sexual of Expression
she is singing. But she’s not. She dances.
MARLON: Must there always be a man and a woman? Conformity to Heteronormativy
MARLON: Can’t we just be side by side? Conformity to

Heteronormativity/Homonormativity
KAREN: He sees his love in everything around him. The surrounding Sexual Expression
acquires a body with eyes, with ears, with tongue. Becomes an angel. A
body he prays to not to leave him. It’s funny at times.
DENNIS: It’s better to break the fruit in half with your bare hands. And not Gender Expression
use a knife. The sap stains the knife.
MARLON: Just because of the knife? Then the speaker is also a man. Conformity to Heteronormativy
Because he is the one giving orders?
DENNIS: You’re right. They both could be men. Same-sex relationship
MARLON: Or two women.
KAREN: You are Humadapnon. You are a king. A god. You should Conformity to Heteronormativy
command presence on stage. That is why we chose you. You are
searching for a woman to marry. And here, you will be tempted by
thousands of women falling for you. They will enchant you. But you will
fight them.
KAREN: Dennis, come over here. You, Dennis, are Sunmasakay here. You Conformity to Heteronormativy
are the priestess. Nagmalitong Yawa in disguise. She is the most beautiful
woman here, disguised as a man, to save Humadapnon from the women
of Tarangban. You are the most powerful of all. You only dance for
yourself. Dennis, help Marlon
MARLON: Don’t laugh. Sap of the fruit. White. Spurting Sexual Innuendo
DENNIS: It is very simple. Maybe it is really a man that is loved. A knife Sexual Innuendo
was used to cut the fruit. Have you eaten a star apple?
Karen: What you are doing is not easy. Man vs. Others: Afraid of being STRUGGLES
shamed/humiliated due to one's SOGIE
DENNIS: I know that, Ma’am
KAREN: Don’t you notice, women are always portrayed having beastly Women as promiscous, sensual beings STEREOTYPES
bodies. Temptresses. Predators.
Bwakaw (2012)
TRACY: Fabulous boy toys for you! They're a steal for only 50 pesos. Buy one, Gay people are sexual STEREOTYPES/ING
take one. This one's huge. Mother is fully booked, so she told me to bring
them here instead. Show some love, boys. What's this? Are you being picky?
Quit being picky! For your information, he's older than the Philippine
Constitution! This guy's an institution! I'm just kidding!
RENE: I mean it, don't ever do that again! I'm not that kind of gay man. Don't
assume I'm like this floozie!
ZALDY: But you're right. Since it's just the right side that's contorted, we can Hobby/Likes, Work
do something about it.
ZALDY: Sugar Mama! Gay people as milking

cow
ZALDY: Did you notice? The old man blushed! Pussy! Careful, he might clean
out your bank account!
RENE: I don't know what will make me happy. Man vs. Self; Existential STEREOTYPES
crisis
RENE: If being gay were a sin, why did he make me this way? I'm not just gay. Man vs. Self; late self-
I'm a very cowardly gay man. You know, Father, I was already 60 years old acceptance
when I finally accepted who I was. Do you know how hard that is? To be a
gay man whose time has passed?
RENE: For making you love me back then. I made you hope and believe that I Man vs. Self;
loved you. I should have told you from the start what I really am. You could Questioning (SOGIE) as
have found someone else. You could have had a family now. You wouldn't be a source of self-struggle
here.
RENE: I wasn't true to myself. From the start, I never really loved her. Man vs. Self; In-denial
of one's SOGIE
RENE: Father, is it possible that God is angry with me, and he's making my Man vs. God; One's
dog suffer to punish me? I know he can hear you better SOGIE as a source of
punishment
SOL: Get away from me! *retching* Homophobia; Gender- SOCIAL ISSUE
based Discrimination
SOL: Don't touch me! You disgust me! You're revolting! Faggot! Homophobia; Gender-
based Discrimination
RENE: Come and have a snack. Try this cookie, it's called paborita. Expression of romantic SOGIE
interest
RENE: Sol, don't forget these cookies for your wife.
RENE: No, there was no one else. I have never fallen for anyone. Except now,
perhaps, when I'm already too old.
RENE: Sol, don't be mad. I just want to know how it feels. I won't do it again.
Anita’s Last Cha-Cha (2013)

Anita: She’s the girl I’m going to marry. Sexual Orientation SOGIE
Anita: You are so pretty. Sexual Orientation SOGIE
Seller 1: Looking beautiful, Anita. But still tough! Gender Expression/Identity SOGIE
Seller 2: Pretty!
Seller 3: Wow, Anita’s a young lady now.
Anita: Mom, I don’t want to be a princess! Gender Expression/Identity SOGIE
Anita: She has a wonderful figure. Sexual Orientation SOGIE
Anita: She has nice legs. Sexual Orientation SOGIE
Seller 1: Anita, you look so handsome today! You’re too tough. Gender Expression/Identity SOGIE
Mom: Carding, our little child is growing fast into a young man. I mean young Gender Expression/Identity SOGIE
lady. I’m getting confused.
Anita: [counts coins] We’re almost there. Then finally I can feel your touch, Pilar. Sexual Orientation SOGIE
Just you wait. Right, Pilar? Right, baby?
Anita: Nothing. Cousin? How do you court someone? Conformity to SOGIE

Cousin: My little cousin is now a young man! It looks like she’s left a mark in you! Heteronormativity/Homonormativity
Anita: You bet! Smack through! What’s funny about that? I’m serious. I’m going
to be a good student so I can accelerate through high school. In college, I’ll take
summer classes so I can graduate earlier. Even while studying, I’ll look for a job.
When I’m earning money, we’re going to get married.
Cousin: Slow down! You’re still too young to be thinking about such things.
Anita: I’m not a kid anymore! Besides, she’s no longer a child.
Cousin: No longer a child? You and Carmen are just kids for such grand plans!
Anita: Are you kidding me? I’m not in love with Carmen!
Cousin: then who?
Anita: It’s Pilar.
Anita: Sarge, what’s gotten into you? I am not in love with Carmen! It’s Pilar! I Sexual Orientation SOGIE
am in love with Pilar! It’s her that I’m going to marry!
Anita: I have something to tell you. You’re so beautiful. Your face is lovely. And Sexual Orientation SOGIE
the shape of your body is perfect. And your eyes? I feel them speaking directly
to mine. And your lips.. they’re like, I don’t know. Pilar. I don’t know how to
express what I feel, but I think, I’m in love with you. I don’t know but only my
heart knows what it feels.
Anita: Mom, I’m in love with Pilar. Sexual Orientation SOGIE
ANITA: Platoon, line up! Work Streotype
Anita. Look, I bought you a new shirt. For the dance in Obando. I didn’t get you a Acceptance Struggles
dress because I know you won’t wear it anyway. Please, have a look. My child,
please have a look.
Mom: She is not coming out. She’s been like this for a week. Unrequited Love Struggles
Die Beautiful (2016)

DAD: What are you doing? What's this? Stop recording! What foolishness is this Homophobia: Gender-based Violence Social
Patrick? Why are you in a dress? Issue
TRISHA, STILL PATRICK THEN: Pa... I need to meet my classmates. We need to Homophobia: Gender-based Violence
finish our thesis.
FATHER: Bullshit. You think I'm an idiot? You were just hospitalized. You think
you can fool me?
TRISHA: But it's true. We have a deadline. And because I was hospitalized we're
running late.
BETH: Patrick... perhaps you... ... should take it easy.
TRISHA: But Pa.
FATHER: Damn you. I don't believe anything your foul mouth is saying.
Everything that comes out of it is garbage. It's a lie over another lie. I am this
close to kicking you out of the house. Shame on you for not only dishonoring me
your father but the entire family. Be thankful I'm still letting you eat in my house
even though you disgust me!
TRISHA: Pa... Pa! I have to go to the meeting Pa...
FATHER: No!
FATHER: Patrick. Come here. How dare you? You have no respect. Get out. Leave Homophobia: Gender-based Violence ;
this house at once. Disownment
TRISHA: I'll just get my things.
FATHER: You won't get anything Nothing in this house is yours. Now leave.
TRISHA: I need my things.
FATHER: No!
TRISHA: Pa. But it's mine!
FATHER: You own nothing here! You want to be a different person? Then buy
your own clothes get a new ID change your surname because I won't let you use
my name anymore.
TRISHA: Pa.— Papa... please."
FATHER: Don't you dare...
TRISHA: Papa!
FATHER: Don't ever come back. Stick that in your head Patrick!
BARBS: Don't change the topic. What happened to you? Homophobia: Gender-based Violence ;
TRISHA: I’m no longer a virgin. Now I know what you’re talking about. You know Rape
the feeling when something’s inside you. At first I agreed. I told Migs, OK but he
has to be the first one. I thought of it as a challenge and a game. Maybe it could
lead to something. But by the fourth guy I started thinking am I getting raped? I
don’t know. I was so confused. You said it will hurt but I will get used to it. They
didn't force me. I didn’t even object. I felt so helpless.
FATHER: Get out. This is a family matter. What happened to you? Homophobia: Gender-based Violence ;
TRISHA: Papa it’s gastroenteritis they said. I think I ate something bad. Rape
DOCTOR: Patrick Villar? You’re the father sir? Okay There’s an anal fissure. It
seems your son experienced some form of trauma and it got infected.
FATHER: What trauma?
DOCTOR: Well perhaps you should ask him. But there are several probable
causes like penetration. Excuse me I’ll just get some consent forms.
FATHER: You shameless faggot. You’re not going to stop are you?
BETH: Papa not here.
FATHER: You’re disgusting. You son of a bitch. Your sins are unspeakable.
BETH: Patrick I’m trying to understand you but why did you do this?
BAR OWNER: Ma'am! This is the men’s room. Homophobia: Gender-based

TRISHA: Why? Do I look like a man to you? Discrimination ; Gender
BAR OWNER: Sir just use that other toilet. You're joining me? Sensitivity/Insensitivity
JESSE: Sir. Show the lady some respect. It's okay I got this.
BAR OWNER: OK sir.
TRISHA: Thank you.
BARBS: We won't allow it. Non/Recognition of LGBT ; Social

BETH: Why not? We're the family. Homophobia: Microaggresions Issue
BARBS: I won't allow it.
BETH: Can you stop? Why do we have to fight over this?
BARBS: I reached out to you because you have the right to know being her sister.
But I repeat you cannot take her away from us. I have plans for her wake.
BETH: So do we. I've already spoken with our father. He wants Trisha to be
brought home. Patrick. I won't forbid you to visit him. But I'll warn you now if
you decide to visit him you can't be——
BARBS: We can’t be what?
BETH: You can't be that way.
BARBS: For your information Trisha wants to be buried looking this way. Your
sister Trisha.
FATHER: I told you to supervise this. Why are those still there? Non/Recognition of LGBT ;
BETH: What Pa? Homophobia: Microaggresions
FATHER: Those!
BETH: People won’t notice. Perhaps we should leave those there for now.
FATHER: I’m not going to let people see him unless those are removed. I’ll talk to
the embalmer.
BATHE: Pa. Can’t we just respect Patrick’s last wishes? After all we don’t know
half of his life.
FATHER: But he’s back with us. I want his old self back. That’s only right.
TRISHA: It was bound to happen. I wish I left earlier. If only I had the money. Disownment
BARBS’ MOTHER, RUBY: Aren't you going to eat?
TRISHA: I'm okay Mama Ruby.
RUBY: Who knows he might change his mind.
TRISHA: I am not going back.
RUBY: How about your studies?
TRISHA: I think... — Mama I'm leaving.— Where are you going? I might as well
stop. I can't afford it anymore.
BARBS: So you think raising that child makes you a real woman? Gender Identity SOGIE
TRISHA: God gave her to me. How can I refuse?
BARBS: Wow. God also gave you a dick. But you still want to be a woman.
SHIRLEY MAE: Then Miss Parco shut them up. Aren't you a real mother? Gender Identity SOGIE
TRISHA: I am. I love you right? But I'm just not a real woman yet. But I am your
mother.
SHIRLEY MAE: So you don't have a vagina?
TRISHA: Hey don't be nasty. No not yet. But look I have boobs. Even bigger than
yours.
SHIRLEY MAE: Did you breastfeed me?
TRISHA: No your first mother did. My boobs don't have milk. I don't get
pregnant. Another mother gave birth to you. But I am your mother because I
take care of you. There are women out there who make lots of babies but it
doesn't mean they are mothers.
TRISHA: He wasn't even that handsome. He's got nothing on Jesse. He's a jerk. Sexual Orientation SOGIE
TRISHA: You think if Migs saw me looking like this he will like me? Sexual Orientation SOGIE
TRISHA: Come on let's watch some basketball. Migs is playing. The guy who will Sexual Orientation SOGIE
pop my cherry.
TRISHA: I am Trisha. My name is Trisha Echevarria from Bahamas! Trisha. New Name SOGIE
Trisha... Trisha!
FPO: Are you going to wreck something here? Where is her family? Don't tell Sexual Orientation SOGIE
me. That's a tragedy. She was disowned? Growing old is already tough. Look at
me. All my family died before me. That's why I take care of my boytoys. So
someone would be there for me when it's time for me to die. Look. That's my
boyfriend.
BARBS: Oh really Madame?
FPO: We've been together a long time. He's never left me. Perhaps he really
does love me. Babe! Motel later? That one is Bruce Walis. We've only been
together two years.
BARBS: Really Madame? I noticed them yesterday.
FPO: Bruce, mop the floors next. He's my embalmer. When I die I want him to
embalm my body. I know my organs will be handled with care.
BARBS:I feel like vomiting. Joke.
FPO: The other one is 21 years old. Although he's leaving soon. But oh my he's
always hard.
BARBS: Oh really? Your funeral parlor is like a gay bar too.
BARBS: That one is cute. There. Sexual Orientation SOGIE

TRISHA: Where? We start with that one.
BARBS: In fairness.
TRISHA: Looks like a biggie.
BARBS: But his nose looks a bit big.
TRISHA: Look down!
BARBS: That's also big.
TRISHA: My ovaries can't handle the excitement. You like him too. He's mine.
MICHAEL ANGELO: We're now a family. Sexual Orientation SOGIE

TRISHA: What I’m a mother to both of you?
MICHAEL ANGELO: I’m the father. I may be young but I know how to be a father.
Shirley starting today call me daddy.
SHIRLEY: If you say so.
MICHAEL ANGELO: And you you’re now my wife. And I am your husband.
TRISHA: Wow. Just because I paid for your nose we’re married now?
MICHAEL ANGELO: And one day I’ll get you your vagina.
TRISHA: Your vulgar mouth. When it comes to that do you plan to quit stripping?
MICHAEL ANGELO: Why? Are you ashamed of me? It’s not as easy as it looks.
And even though I show it to everyone my dick is yours alone.
TRISHA: Keep your voice down.
TRISHA: You’re asking me why? You bitch. You seduced my husband! Gender Identity
PARLOR OWNER: That's not true. I only asked Miko to help paint the parlor.
Right Miko?
TRISHA: Why? Is my husband a painter? Since when did he become Leonardo da
Vinci? He can’t even color a coloring book. You’ve had your eyes on him ever
since I took him here for a haircut.
TRISHA: I know my place. I wanted a straight man for a boyfriend that’s why I’m Relationship: Queer relationship
willing to share you. It’s unfair to your wife. Imagine if she learns that her rival is
a transwoman. I don’t even have a vagina.
TRISHA: I know. But I fell in love. Straight right here. What can a guy do?
JESSE: I love you. Relationship: Queer relationship
BARBS: In her short life she's worn many faces. As a daughter, as a mother, a Gender Identity
friend, a girlfriend , a wife and most of all, a beauty queen. Tonight, I want you
to see her simply as Trisha. Trisha Echevarria. The most beautiful woman I’ve
ever known.
TRANSWOMAN 1: Barbs make the lower lip bigger. Hobby/Likes Streotype

TRANSWOMAN 2: Jolie’s upper lip is bigger.
TRANSWOMAN 1: Wait. Who is this? Angelina Jolie. I thought you said Jolina.
TRANSWOMAN 2: Anjolina Jolie? But both of them have big lips.
BARBS: Well... Consider it an investment. As they say us gays we should adopt a LGBT and the Family Streotype
child to take care of us in our old age.
TRISHA: Fashion show like that. Flamboyance Streotype

BARBS: Sway your hips more.
TRISHA: Like that?— Like that! Sashay... sashay away.
BARBS: Butterfly walk.
TRANSWOMAN 1: Look girls Pia Wurtzbach. Hobby/Likes

TRANSWOMAN 2: I like this one better. Megan Young.
TRANSWOMAN 1: Pia is Miss Universe Megan is just Miss World.
TRANSWOMAN 2: But Megan is the first Filipina to win the Miss World crown."
Right Barbs?
TRANSWOMAN 1: I prefer Pia.
BARBS: I'll go ahead. I'll pick you up tomorrow at six. Work

TRISHA: Wait really at six? Isn't that too early?
BARBS: We're doing make up for the entourage. We need to be early. Stop
complaining. Be thankful that we have a job.
TRISHA: This will be fun. Barbs will help me. We’re going to copy the face of Hobby/Likes
Britney Spears.
PARLOR OWNER: That's not true. I only asked Miko to help paint the parlor. Work
Right Miko?
TRISHA: I only have one question for you. Tell me the truth. Are you having an Hobby/Likes
affair with my husband?
PARLOR OWNDER: Affair?— Affair
TRISHA: Are you his concubine kept woman mistress?
PARLOR OWNDER: Trisha...—
TRISHA: Don’t call me Trisha!" Answer my question! Are you fucking my

husband?
PARLOR OWNDER: Wait... Isn't that a line from a movie?
TRISHA: It was bound to happen. I wish I left earlier. If only I had the money. Familial Discrimination; Coming of Age Struggles
BARBS’ MOTHER, RUBY: Aren't you going to eat?
TRISHA: I'm okay Mama Ruby.
RUBY: Who knows he might change his mind.
TRISHA: I am not going back.
RUBY: How about your studies?
TRISHA: I think... — Mama I'm leaving.— Where are you going? I might as well
stop. I can't afford it anymore.
TRISHA: I’ve been saving money. I've been thinking... I want to be a complete Body Dysmorphia Struggles
woman.
TRISHA, STILL PATRICK THEN: Pa... I need to meet my classmates. We need to Familial Discrimination; Homophobia Struggles
finish our thesis.
FATHER: Bullshit. You think I'm an idiot? You were just hospitalized. You think
you can fool me?
TRISHA: But it's true. We have a deadline. And because I was hospitalized we're
running late.
BETH: Patrick... perhaps you... ... should take it easy.
TRISHA: But Pa.
FATHER: Damn you. I don't believe anything your foul mouth is saying.
Everything that comes out of it is garbage. It's a lie over another lie. I am this
close to kicking you out of the house. Shame on you for not only dishonoring me
your father but the entire family. Be thankful I'm still letting you eat in my house
even though you disgust me!
TRISHA: Pa... Pa! I have to go to the meeting Pa...
FATHER: No!
FATHER: Patrick. Come here. How dare you? You have no respect. Get out. Leave Familial Discrimination; Homophobia Struggles
this house at once.
FATHER: No!
my name anymore.
TRISHA: Papa!
BARBS: Don't change the topic. What happened to you? Rape Struggles
TRISHA: I’m no longer a virgin. Now I know what you’re talking about. You know
the feeling when something’s inside you. At first I agreed. I told Migs, OK but he
has to be the first one. I thought of it as a challenge and a game. Maybe it could
lead to something. But by the fourth guy I started thinking am I getting raped? I
don’t know. I was so confused. You said it will hurt but I will get used to it. They
didn't force me. I didn’t even object. I felt so helpless.
FATHER: Get out. This is a family matter. What happened to you? Familial Discrimination; Homophobia Struggles
TRISHA: Papa it’s gastroenteritis they said. I think I ate something bad.
DOCTOR: Patrick Villar? You’re the father sir? Okay There’s an anal fissure. It
seems your son experienced some form of trauma and it got infected.
FATHER: What trauma?
DOCTOR: Well perhaps you should ask him. But there are several probable
causes like penetration. Excuse me I’ll just get some consent forms.
FATHER: You shameless faggot. You’re not going to stop are you?
BETH: Papa not here.
FATHER: You’re disgusting. You son of a bitch. Your sins are unspeakable.
BETH: Patrick I’m trying to understand you but why did you do this?
FATHER: Patrick. Come here. How dare you? You have no respect. Get out. Leave Familial Discrimination; Homophobia Struggles
this house at once.
FATHER: No!
my name anymore.
TRISHA: Papa!
"BAR OWNER: Ma'am! This is the men’s room. Homophobia Struggles

TRISHA: Why? Do I look like a man to you?
BAR OWNER: Sir just use that other toilet. You're joining me?
JESSE: Sir. Show the lady some respect. It's okay I got this.
BAR OWNER: OK sir.
TRISHA: Thank you.
"
Changing Partners (2017)

Cris [Luna]: Babe, age has nothing to do with it. The more important is we Internalized HOMOPHOBIA
love each other. And if you were my mom, that would mean you had me homophobia
when you were 15. And you don’t look 45.
Alex [Isidro]: Shut up. You don’t talk about a lady’s age.
Cris [Luna]: Lady? Aren’t you supposed to say gentleman’s age?
[Alex kissed Cris on her forehead]
Cris [Luna]: Kiss on the forehead? Really? An aunt’s kiss. Kidding, I mean
uncle’s kiss. Uncle Alex.
(Alex [Lorenzo] sings) Intense jealousy of a gay STRUGGLES: Man vs

partner Himself
Alex [Lorenzo]: You learn to believe, as long as you don’t know him too
well. His stories are too real.
Cris [Martin]: I could hear him with my earphones plugged. And to think I
was listening to Gloc 9. I could still hear it! It was really bad.
Alex [Lorenzo]: I’ve learned to study his eyes, at least which way they took.
Looking up to the left is the sign of truth. Looking up to the right means
you’re a fool.
Cris [Martin]: And a spider found its way to our tent. It was huge! Huge as
my hand! Like a tarantula.
Alex [Lorenzo]: Tarantula? In Tagaytay?
Cris [Martin]: Yes! It was freakin’ gigantic! And Mike had this real freakout
over spiders. What do you a phobia for spiders? It’s even the title of a
movie some time ago. Didn’t that come out during your era?
Alex [Lorenzo]: But he looks me straight in the eye. His eyes going neither
left nor right. And his eyes bore into yours. So, if you don’t know him too
well, there are no lies that can be told.
Cris [Martin]: Then Mike ran for it. Got out of the tent. “Motherfucker,
Cris! Kill that spider or I’ll wreck that tent!” I said, “Jerk! Don’t touch my
tent.”
Alex [Lorenzo]: Six years of being with him. I know him and I’ve learned his
lines. Not a single slip up after all this time. He has stuck to the script, to
the least detail. He remembers everything he says.
Cris [Martin]: So there, luckily I found a twig. And with my anime skills…
“Pak! Kachow! Die! Die!” And I killed the spider. Gay Mike wanted to make
sure. He had me burn the body.

Alex [Lorenzo]: It was pouring. There was a storm. How’d you put the
spider on fire?
Cris [Martin]: Rain let up from time to time. Came and went.
Alex [Lorenzo]: Wow! Amazing! But he looks me straight in the eye. His
eyes going neither left nor right. And his eyes bore into yours. So, if you
don’t know him too well, there are no lies that can be told.
Alex [Isidro]: What’s this gig of yours? · Intense jealousy of a STRUGGLES: Man vs
Cris [Luna]: Just a little moonlighting. And it brings money. I find a gig and lesbian partner Himself; Man vs Others
you’re not happy. (Lover)
Alex [Isidro]: Do you know what moonlighting means? · Controlling a partner
Cris [Luna]: Sideline.
Alex [Isidro]: Sideline? When you say moonlighting, scam, fraud. Illegal
work. Or crime. You can’t get it right because you consider moonlighting a
real work.
Cris [Luna]: Then let’s call it…sideline. Making the most. What do you want
to call it, so I’ll be blessed? And who did you pair up with for that sideline?
Angel, again?
Cris [Luna]: He’s just trying to help.
Alex [Isidro]: Why do you keep hanging out lately? You didn’t use to.
Cris [Luna]: We often see each other in church. Choir rehearsals. There’s a
fundraising concert this month.
Alex [Isidro]: Cris, do you go to church for the Lord of for Angel?
Cris [Luna]: Really? Leave the Lord out of this. I can’t have a friend these
days?
Alex [Isidro]: Why can’t you be BFFs with Marge and Jenny?
Cris [Luna]: Do I need approval even with my friends? It’s too much.
Alex [Isidro]: You shouldn’t bring in a guy to our circle. It’s dangerous.
Cris [Luna]: Wow. I’ve been friends with Angel for a long time. Now he
doesn’t have your approval? You’re making my world smaller than it
already is.
Alex [Isidro]: Cris! Our world is not small. I’m just being picky about the Lesbian fear: lesbian STRUGGLES: Man vs Others
people we mix with. Take the case of Mayen’s girl, Mai-mai. Mayen’s partner will betray (Lover)
asshole of a brother – the one who came home from Saudi? He got into them/will have sex with
her pants. So Maimai is knocked up with Mayen’s brother’s kid. He went a straight man
for his sister’s girlfriend. Shame! They have been together for eight years.
Cris [Luna]: I’m not Mai-mai.
Alex [Isidro]: I’m just being careful, Cris. Men are vicious. That Angel
asshole, he has a thing for you ever since, I bet?
Cris [Luna]: Seriously, babe.
Alex [Isidro]: Is he moving in on you?
Cris [Luna]: Of course not.
Alex [Isidro]: A straight guy. You go way back, since college. He has never
thought of making a move?
Cris [Luna]: I said, no. You made a move on me. I responded to you. What
else do you want?
Cris [Luna]: I said, no. You made a move on me. I responded to you. What LGBTQ+ disownment SOCIAL ISSUE
else do you want?
Even if my mother threatened to throw me out, I chose you.
Alex [Isidro]: So, you’re telling me you’re suffering because it was me you
chose?
Cris [Luna]: What gives? I’m just saying I chose you. Angel is nothing to me.
Just a friend.
Cris [Luna]: What gives? I’m just saying I chose you. Angel is nothing to me. Internalized SOCIAL ISSUE
Just a friend. Put a lid on your macho shit. Are you threatened by Angel’s homophobia;
masculinity? conforming to masculine
Alex [Isidro]: Don’t get started on his masculinity. I have much bigger balls standards
than him. That guy doesn’t even have a proper job. Doesn’t he live with his
parents? Resting on his fool’s errands. There. You’re becoming more and
more like him. That asshole is contagious. Stay away from him.
Cris [Luna]: Are you serious? This is about work. Internalized SOCIAL ISSUE
Alex [Isidro]: That’s beyond work! Give me a break! Are you out of your homophobia; LGBTQ+
mind? Have some shame, woman! You let yourself be dragged around by person insulting
these jerks. You send yourself up like a two-cent queen [In literal someone in the same
translation: Mas masahol ka pa sa cheappangang bakla] [Cheappanga, community; insulting
Chipipay – Gay Lingo, Cheap]! We’re together now! Have some shame! names
Cris [Luna]: I am not loose! Alex! You’re being paranoid.
Cris [Martin]: Alex, whatever you think of me. I’m not like that. Don’t you Internalized SOCIAL ISSUE
have trust in me left. homophobia: LGBTQ+
Alex [Lorenzo]: Don’t make a scene there. Your effort will go to waste. I person conforming to
won’t hear you! Come inside! heterosexual standards
Cris [Martin]: Babe? Don’t you trust me anymore? Babe, don’t think badly (there must act as a top
of Angel. He’s not gay. He’s straight. or bottom in gay
Alex [Lorenzo]: So, you take bottom? relationships)
Cris [Martin]: What bottom?
Alex [Lorenzo]: “What bottom? What bottom?”

Cris [Martin]: He’s straight, but I’m not bottom.
Alex [Lorenzo]: So, because he’s straight, you take the top? You people get
off weird.
Cris [Martin]: What the hell, babe? Ok fine. Whatever. He’s gay.
Alex [Lorenzo]: For real?
Cris [Martin]: Actually, no. He had a girlfriend and they just broke up.
Alex [Lorenzo]: Fuck it. Why would you say he’s gay if he’s not?
Cris [Martin]: Just to shut you up.
Alex [Lorenzo]: It doesn’t matter if that frickin’ Angel’s straight, gay, · Intense jealousy of a STRUGGLES: Man vs
bisexual, or fluid. It’s the same banana! He’s always hanging about. lesbian partner Himself; Man vs Others
Worming his way in between us. Stay away from that asshole. (Lover)
Cris [Martin]: Doing that would be like admitting something’s going on · Controlling a partner
between us.
Alex [Lorenzo]: Isn’t there?
Cris [Martin]: I said there’s nothing!
Alex [Lorenzo]: Fuck it. He’s shitting on my head and you’re taking his side.
I know these things too well. I can easily trust but I am not a fool.
Cris [Martin]: What am I supposed to do? Nothing happened between us.
And nothing is happening. Have me go through a medical exam if you
want.
Alex [Lorenzo]: The secret smiles the two of you trade… didn’t those
happen? Can the medical exam detect those? How about your jolly
shopping errands in Divisoria? The camping trips and movie houses? Didn’t
those happen? Will the medical exam prove they didn’t? I want you to
stop seeing him.
Cris [Martin]: And why would I do that? Because you wear the pants? You
have the money? You make the decisions?
Alex [Lorenzo]: Don’t you spring soap opera cop-outs on me. You will stay
away from him because the two of us are together.
Cris [Martin]: It’s just like you to control everything.
Alex [Lorenzo]: What do you mean control? I let you do whatever you
want. You wanted to drop out of university, did I control you? Did you hear
anything from me?
Cris [Martin]: You wanted me to drop out so you could keep me home.
Lesbian partner feels STRUGGLES: Man vs

inferior Himself
Alex [Isidro]: So you’re saying I let you quit school so I could lock you up · Intense jealousy STRUGGLES: Man vs
here? Himself; Man vs Others
Cris [Luna]: Did I say that? · Controlling a partner (Lover)
Alex [Isidro]: You just did, didn’t you? Very clearly. Did you hear it from me
when you fell for Boots’ crappy pyramid scheme? That was a lot of money.
And you borrowed it from me. Did you hear anything from me?
Cris [Luna]: Oh, so you know what a shady investment it was. So much for
your experience in finance and business. Why did you let me do it?
Alex [Isidro]: And we’re in trouble! If I tell you to do anything, you accuse
me of being controlling. When I leave you…to your whims, I’m negligent
one. Damned if I do, damned if I don’t.
Cris [Luna]: Fine! Fine! Just to cut this thing out! I’ll stay away from Angel,
okay? You happy? I’ll stay away from all my friends. I’ll stay here in your
beautiful house, lock myself up. I will cook, do the laundry, clean the
house.
Cris [Martin]: Thanks to you! Homophobia; Isolating SOCIAL ISSUE

Alex [Lorenzo]: Thanks to me? an LGBTQ+ person
Cris [Martin]: You pursued me too aggressively. Mommy and I fought a lot
because of you.
Alex [Lorenzo]: What’s with the throwback? Is it Thursday?
Cris [Martin]: Mommy couldn’t decide if she’ll call the cops or the village
guards to put an end to your visits. We weren’t used to the likes of you.
Alex [Lorenzo]: The likes of what?
Cris [Martin]: Aggressive. As if you were competing. You always wanted to
win. You won’t stop until you get what you want.
Alex [Lorenzo]: Well, you wanted it yourself. You chose me.
Cris [Martin]: I was twenty-four. I was clueless.
Alex [Lorenzo]: We met at Pool Palace. You were a trainwreck on a diving
board. Practically naked. That was your innocent stage?
Cris [Martin]: Do you remember when we first fought? Cheating; betrayal STRUGGLES: Man vs Others
Alex [Lorenzo]: We fought so many times. I can’t remember anymore. (Lover)
Cris [Martin]: You know it.
Alex [Lorenzo]: Refresh my memory.
[Switched to Alex [Isidro] and Cris [Luna]] Internalized

homophobia; insulting SOCIAL ISSUE
Cris [Luna]: When you caught me kissing someone in BGC. an LGBTQ+ person’s
Alex [Isidro]: Why are we talking about this? gender
Cris [Luna]: Just say something if you do remember. expression/presentation;

Alex [Isidro]: Yes, I remember exactly what you’re talking about. The insulting an LGBTQ+
lowlife butch who thought her icky orange hair turned her into an Adonis. person’s status in life
You ate each other up like apples. SOGIE
Cris [Luna]: I probably flirted just because I was wasted. LGBTQ+ person
I thought she was a dude. Turns out she was a butch. admitting
Alex [Isidro]: Lay off the drink now. It throws up useless memories. And fantasies/sexual
you’re talking nonsense. attraction towards a cis-
Cris [Luna]: It’s not the same when…someone my age kisses me. het person STRUGGLES: Man vs
Himself
--
Being unsure of getting
[Switched to Alex [Lorenzo] and Cris [Martin]] into a relationship with
Alex [Lorenzo]: What’s your point? My mouth’s gone stale? an LGBTQ+ partner;
Cris [Martin]: Six years ago on our first anniversary, it kind of dawned on defending cheating STEREOTYPES
me. To ask myself if it was right that I went with you in an instant. We
knew each other three weeks. Then we started living together.
Alex [Lorenzo]: You were the one who came knocking. Young gays/masculine
Cris [Martin]: My mommy was on my case. Because of you. You would pick gays perceived as getting
me up in your brand-new car. Of course, mommy went nuts. money from older gays
She thought the neighbors took me for a slut going to town with a loyal
client.
Alex [Lorenzo]: Why didn’t you refuse me?
Cris [Martin]: How could I? You came on strong. You dressed beautifully.
Alex [Lorenzo]: You went with me because I dressed well?
Rainbow’s Sunset (2018)

Marife: Papa, where are you going? Persistence to be with a queer Romantic Experience:
Ramon: To your Uncle Fredo’s. He’s terminally ill, isn’t he? lover. Love conquers all
Marife: Yes, but what’s with the luggage?
Ramon: I’ll be staying with him.
Marife: Ma!
Sylvia: Hush! Quiet. Just let him leave.
Marife: Pa, wait! What does this mean? You’re leaving Mama?
Ramon: No, we’re not separating. Fredo’s house is four villages
away. I’ll call and text her all day.
Marife: But why pack your things? Can’t you just visit every day?
Ramon: Listen, Marife. Your mom is healthy and strong. Your Uncle
Fredo is dying of cancer. I need to be with him.
Fredo: Ramon! I see you brought a luggage. Persistence to be with a queer Romantic Experience:
Ramon: I’m staying here. I’ll be with you until the very end. lover; wanting to take care of a Love conquers all
queer lover; showing of love
language
Emman: Son of a bitch! The rumormongers will have a field day! Familial Discrimination: STRUGGLES: Man vs.
Marife: Relax, brother! Eyes on the road. blaming the queer family member Others
Emman: Has George replied yet? as the cause of dishonor to the
Marife: No. I’m sure she’s busy. clan;
Emman: Let’s just go to her office. “Coming Out” as a family scandal
Marife: Fine. We might as well.
Emman: I can’t believe Papa. He didn’t even think about our family’s
honor!
Marife: My concern is Mama. She’s the aggrieved party here. Not us.
Emman: Not us? Fe, this concerns the whole family. Our whole clan!
Georgina: I was on cloud nine last night! What a thrill to share an Familial Discrimination: STRUGGLES: Man vs.
honor with Papa! But now I feel like I just faceplanted! What would Blaming the queer member as the Others
people say, Emman? What would the whole of San Martin say? cause of dishonor to the clan;
“Coming Out” as a family scandal
Ramon: I know why you’re here. You want me to come home, right? Fighting for a queer lover Romantic Experience:
Georgina: Pa, we know you love Uncle Fredo. We love him, too. He’s Love conquers all
a godfather in all our baptisms and weddings.
Marife: You caught Mama by surprise. You also didn’t consult us.
Ramon: Fredo’s days are numbered. I want to take care of him until
his last breath.
Emman: Pa, you can just visit him every day. We’ll take turns
accompanying you.
Ramon: I already talked to a nurse. He’ll come here every day
starting tomorrow. It’s important to Fredo that I’m by his side at all
times. It’s important to both of us. You have no idea of my debt of
gratitude to Fredo.
Ramon: It’s time for you to know. I love him. Sexual Expression SOGIE
Marife: We know that.
Georgina: You’re more than friends.
Emman: You’re more than siblings. Like us.

Ramon: More than that. I love him like I love your mother.
RAMON Homophobia: Gender-based Social Issue

I love him like I love your mother. discrimination
GEORGINA Seeing queer relationships as taboo

That’s unacceptable, Papa!
RAMON
Georgina!
Do not test me! Sit down!
GEORGINA
What would people say?
Ramon: Let them run their mouths. What? They’ll say I’m gay? My Coming Out; Acceptance of one’s SOGIE
dear children, it’s 2018. Is that still an insult in this day and age? SOGIE
What do I have to lose? I’ve been out of politics for 15 years.
Georgina: Your name will be ruined! Familial Discrimination: STRUGGLES: Man vs.
Ramon: Which one? The surname Estrella that you carry? Instead of Family members thinking that being Others
your husband’s? You’re livid because your young political career queer causes dishonor to a queer
might be in jeopardy because your father has done something person’s reputation
shameful.
Georgina: This is a big scandal for the family. What a shame! Familial Discrimination: STRUGGLES: Man vs.
Sylvia: One at a time! “Coming Out” as a family scandal Others
Georgina: I have a solution. It just came to me now. If Papa really

wants to take care of Uncle Fredo 24/7, he can do it here.
Georgina [Over the phone]: Whatever’s going on there, I hope it to be determined to be determined
stays in your backyard. Let’s keep it between your family and ours. Is
that clear?
Ben [Over the phone]: Certainly. I understand.
Georgina [Over the phone]: And your customers, make sure they
don’t poke their noses where they shouldn’t.
Ben [Over the phone]: Okay. I’ll handle that.
Emman [Over the phone]: George, tell him to put up curtains on the
windows.
Georgina [Over the phone]: Right. Ben, the windows. Cover them
with curtains. Thick ones.
Emman: No way! I don’t believe it! Homophobia: Microaggressions Social Issue

Marife: So what’s wrong if your daughter is a lesbian?
Georgina: Fe, we know what’s normal and what’s not. I have no
quarrel with the LGBT…XYZ. There are many productive members of
society who are like them.
Georgina: But for me…you know?
Marife: What?
Georgina: They shouldn’t be so loud or brazenly greedy.
Marife: You see? Sis, that’s not acceptance! That’s condescension.
You’re being self-righteous.
Emman: Both of you are assuming that my eldest is a lesbian. I don’t Homophobia: Microaggressions; Social Issue
believe it. What do you call it again? It’s just a phase! It will pass! usage of homophobic terminologies
Georgina: You wish!
Marife: Wait. Do you believe Papa is gay?
Emman: Son of a bitch, Fe! Change topic, please!
Marife: We’ve always known that Uncle Fredo swings the other way
[explicitly said as may dugong berde]. But newsflash! He and Papa
are lovers!
Georgina: You know, maybe there’s a homosexual bond between
Papa and Uncle Fredo. But it could also be…platonic.
Marife: Or you’re just in denial.
Emman: Excuse me, I agree with George. I believe their bond is
neither romantic nor sexual. Papa cannot be gay. He was just
overwhelmed by Uncle Fredo’s kindness.
Marife: Oh, brother, you’re another denier!
Emman: Why? Does loving a gay man make you gay, too?
[George and Marife laughed]
Emman: George, I thought we’re on the same side.
Georgina: I know what you’re going to say next.
Emman: What?
Georgina: It’s just a phase!
Fredo: Not too much. Ramon, enough. Queer person showing affection to Romantic Experience:
Ramon: You need to eat. Go ahead. a queer lover; Love conquers all
-- taking care of an ill queer lover
Fredo: I’ve lost my sense of taste.
Ramon: Nena, get some fish sauce. Please eat. There, try it.
[Ramon puts fish sauce in Fredo’s sour broth]

Fredo: It’s salty enough.
Ramon: You need sustenance.
Fredo: What for? My body will not grow stronger.
Ramon: [Holds Fredo’s hand] So, we can live together for a little bit
longer.
[FLASHBACK] to be determined to be determined

Young Ramon: Fredo. Can you help me with Algebra? It’s not getting
through my head.
Young Fredo: Algebra? Are you sure you’ve been studying? Why
don’t you know that?
You just need to find the right angle.
Young Ramon: Look at this. I really don’t get it.
Young Fredo: Here. Here. Just follow the equation that’s written
there. C.A.B. That’s the formula. They have values. Look at the
examples. Solve them and I’ll check your answers. Okay?
Young Ramon: Okay. You’re really good.
Young Fredo: Of course!
Young Ramon: Thank you.
Young Fredo: You’re welcome.
[Ramon kissed Fredo on his cheek]
Ben: Look, Nena! [Saw Ramon and Fredo outside] Homophobia: Microaggression; Social Issue
Nena: Oh my God! Let’s hurry! isolating queer couples from society
Ramon: They thought we weren’t there.
Fredo: That was so funny.
Ben: Senator!
Ramon: Good morning, Ben.
Ben: Good morning.
Nena: Good morning.
Ben: Why are you outside?
Fredo: Why not? Ben, didn’t you know that morning sunshine is
good for your health?
Ramon: We’re just getting some sun. We won’t be long.
Teenage Boy 1: Look, bro! Two grandpas holding hands. Gender Insensitivity Social Issue
Fredo: What are you looking at?
Teenage Boys 1 and 2: Nothing, sir. What a grouch!
Ben: Hold the other side. Familial Discrimination: STRUGGLES: Man vs.
Nena: Hold on. It’s done. Isolation by family members Others
Ramon: Ben! towards their queer relatives
Ben: Sir?
Ramon: What’s that?
Ben: Uhm… it’s to protect you from the sun.
Ramon: To protect us from the sun?
Ben: Yes.
Ramon: You mean, so the neighbors won’t see us? Who told you to
do that?
Ben: The mayor.
Fredo: Georgina. Why? Is this her house? Put that down. Leave the
windows alone.
Georgina: What happened, Ma’am? Microaggression: minimizing the Social Issue

Principal: Your son had a fight with a classmate. severity of one’s actions towards a
Man: Excuse me, it wasn’t a fight. My son didn’t retaliate. queer person
Andy: Your son started it.
Man: Mr. Estrella… Second-hand Discrimination:
Andy: Collantes! My surname is Collantes. Rufus’ name is Collantes. discrimination experienced by an
Man: Whatever. immediate or close family member
Principal: Gentlemen, please calm down! of a queer person
Man: My son asked Rufus a question about his grandfather, the
former senator. And then Rufus just punched him repeatedly. And
now my poor son is in the hospital, with a busted nose and upper
lip. I should press charges, but why bother? We’d be no match to
your family’s power and influence. With all due respect, Mayor, but
you have a violent son. Who does he take after?
Georgina: What you did is shameful! Since when did you become a Homophobia Social Issue
thug? Microaggression: minimizing the
Rufus: But I already told you, Mommy! I just defended grandpa’s severity of one’s actions towards a
honor. Erwin said grandpa is gay and his boyfriend is Grandpa Fredo. queer person
Of course, I punched his face! What a jerk!
-- Second-hand Discrimination:
Bessie: Mom, Dad… Grandpa was also the hot topic in our school discrimination experienced by an
today. I even heard it from my teachers. Is it true that he’s gay? immediate or close family member
Look! Somebody made a meme on Facebook. of a queer person
Man: That’s the senator’s car. Homophobia Social Issue

Woman: Isn’t that his wife? Gender-based Violence:
Man: That’s her alright. Oh no! She’ll give those two gay grandpas Hostility, disgust, heterosexual
hell. people desiring to see queer people
Woman: Serves them right. If you had done that to me, you and suffer
your gay lover would be dead meat.
Sylvia: Thank you. Fredo… Gender Expression/Identity SOGIE

Fredo: Yes, my dear?
Sylvia: Do you remember that day you two waited for me across
UST?
Ramon: That was embarrassing. I’d rather forget that.
Sylvia: But why? That was the day we first met. The two of us. Of
course, Fredo and I were already acquaintances then.
Fredo: Because you were friends with a classmate of mine who
introduced you to me in Escolta. Who was that again?
Sylvia: Elmer Concepcion!
Fredo: Yes, Elmer! We talked for more than an hour, didn’t we? It
was like we had known each other for a long time. I found you very
handsome. That’s why when I saw you on the sidewalk along
Espana, holding so many flowers, I was thrilled. I thought you were
going to court me.
Ramon: But those flowers came from me.
Sylvia: Right.
Ramon: I was going to give them to you, but I chickened out. I ended
up hiding behind an electric post.
Fredo: But I called you so I could introduce you to Sylvia.
Ramon: I mustered enough courage to walk over to her.
Unfortunately, I stepped on a banana peeling. And landed flat on my
butt on the ground. In my shame I ran away all the way back to our
dorm!
Marife: Can I visit them? to be determined to be determined

Sylvia: If you can endure seeing him like that, why not? I’m sure
they’d be happy to see you.
Marife: I’ve accepted them, whatever they are to each other.
Sylvia: Good for you. In two days, you were able to process things. It
took me two decades. Maybe three.
Marife: Really, Ma?
Sylvia: Yes, my youngest. I love Fredo, but I’m still a woman.
Marife: Well, I objected yesterday because I was concerned for you.
I assumed that what Papa was doing was a big slap on your face.
[FLASHBACK] Sexual Tension/Intimacy Sexual Activity

Young Sylvia: Please, take Georgina.
[Young Sylvia went upstairs. She saw Ramon and Fredo kissing]
Marife: Ma, you didn’t confront them? to be determined to be determined

Sylvia: I couldn’t handle what I saw. I never found out if they knew I
had caught them.
Marife: Did you ever confront Papa about this?
Sylvia: No. I was afraid he would say he loved Fredo more than me.
Sylvia: But on our 10th wedding anniversary, I had one drink too
many and confronted Fredo.
--
[FLASHBACK]
Young Sylvia: Fredo.

Young Fredo: Yes?
Young Sylvia: Can I talk to you? to be determined to be determined
Young Fredo to Man: Will you excuse us for a moment? Thank you.
Young Fredo to Young Sylvia: What is it?
Young Sylvia: You know what? I’ve known for quite a while.
Young Fredo: What, my dear?
Young Sylvia: My dear! My dear! I’m not blind. I’m not mute. I’m not
deaf. Most of all, Fredo, I’m not stupid. I know you and Ramon have
a relationship.
Young Fredo: Let’s not create a scandal here.
Young Sylvia: Don’t you worry! I won’t. I just want you to be honest
with me.
[FLASHBACK] Coming Out; Sexual Orientation SOGIE

Young Fredo: Forgive me, Sylvia. Yes. I love Ramon. I’ve loved him
since we were kids.
[FLASHBACK] Internalized homophobia: queer Social Issue

Young Fredo: But don’t you worry. I know where I stand. I know it’s person perceiving homosexuality as
wrong. I know it’s forbidden. I know I shouldn’t for it. All that he wrong and forbidden
loves and treasures, I love and treasure as well.
Young Sylvia: Thank you.
Sylvia: What do you want me to tell your father?

Georgina: I don’t know, Ma. Papa might say again I’m just thinking of
my own interest. Of my political career. But I wish, before he made
this decision, he should have thought about his grandchildren, who

are too young to understand.
Marife: How is Rufus?
Georgina: He got suspended for a week. Holed up the whole day in to be determined to be determined
his room and refused to talk to me and Andy.
Sylvia: You know how much he idolizes your father.
Georgina: You said it! But what do you expect me to tell him? That
his beloved grandpa came out at age 84?
Marife: Sis if you would let me talk to him? You know, I do this kind Gender Insensitivity Social Issue
of counseling all the time.
Georgina: And what would you tell him? That there’s nothing wrong
in Papa and Uncle’s decision to live together? Fe, thank you, but no
thanks!
Marife: I just want to help.
Georgina: Emman called me earlier. He said you brainwashed Lara
and turned her against him.
Marife: That’s unfair. Maybe he should talk to his daughter first
before making any judgment.
Georgina: Well, unlike Lara, Rufus has no identity crisis. He just got
disillusioned with his grandpa.
Marife: Your kid wouldn’t get disillusioned if homosexuality is not Heterosexual person/s siding with POSITIVE CHANGES
equated with weakness or ridicule. Just please let me sit down with queer people
him!
Sylvia: My grandchildren are already affected. Georgina’s eldest… to be determined to be determined

Fredo: Rufus. What happened?
Sylvia: He punched somebody in school because they called his
grandpa gay.
Fredo: What?!
Sylvia: Georgina visited last night to tell me about it. But she ended
up fighting with Marife.
Ben: Atty. Melendez was a former lawyer of Uncle Fredo’s. He to be determined Social Issue
knows my situation. He also knows that Uncle gave a lot of money
and properties to Senator Ramon. From childhood all the way to the
Senate. He bet on a winning horse but never collected his prize.
Nena: He was rewarded in other means.
Ben: You’re probably right.
Nena: Does this mean you’ll get the apartments downtown and this
house and lot?
Ben: Yes. Including all the furniture and appliances here. And all his
remaining money in the bank.
Nena: So the only thing missing is your uncle’s signature?
Ben: That’s about right.
Nena: So what are you waiting for? You could lose everything to the
senator!
Ben: I’m just waiting for the right time.
Nena: Good Lord, Benjamin! For the sake of your children, get
moving. Your gay uncle could drop dead any moment now. Don’t be
a slowpoke!
[People chattering] Microaggression: isolating queer Social Issue

people
Someone: Look! The senator with his wife and his lover. He brought
his wife. The principal is really his boyfriend.
--
Georgina: Donna.
Donna: Yes, Madam?
Georgina: Can you fix the seating arrangement, please?
--
Ramon: Fredo? Where’s Fredo?
Donna: Yes, Senator?
Ramon: Where’s Fredo with the cane? And Ben? Where are they
seated?
Donna: Sorry, we’re just following the seating arrangement.
Fredo: What seating arrangement?!
Donna: That’s what the mayor approved. That Sir Alfredo
Veneracion be seated in the back.
Fredo: In the back? Let’s get the hell out of here!
[People chattering] to be determined to be determined
Someone: They’re holding hands! It’s confirmed!
Ramon’s supposed speech: I love my children. I have no favorite Queer person calling out people's to be determined
among them. My love for each one is equal and fair. But if you were issues on lack of gender sensitivity
to ask me who took after me the most, it’s Georgina – second-born
– who comes first. Apologies to the eldest and the youngest. Let’s
give it to the birthday girl. I’m not surprised that it was she who
followed in my footsteps. Georgina possesses the intelligence,
courage, and heart required to serve the people with integrity. I see
just one weakness in her. It’s her lack of compassion for people
whose gender and sexuality she cannot comprehend. I feel sad that
my own daughter, my own blood, cannot accept that there are
many kinds of love in this world. Just like the love that binds me and
his Uncle Fredo. There is another man who has showered her with
genuine affection from her childhood up to this very day. It’s her
godfather, who unfortunately, is now slowly getting vanquished by a
cruel illness. My only wish is for an epiphany to come to my beloved
daughter. May she open her heart before it’s too late.
Yes or No (2010)
Pie: Don't come in! Don't! It's you who should be back off! Stereotyping; Homophobia: Social Issue
Kim: Hold on I'm hurt. Microaggressions
Pie: You're a girl? What!
Kim: I'm a girl You're not going to apologize?
Pie: For what? It's because you look like this and you're suddenly jumped to me
so I was frightened.
Kim: Don't you see this house-size cockroach? And this is my room.
Pie: Your room? Oh I Ran away from a Dii (used to call Tomboy's girlfriend)just to
meet a tom.
Kim: Hey no no no! I'm not a tom.

Pie: You're not a tom even though you look like this?
Kim: I'm really not a tom I'm a girl.
Pie: Umm A girl? A girl like this? Oh so feminine... look at your face hair style
personality body... Where? Which parts of you look like a girl tell me?
Pie: I can't bear this VERY TOM DII Hey I don't mean that she's disgusting or Homophobia:
anything but you know it's very difficult to live with her. Now I feel like I'm being Microaggressions ;
with a man.I'm not comfortable living with a tom. Stereotyping
Pie: Hey, As I was here before you. I'd like to take the right... Listen to me now. Homophobia:
I'll be at this side and you're on that side. This is the territory line don't cross this Microaggressions
line. I like silentness because my fish can be easily frightened. You can't
understand. It's difficult to treat. Oh and it's better to be quiet if you can.
Man 2: I just met a girl who's more handsome than me. Hey you're so Homophobia:
handsome. You use Mr. or Miss? I'm happy now. Hey sis where're you going? Microaggressions
Pie: But she can do all that herself P'Van. Yes inside a cooker. It's delicious. Stereotyping;
Strangely delicious. Hey P'Van you know she's very tom....so don't tell my mom.
Everyone will think that she's a man. Ei Ei I don't know how long I can bear with
her. My mom will have goosebumps.
Pie: Hey Kim....I want to speak frankly nobody think that you're not a tom.I 'm Stereotyping
serious The more you say No the more you are.
Kim: What are you afraid of tom? Social Issue

Pie: Crazy, I'm not afraid. Just don't like them.
Man 1: Cause love blow inside my eyes. But I feel annoyed • Homophobia: Gender-
Man 2: Why? based violence
Man 1: It's like losing a city to be a tom's colony.
Man 2: We'll sing this song for them.... Ching Chub Ching Chub (Use to tease girl-
girl lovers very very rude)
Kim: Please don't be too much.
Man 1: I think you should protect the natural because our ecosystem is in very
bad situation now.
P’Van: If Pie's mom saw these girls she would be faint. I don't know if Pie has Homophobia:
told you or not. Her mom doesn't like something like this. Microaggressions
Kim: What kind of thing P' Van?
P’Van: Like... Girls that look so much like boys. This is the elder thought.
Kim: Being tom is so disgusting P' Van?
P’Van: I don't intend to blame you.
Kim: Pie told me that if I'm a tom things will get very complicated like many girls
will be around me.
P’Van: I can confirm Pie is not among them. And I believe that Pie's not going to
be against the natural like that.
Kim: Hello Ka I came by to borrow Pie's book.(Very sweet girlish voice) Pie my • Homophobia:
book? Microaggressions ;
Mom: Pie. Pie your friend came to borrow book hurry. Stereotyping
Kim: Thank you. Good bye ka (Very girlish again)
Mom: Pie if she didn't speak I thought that she's a man. Who's that? Is she from
the same faculty?
Kim: Some subjects.
Mom: I have goosebumps now

Pie: She didn't do any harm mom.
Mom: I know dear but I think it's very disgusting. Girls pretend to be boys and
boys like to be girls...I think that... the society nowadays is very weird. Good that
you weren't like that if so I would be dead by now. Those toms like to cut their
hair short you see? And they like to say Krab Krab like they're men.
Mom: What answer do you want? That you know... I can't accept these • Homophobia:
abnormal sexualities. So you came to my house and asked to have a relationship Microaggressions
with my daughter. What answer do you want? Forcing me to accept it and... that
I should tell you that...please take care of each other...have a good love life? Let
me tell you frankly, I don't think this kind of relationship will be last long.
Pie: They're like you. Act like you. They aren't feminine at all and have girl lovers. Stereotyping Social Issue
Some of them act like they're so gentlemen as if they're real men.
Jane: Yes she is.. -the one that I told you. Do you think she's handsome? Sexual Orientation [Jane] SOGIE
Kim: Are you hungry? Today I cooked a special recipe. Gender Expression/Identity SOGIE
Pie: You can cook inside the cooker? What's it?
Kim: It's called roasted chicken. It has many things inside. Mushroom vegetable
full of nutrition. Wanna try? It's delicious. How about it? Good right?
Pie: So so You like to cook?
Kim: It's fun whether it's delicious or not.
Pie: And what about the plant outside?
Kim: Krapao Horapa that sort of vegetable. If I need them to cook just pick it
up.No need to buy.

Pie: So do you like cooking or planting?
Kim: Is there any fish that look like tom? Questioning SOGIE
Pie: I don't know but there're kinds of fish that like to be with the same gender.
Kim: Any fish that doesn't like a tom-look alike fish?
Kim: I really don't know because I'm not a tom. Initial Sexual Orientation SOGIE
[Kim]
Kim: So I... don't look like a girl... and I "don't" like girls... and I'm not so manly. Questioning [Kim] SOGIE
Who am I then?
Kim: If I like someone...like to speak with...like to play with and like to be with Questioning; Gender SOGIE
but if she's a girl that means I'm a tom? Will it change the meaning of being Expression or Identity [Kim]
myself Pie? I still like to play game like to cook roasted chicken and everything is
the same. What about other elements of mine? Will anyone see them? Other
than "You are a tom"
Jane: Actually it doesn't matter your bed is ok but Kim's bed is better. Sexual Expression [Jane] SOGIE
Pie: She's not well has a migraine.
Jane: Really? How do you feel? Too much headache? Let me massage you.
Pie: Jane Kim's head is damaging now. Let her sleep. Sleep with me ok?
Kim: I love you Pie. Sexual Expression [Kim] SOGIE
Kim: I love her. Sexual Expression [Kim] SOGIE

Kim: Thank you. Thanks that you dare to love me. Sexual Expression [Kim] SOGIE
Boy: We have the same hairstyle maybe we're soul mate. Where're you going? Flamboyance [Boy] Streotype
You don't have to fight Pei can handle both of you. Double pack! I like it.
Boy: That couple won't have goosebumps.. but if it were you guys and me... So Flamboyance [Boy] Streotype
much fun for sure.
Nerd: 50 % of stupid tom and dii... like to create attraction by committing suicide Mental health and the LGBT Streotype
[Jane]
Boy: How strange? My family call me and you as normal people. Acceptance Struggles
Jane: Do you think Pie will call us as normal people?
Kim: Aunt In please don't laugh.... Questioning Struggles

Aunt In: You like her?
Kim: Who? What? You're so non-sense.
Aunt In: Can I ask you frankly.. you act manly I know and what about inside of
you?
Kim: Inside? You mean me being tom?
Aunt In: There're people who look like you but they are not. Or they don't look
like this but they are. Actually this comes from inside not characteristic. Don't let
it decides who you are. You should be what you are inside. I saw you two always
giggle. In what way you like her?
Kim: Friend a friend
Aunt In: Are you sure? Look carefully both your body and your heart look what
you should do. So you don't have to be sorry later.
Kim: . And he also told that love can't be something else if we love someone Acceptance Struggles
that's when the love comes. Pie, if someday I happen to love a girl will you still
be my friend?
Pie: How many times you want me to tell? P' Van is not my boyfriend. Hey and Questioning Struggles
can you look back at yourself? How about you and Jane? You guys walked so
close like a twin. Don't act like this, I don't like.
Kim: I knew it. You don't like whatever I am. You don't like me. Acceptance (or lack Struggles
Pie: Good that you know. So you will understand. Don't beg for any interest thereof)
cause you won't get it. It's annoying.
Kim [crying]: I'm not begging for your interest I'm not calling for anything. I did it Self-acceptance Struggles
because I wanted to. I understand that you don't like me, I know it. Knowing that
you won't like what I'm doing.
Pie: Crazy, I don't know what will happen after this. If there's anyone comes to Self-acceptance (or lack Struggles
ask me about us or... if there's anyone knows about us... thereof)
Kim: That has nothing to do with us we don't have to be ashamed no need to be
afraid. I love you Pie.
Pie: I'm not ready Kim. I don't want to tell anyone. Do you understand me, Kim?
Kim: Hello Ka I came by to borrow Pie's book.(Very sweet girlish voice) Pie my Acceptance (or lack Struggles
book? thereof)
Mom: Pie. Pie your friend came to borrow book hurry.
Pie: And if.... the one that I'm ok with... is not a man? Will you be angry at me? Coming out; Acceptance (or Struggles
lack thereof)
Kim: No I did it myself. I happened to know that you don't like... people that look Acceptance (or lack Struggles
like... thereof)
Mom: Ok Ok You don't have to speak. It's good that you understand.
Kim: I and Pie are very close and.... I want to ask for your permission to be
together with her.
Mom: To be with her
Pie: What? It's only a little matter. Kim, I'm sorry. I was afraid. I was confused. I Acceptance (or lack thereof) Struggles
was afraid of everything that my mom would be angry at me that my friends ; Self-acceptance (or lack
would tease me and that I was afraid of others' eyes. But now I know that.. if I'm thereof)
still afraid, I'll lose you. I don't want to lose you. Is it too late? It's ok. I came too
late.
Pie: Can you remember the butterflies story that you told me mom? I know what Self-acceptance (or lack Struggles
it's like now. Is it love mom? I love you, I love P'Van but never have butterflies. I thereof)
can't remind that I have. Could you give me an opportunity mom? Please give an
opportunity to this love I want to know if it's true... I want to know if it will make
me fall to break my legs and arms. I don't want to keep curious about this for my
whole life I will find the answer.
Pie: Don't come in! Don't! It's you who should be back off! Homophobia Struggles
Kim: Hold on I'm hurt.
Pie: You're a girl? What!
Kim: I'm a girl You're not going to apologize?
Pie: For what? It's because you look like this and you're suddenly jumped to me
so I was frightened.
Kim: Don't you see this house-size cockroach? And this is my room.
Pie: Your room? Oh I Ran away from a Dii (used to call Tomboy's girlfriend)just to
meet a tom.
Kim: Hey no no no! I'm not a tom.
Pie: You're not a tom even though you look like this?
Kim: I'm really not a tom I'm a girl.
Pie: Umm A girl? A girl like this? Oh so feminine... look at your face hair style
personality body... Where? Which parts of you look like a girl tell me?
Man 2: I just met a girl who's more handsome than me. Hey you're so Homophobia Struggles
handsome. You use Mr. or Miss? I'm happy now. Hey sis where're you going?
Pie: But she can do all that herself P'Van. Yes inside a cooker. It's delicious. Homophobia Struggles
Strangely delicious. Hey P'Van you know she's very tom....so don't tell my mom.
Everyone will think that she's a man. Ei Ei I don't know how long I can bear with
her. My mom will have goosebumps.
Pie: Hey Kim....I want to speak frankly nobody think that you're not a tom.I 'm Homophobia Struggles
serious The more you say No the more you are.
Man 1: Cause love blow inside my eyes. But I feel annoyed Homophobia Struggles
Man 2: Why?
Man 1: It's like losing a city to be a tom's colony.
Man 2: We'll sing this song for them.... Ching Chub Ching Chub (Use to tease girl-
girl lovers very very rude)
Kim: Please don't be too much.
Man 1: I think you should protect the natural because our ecosystem is in very
bad situation now.
P’Van: If Pie's mom saw these girls she would be faint. I don't know if Pie has Homophobia; Acceptance Struggles
told you or not. Her mom doesn't like something like this. (or lack thereof)
Kim: What kind of thing P' Van?
P’Van: Like... Girls that look so much like boys. This is the elder thought.
Kim: Being tom is so disgusting P' Van?
P’Van: I don't intend to blame you.
Kim: Pie told me that if I'm a tom things will get very complicated like many girls
will be around me.
P’Van: I can confirm Pie is not among them. And I believe that Pie's not going to
be against the natural like that.
Kim: Hello Ka I came by to borrow Pie's book.(Very sweet girlish voice) Pie my Homophobia Struggles
book?
Mom: Pie. Pie your friend came to borrow book hurry.
Mom: Pie if she didn't speak I thought that she's a man. Who's that? Is she from
the same faculty?
Kim: Some subjects.
Mom: I have goosebumps now
Pie: She didn't do any harm mom.
Mom: I know dear but I think it's very disgusting. Girls pretend to be boys and
boys like to be girls...I think that... the society nowadays is very weird. Good that
you weren't like that if so I would be dead by now. Those toms like to cut their
hair short you see? And they like to say Krab Krab like they're men.
Mom: What answer do you want? That you know... I can't accept these Acceptance (or lack Struggles
abnormal sexualities. So you came to my house and asked to have a relationship thereof)
with my daughter. What answer do you want? Forcing me to accept it and... that
I should tell you that...please take care of each other...have a good love life? Let
me tell you frankly, I don't think this kind of relationship will be last long.
It Gets Better (2012)

TONLEW [IN HIGH VOICE]: Sleepy? You can take a nap. Do you need to poo?
TONMAI: What's wrong with your voice?
TONLEW [IN NORMAL VOICE]: I’m transexual, and I pretend to be cute... couldn't
you tell? Grumpy! Go to sleep then! Homophobia:
TONMAI: I do want to sleep. But driving like this, who can sleep? Not sure if I can Microaggressions
get there. [Receiver: Tonlew]
TONLEW: Getting on my nerves... Social Issue
TONMAI: What?
TONLEW: You [foreign] Thais have no manners!
TONLEW: I don't understand! Do you even see us as human? Wasn't there ever a
ladyboy in your sight? And you know what... Homophobia: Gender-
RANDOM MAN: Fucking ladyboy! based Violence
TONLEW: What!? Did a ladyboy shit on your father's head?? You fucking bitch! I'll
fuck you up! Fuck your mother, you animal! Do you want a piece of me?! Enough!
Enough!
TONMAI: Let's get out of here!
LADY BOY: I was dumped by a man. So, I slit my wrist to try commit suicide. When I
recovered I never saw that fucking guy's face again. The only people who
supported me were my mother and father. I'm a very bad child that makes mom Homophobia: Gender-
and dad cry... With the stupid things I have done. And today I came here to meet based discrimination
the abbot to request to be ordained... But he won't permit it because I've already
got boobs and had a sex change operation
TONLEW [IN HIGH VOICE]: Sleepy? You can take a nap. Do you need to poo?
TONMAI: What's wrong with your voice? Gender Identity SOGIE
TONLEW [IN NORMAL VOICE]: I’m transexual, and I pretend to be cute... couldn't
Sexual Orientation
you tell? Grumpy! Go to sleep then!
FATHER: What are you doing, son?
DIN, OLD NAME OF SAITARN: Dad! You told me you will go to the market...
FATHER: I forgot my wallet
Gender Identity SOGIE
DIN: So... you've seen it all?
FATHER: Return your mother's clothes and wash your face
DIN: Yes, dad
DOKMAI: Yes. I'm a man when I was born, but now I'm a woman. Gender Identity SOGIE
TONMAI: Are you a ladyboy?
TONLEW: Why do you ask? Are you blind? Do you think I am a man?
Sexual Orientation SOGIE
TONMAI: Nope.
TONLEW: Have you ever had sex with ladyboy?
TONMAI: Crazy! What man is turned on by another man? I'm not gay.
TONLEW: Hmmm... I've never had sex with a woman.
TONMAI: But I'd like to have sex with a woman. Why do you ask?
TONLEW: Nothing... I'm just thinking. Most men I've ever had sex with are not gay.
Because they have a female girlfriend...some have wives and kids.
TONMAI: That's it-they're called 'gay' but they don't express it
TONLEW: Oh yeah? What about Dokmai? Pretty?
TONMAI: Dokmai? Yes... she is pretty. Why?
TONLEW: You like her!
TONMAI: Yeah, I like her. It would be better if she is a real woman, though.
TONLEW: Alright, you don't need like her. But if you can just have sex with her, will
you?
TONMAI: Hmmm... I don't know. He is a man, right?
TONLEW: Hmmm... but she's already a woman.
TONMAI: I don't know.
TONLEW: Then, if you guys had sex, what should I call you? I'll I bring her to you.
Will you accept?
TONMAI: Hey! Do you think so?
FAI: Sis. We fucked last night... But I don't even know your name.
Sexual Act: [Queer] SOGIE
SAITARN: Yeah, right. I don't know who I fucked last night, either.
FAI: My name is Fai [Fire], sis. Your name is hard to say...I'd better call you Naam
[Water]. It's cute
SAITARN: Really, Fai? Am I playing with fire now? Sexual Orientation SOGIE
FAI: Do you like it?
SAITARN: Yes. It's hot. I like it hot.
FAI: Nasty! I mean, your wig and your coat. Isn't it too much? Are you in disguise? I
Gender Identity SOGIE
think it's too much.
SAITARN: Really? Are you saying this just to humour me or are you falling in love
with me?
FAI: Not so fast, auntie! Romantic Relationship SOGIE
SAITARN: You crazy kid!
FAI: Sis. Although you're an auntie, I still love you...joob joob (kiss kiss)
DOKMAI: My name is Dokmai [Flower]. New Name SOGIE
SAITARN: But we better know each other .Just call me Saitarn. And you...? New Name SOGIE
THE FOUNTAIN PERFORMERS: Sister, are we in the right place? Sister! Here he
comes! Where? That's him! That's him! Mr. Tonmai [Tree]! This way!! (screaming) Flamboyance Streotype
Is he scared of your faces? Huh...?
HONG DAENG: Okay. Okay... If you want to kiss me just simply tell me. No need to
Flamboyance Streotype
be shy
HONG DAENG: I've been working for Mr Naam [Water], your father, for years And
this is The Fountain. It's not just only a show bar But it's a workplace, a home, a life Work Streotype
for every one of us
"FATHER: What are you doing, son?
DIN, OLD NAME OF SAITARN: Dad! You told me you will go to the market...
FATHER: I forgot my wallet
DIN: So... you've seen it all? Acceptance Struggles
FATHER: Return your mother's clothes and wash your face
DIN: Yes, dad
"
SAITARN: Oh crap! My crow's feet are coming back Argh... I just filled it last week
Oh, and here comes my eye sockets. Am I a panda's relative? Ah! Welcome the
deep channels Some Botox refill... two on each would be enough. A little lift at this
point would be ok. Cut a bit of this off?... or keep it all behind my ears? Sharpen it Body Dysmorphia Struggles
all up... taut as a drum! I can hardly cope with these boobs anymore... they're
sagging Better lift them up Disposing of that dick years ago was excellent... Well
worthwhile Damn it! Life's thorn! Stubble again! Fucking hate it!
SENIOR MONK: Neither your father or I hate you. But, to be ordained is to rid
oneself of our deepest, human passions, needs and lusts. We cannot have
LGBT and Religion Struggles
everything according to our mind's want. So, we must know how to sacrifice some
of our needs for some other's need.
TONLEW [SINGING]: I haven't ever dared to hope ,someday there are someone
who really love a person like me Just hoping he can understand my heart deeply
Just hoping so but It's very very difficult It's Okay... Nobody can chose where we
were born But They can chose the future for themselves God has his reason when
He creates us not be same. Don't think too much, Our destiny is decided by
ourselves Don't mind whoever doesn't like us Meanwhile No one can love us
except ourselves Saying to who doesn't like or often bully us that Everyone has
their own way to go We have to live truly with ourselves that is proud enough They Self-Acceptance Struggles
will never see anything good in us, It doesn't matter To the world know how we
are They don't understand or don't respect that doesn't matter Don't need to
conjure Don't think much who doesn't like us to do what Meanwhile No one can
love us except ourselves Saying to who doesn't like or often bully us that Everyone
has their own way to go There're a thousand of people who love us out there Less
someone as him has no more pity Throw the pain away Turn them into the fire
Let's sing loudly the song of life With the beats of heart , we dance together Don't
mind what the others think Our destiny is so , is so If they didn't realize our good
aspects Put them in the past Life is so , still passes Don't mind Don't think much
who doesn't like us to do what Meanwhile No one can love us except ourselves
Saying to who doesn't like or often bully us that Everyone has their own way to go
There're a thousand of people who love us out there Less someone as him has no
more pity Throw the pain away Turn them into the fire Let's sing loudly the song of
life With the beats of heart , we dance together Don't care about what the others
think Our destiny is so , is so If they didn't realize our good aspects Let them in the
past Life is so , still passes Don't care about I haven't ever dared to hope ,someday
there are someone who really love a person like me Just hoping he can understand
my heart deeply Just hoping so but It's very very difficult
DIN: You told me you were going to the market.
MOTHER: I did, but I forgot my wallet.
DIN: So, you saw it all.
MOTHER: We should separate. I'll find another place to stay.
DIN: Really. You should live in far away from me. Overseas is better. I'm sorry. But Struggles
don't tell the child that its father is like this. For all expenses, I'll send to you every
month. You can find a new husband. Find a good one that will love you and who
isn't selfish like me. I want to tell you... you're the first and only woman that I
loved.
TONLEW: You're disgusted that we had sex last night, right?
TONMAI: I love woman, not men. Acceptance or lack
Struggles
TONLEW: But last night you said you were happy. thereof [Tonmai]
TONMAI: Because I was drunk. Unconscious. You'd better go. Leave me alone.
"SAITARN: Hey! Can ask you one thing? Don't you hate ladyboys?
FAI: If I hate them, would I have gone with you?
SAITARN: I know. But some people they can't accept us. Acceptance or lack
Struggles
FAI: You're over-thinking it. No one hates ladyboys. They just don't understand thereof [Saitarn]
them.
"
The Blue Hour (2015)
EK: Can you imagine Kitty with a rifle?

Internalized Homophobia; Effeminacy
JAI: Actually, I can.
as a source of mockery
KITTY: What's so funny?
OAT: Jai was richer. Taller. Whiter. He was everything Ek wasn't. They
lived in different worlds. What Ek saw as white, Jai saw as black. What
Ek heard as music, Jai heard as noise. I think that's what kept them
together for so long. Despite what others said. Socio-economic class as a hindrance
for same-sex relationship
AUNTIE: Ek. You can date any guy you want. But trust me,
relationships like yours and Jai's don't work out. You're only going to
get hurt.
SOCIAL ISSUES
OAT: This is where you work?
EK: Feel free to go home.

Stigmatization of Prostitution
OAT: You go home.
EK: Then stop complaining. Let's go.

RANDOM EXTRA: Hey, little buddy. Tell you something. Be careful
HIV/AIDS
where you put your dick. AIDS might eat it up. He's got no clue.
CUSTOMER: I like this one. Five thousand for the kid. There's 5,000.
Child labor/abuse; prostitution
EK: Five thousand? Five thousand? OK, let's go.
CUSTOMER: That was just a joke.
EK: If you aren't going to pay, then leave.
CUSTOMER: Fine. Let's go.

RANDOM EXTRA GUY: Hey. Where are you going? *groped Kitty’s
private part* Ouch! *slapped*
Sexual harassment; Gender-based
KITTY: You bitch. Fuck off! Before you get fucked in the ass. discrimination
RANDOM EXTRA GUY: I think she likes me.

OFFICER: Everyone take off your shirts. Stand up. Palms up. Fatso!
Squat down. Stand up. You... No need to draw. You can go home.
Next line, take off your shirts. Stand up. Take a step closer. Did you
have your operation already?
KITTY: Not yet. Transgenderism is attributed to

mental disorder; according to
OFFICER: What about hormone pills? categories of exemption on Thailand's
conscription
KITTY: Two years.
OFFICER: OK, go over to line two.
KITTY: I don't need to draw?

OFFICER: No need. Palms up.
How to Win at Checkers (2015)
TAM: Why did you want to meet me here?
PHUM: Don't you like it?
TAM: Well, it is quiet.
PHUM: We don't have money for motels. It's impossible at home. This is the
ideal place. Gay hook-up culture Sexual activity
PHUM: You won’t contract any disease from kissing. A hand job is fine too. I
didn't know you liked this.
TAM: What?
PHUM: This.
TAM: No. Friends at school hit me. My family doesn't hit me in the face. Do you
Man vs. Others; Familial
know what I hate the most? I hate when they cry. It's like they are never wrong
Discrimination
and it's always my fault.
STRUGGLES
TAM’S MOTHER: Kids from other families never complain. Do you have a fever? Man vs. Others; Familial
Who's that man? Who is it? That photo in your computer. Your brother showed Discrimination, Lack of
it to me. Acceptance
TAM: A friend.
TAM’S MOTHER: Why do you lie to me again?
TAM: He's really my friend.
TAM’S MOTHER: Can't you change? Did I raise you badly? You know your father
hates this. Why? Don't you have any pity on me?
TAM: Mom, please don't cry. I won't do that again. I love you. I don't want to
see you cry. Please don't cry.
PHUM: You know what? We are gay, and our parents can't accept us or what we
Man vs. Others; Familial
are. People always say... we should be good to them and work hard to provide
Discrimination, Double
them with money. Make them know we can make them proud. If I am gay and
Standards
unsuccessful in life, everyone will see me as an asshole. It's so unfair.
TAM’S MOTHER: But now, don't bring him here often. I'II talk with your father Man vs. Others; Familial
first. Discrimination
Homophobia: Gender-
TAM’S BROTHER: Don't quibble! You want dad to beat you up? Social Issues
based violence
Fathers (2016)

Phoon: Shall we register our marriage? Open discussions on LGBTQ+ marriage CHANGES
Yuke: Sure! I’m so glad, you know? Butr will finally
become my adopted son as well. I’m so excited.
Phoon: Me too. So glad and excited. It’s like we are
getting married again.
Phoon: Yuke, the school sent us an invitation to join the LGBTQ+ parents dilemmas on curious child STRUGGLES: Man vs
Mother’s Day this Monday. Family (Adopted
Yuke: Does it send this kind of letter to student’s house Child)
these days?
Butr: But I have no mother.
Yuke: Well, I’ll go for you.
Butr: They invite ‘Mother’, not ‘Father.’
Yuke’s Mom [Over the phone]: They didn’t register their Lack of political and legal recognition of LGBTQ+ SOCIAL ISSUE
marriage. When the girl’s family didn’t let Tul register as parent
father, it turns out that he has no right in his son.
Yuke [Over the phone]: As dad said, if the DNA profiling
proves his fatherhood, it may help is some way. How
about consulting a lawyer? I’ll ask Phoon to help.
Yuke’s Mom [Over the phone]: Okay, if the bill is passed,
you’d better get it done to prevent problems. I am
concerned. How about Butr? Is he fine?
Yuke [Over the phone]: Yes, mom. If it’s passed,
everything will be okay. I’ll take Butr to visit you, then.

And don’t think too much. Tell dad, too.
[Children are singing] Homophobia: Microaggression; forcing LGBTQ+ to SOCIAL ISSUE
conform to heterosexual family standards
Children: Mother possesses great kindness. She takes
care of us since we were babies. She stays around,
singing lullabies until we fell asleep. From little to grown
up, she has nurtured us. She works tireless to show us
her pure and true love. We have become who we are
because of none other than Mother’s milk.
--
Man: You come on behalf of your wife, don’t you? So do

I. My wife just gave birth to a new child yesterday.
That’s why she isn’t here.
Yuke: His mom must be busy, ha?
Yuke: Well, his mother left when he was a baby.
Man: Oh… I’m sorry to hear that.
Yuke: It’s all right.
Man [talking to his child]: Did you finish your lunch, my
Handsome?
Yuke: I’ll come to pick you up after the afternoon class.
What is that stain?
Kid: Butr, why don’t you put your mother on the card?
But you put two fathers. It’s a card for Mother’s Day.
Butr: Because I’m more special than anyone.

Kid: How? I don’t talk with a boastful boy.
Butr: I’m not boastful.
Kid 1: Hey, Butr. Let’s play soccer this evening. · Second-hand harassment/bullying (inflicted to a SOCIAL ISSUE
Kid 2: He can’t play soccer. The other day he missed person close to an LGBTQ+ person)
every kick. So funny.
· Microaggression; mentioning derogatory terms
[Kids laughed] such as “faggot.”
Kid 2: Well, Butr! I heard you have two fathers. Is that

true.
Kid 3: Really? Without a mother, how were you born?
Kid 2: Or your dad is a fag.
[Butr and Kid 2 fought]
Butr: Let me go.

Kid 2: No way.
Teacher: Does he know he was adopted from an · LGBTQ+ conforming to heterosexual’s STRUGGLES: Man vs
orphanage? standards Himself
Phoon: Not really. We haven’t seriously talked about
this with him. We try to be both father and mother for · Microaggression; limiting discussions on queer SOCIAL ISSUE
him. romantic experiences
Teacher: I understand. But I’d like both of you to be
careful about what you tell your kid. And please tell
him to be calmer. And for those kids, we will guide

them. I hope you don’t mind.
Teacher: I understand. But I’d like both of you to be · Homophobia: gay-hating; imposing that gays
careful about what you tell your kid. And please tell him cannot be good parents
to be calmer. And for those kids, we will guide them. I
hope you don’t mind.
Man: But I do! You know physical abuse is a crim. That SOCIAL ISSUE
boy physically abused my son.
Teacher: Mr Sakchai, please calm down. All of them are
still kids.
Phoon: I must apologize for my son.
Man: Do you think your apology is enough? Your son
bullied my kid. That’s terrible.
Yuke: We have apologized! Your son is also wrong. And
do you think about apologizing in any way?
Man: You must punish that boy anyway. I wonder how
that kid was raised. As they say, gays are aggressive.
They want to have a child, but don’t know how to raise
him properly.
Yuke: Hey! Mind your words.
Phoon: Yuke…
Man: You see? I didn’t even finish, and he became
aggressive. It’s solely their child’s fault. If that child had
to grow up with these gays, what kind of person will he
become?
Man: You see? I didn’t even finish, and he became · Microaggression: minimizing the harm inflicted SOCIAL ISSUE
aggressive. It’s solely their child’s fault. If that child had by cis-het people towards LGBTQ+ people or their
to grow up with these gays, what kind of person will he families STEREOTYPES
become?
Phoon: And what kind of person are you? You have a · Perceiving gay parents/romantic relationships as
child, but please know how to be a good father. Your abnormal
son made fun of my kid first.
Man: He was just kidding like any other children. Who · Abnormality as caused by LGBTQ+ person; being
knows your son is…abnormal? Actually, you have to “abnormal” or “LGBTQ+” as contagious.
blame yourself for being abnormal and adopting an
abnormal kid. That’s why everything is even more
abnormal.
Man: He was just kidding like any other children. Who · Cis-het/straight people siding with LGBTQ+ CHANGES
knows your son is…abnormal? Actually, you have to people
blame yourself for being abnormal and adopting an
abnormal kid. That’s why everything is even more · Straight people defending LGBTQ+ people
abnormal.
Teacher: I think that the abnormal ones are those who
think others are abnormal.
Man: Hey! You are a teacher! How could you say that?
You should be neutral.
Teacher: And how did you say that? You should be a role
model for your kid.
Man: Watch your mouth, or I’ll take action on you too.
[Man looks at both Phoon and Yuke]

Man: Being a father is easy. Anyone could say he’s a

good father. I hope you succeed in raising your kid.
Phoon: Butr, what’s the matter? You can tell Papi and · Adopted child desiring to have a mother and STRUGGLES: Man vs
Daddy. father Family (Adopted
Butr: What does my mom look like? I want to have a Child)
mother.
Phoon: Butr, listen to me. It’s not only you in the world
who don’t have a mother. I don’t either. My mother
passed away. And there are so many who lost their
mother since birth.
Butr: But they know what their mother looks like, unlike
me. Having no mother, I even have 2 fathers.
Yuke: Don’t you wanna have Papi and Daddy? Do you
want to live with someone else who has never taken
care of you?
Butr: No, I love Papi and Daddy. I don’t wanna go
anywhere.
Phoon: Daddy and Papi love you so much, too.
Yuke: Hello. Children of gay couples are unhappy STEREOTYPES/COULD
Phoon: This is Ms. Rattiya, the director of Children’s BE SOCIAL ISSUE
Right Protection Organization.
Ms. Rattiya: In order not to waste time, let’s get to the Successful families can only happen in
point. I was informed by Mr. Sakchai that an adopted heterosexual relationships; SOCIAL ISSUE
child in this house has been raised in the environment straight people thinking children of gay couples
that’s… So, I am concerned and afraid that the kid will will be automatically excluded/isolated
feel different. He may feel unhappy, and become

aggressive or even depressive.
Phoon: Well, Ms. Rattiya. I think Mr Sakchai is too
prejudiced. Some children are born from love, others
from just sexual desire. But, that’s not so important as
long as they grow up in a warm family.
Ms. Rattiya: How could you indicate which family is
warm?
Phoon: Because we didn’t adopt him from desire. My
boyfriend and I adopted him because of our love. I’m
confident that our love is no less than that of any male-
female couples.
Yuke: Yes, and the same-sex marriage bill is about to be
passed. I believe that this bill will make the society more
open to our relationship and have better understanding
about our son and family.
Ms. Rattiya: I understand. But, even if you are
accepted by the law, the society may not be that open.
Children are brought up with their society, not with the
law. Many people and I appreciate your love. But when
we talk about “family”, we can’t just talk for the sake
of just an individual. No matter if they’re adopted
children, or any other kids, they should have the right
to grow up in the same environment as…ordinary
people. And what about his real mother?
Phoon: We have no idea. We just know that he was
abandoned at the orphanage when he was just a few

days old. And the orphanage hasn’t heard from his
mother since then. Fortunately, I applied for an
adoption at the time. I brought him after my
qualifications were approved.
Ms. Rattiya: Considering your house, I don’t doubt your
qualifications. But you probably don’t want your son to
have a shortcoming or feel isolated, do you? Do you
mind if I’d like to talk with your son?
Yuke: And do you mind if I do?
Phoon: How can we trust you?
Ms. Rattiya: What’s your son’s name?
Nan (Butr’s biological mother): I’m sorry. · Straight people’s perspective that all children STEREOTYPES
Ms. Rattiya: You don’t need to say sorry to me. You need a mother to be loved properly.
didn’t leave me at the orphanage.
Nan (Butr’s biological mother): I was in the final year at
university. And because I got pregnant, I had to drop · Perceiving gay parents’ love as insufficient
out. That man didn’t even care. He didn’t take any
responsibility. I didn’t even dare tell my parents. I was
so scared and not ready, then. And how is he now?
Ms. Rattiya: Now he has good fathers, but every kid
needs a mother.
Nan (Butr’s biological mother): I’m sorry. It could be a
repercussion. I had a new son, but he was gone.
Ms. Rattiya: Would you like to see him?
Nan: I’m sorry. I know I was a bad mother. Actually, just · Microaggression SOCIAL ISSUE
knowing that he is happy, I’m really glad. But when I · Invalidation of gay parents’ capacity to take care
know he wants to have a mother, I feel so guilty. of/love a child
Knowing he wants to see me, I feel even worse. I just
want to see him and compensate for what I had done.
Phoon: Without a mother, Butr is already pitiful. Do you
want him to know that his own mother abandoned him?
Yuke: You left him, and now you wanna see him when
you want. Don’t you think you’re a little too selfish.
Tiw (Nan’s husband): I must apologize for my wife’s
selfishness. But I believe your beloved son somehow
wants to see his own mother.
Ms. Rattiya: Mr., Phoon, Mr. Yuke, though Butr is Mr.
Phoon’s adopted son by law, or even the same sex-
marriage bill is passed, a same-sex couple can’t have a
baby by nature. It’s obvious that your son is having a
problem. If you really love your son, you should give him
a chance. Perhaps, the boy doesn’t want something
special, just the same thing as his friends.
Phoon: What’s next?
Yuke: Phoon…
Ms. Rattiya: Just let him spend time with his mom, a
week or two, then come back to stay with you. I believe
it will help fulfill what he longs for.
Yuke: This is clearly selfish.
Ms. Rattiya: You’d better be more generous. He’s
nobody, but your son. He just wants to have a mother.

Not every orphan is lucky enough to find his birth
mother.
Phoon: And how could I be sure you won’t abandon him
again?
Nan: Losing my little kid is more than enough already. I
just want to see him to compensate for what I had done.
Ms. Rattiya: How would you explain how he was born?
Yuke: He will learn from school when it’s time. And he’ll
understand.
Ms. Rattiya: And how would you describe your
relationship? Being homosexual is not wrong. But if
there’re choices, I believe no one would want a kid to be
gay. I think, deep inside, you are also afraid, aren’t you?
Phoon: Your friend told me you fell down. · Internalized homophobia; isolating/excluding a SOCIAL ISSUE
Phoon’s Father: I was just dancing as usual. Falling down co-LGBTQ+ person as they might encourage
when dancing is normal. others to become homosexual STRUGGLES: Man vs
Yuke: You have to be more careful. Himself
Phoon: No wonder why Mom left.
Phoon’s Father: Yes, I was too late. Unlike both of you. · LGBTQ+ person blaming themselves for other’s
Yuke: He is just worried about you. Take good care of sexual orientation
yourself, though.
Phoon’s Father: It’s like you’re not accustomed to me. I
raised you up.
Phoon: Sometimes, being accustomed is harmful. It
makes us unprepared.
Phoon’s Father: Just use protection. You’re over 30 now.

Phoon: I’m not talking about that.
Phoon’s Father: I know, you’re talking about Butr. I’m
sorry for what I am. I’m guilty about you and also you
mom. I’m sorry for being the main reason that you
became like me. But what can I do? I’ve tried not to
chitchat with Butr, because I know you’re afraid. So am
I. Go… I will sleep. Just go.
Yuke: Good night, Dad.
Phoon: Shall we try to behave like we are friends? He · LGBTQ+ person feeling ashamed of one’s STRUGGLES: Man vs
probably understands we are his fathers. But he doesn’t LGBTQ+ sexual activities Himself
understand our relationship.
Yuke: What do you mean? · LGBTQ+ person feeling ashamed of one’s same-
Phoon: Like… if we behave like friends or brothers, it sex romantic relationship
might be easier for him to understand us.
Yuke: What about the registration?
Phoon: I’m also worried about this. If we register our
marriage, the society will know. Butr’s official
documents will always show for the rest of his life. I
think we’d better postpone it. It’s not too late to do it
after we consider it carefully. Also, same-sex love is not
all about marriage registration. It’s more important to
understand each other. There are a lot of normal
couples who don’t register their marriage.
Yuke: Like Tul and his girlfriend? The girl’s family took
the kid away and doesn’t even allow Tul to register
himself as father. Now, Tul has no right in his son,

wasting time suing his girlfriend, though they’re a
normal couple. Now, only you have the right in Butr. If
something unexpected happened, I would become
someone without legal relationship with Butr.
Phoon: I understand, but…Yuke! Yuke!
Yuke: Are you sure you wanna do this? You’re hurting · Internalized homophobia; does not want his SOCIAL ISSUE
our family. All of us will only regret it. own child to become gay
Phoon: I don’t want to confuse him. I know it’s hurt to
cure the wound, but it’s better than waiting until it’s · Thinking that being LGBTQ+ is
too late. contagious/something that must be cured STEREOTYPES
Yuke: Well said! Don’t you love him?
Phoon: I do. I don’t want him to be a problem child.
Yuke: A problem child, or your problem?
Phoon: What do you mean? I’m doing for our son and
trying to sustain our family.
Yuke: For him or for yourself? And most importantly,
this is our family.
Phoon: Aren’t you afraid that he’ll become gay like us?
Yuke: Don’t put your weakness on him. I won’t let him
go anywhere.
Phoon: But he is my son.
Yuke: That’s right. Butr is a son only to you. What about
my love for Butr? Is it nothing to you?
[Flashback] LGBTQ+ love is not real love; love can only STEREOTYPES
happen in heterosexual relationships
Butr: How were we born?

Ms. Rattiya: We were born from the love of a man and a
woman. And when they have a baby, they become
father and mother.
Ms. Rattiya: How did you come in? Why didn’t you ask LGBTQ+ person struggles to assert themselves STRUGGLES: Man vs
for permission? Others
Yuke: You put your nose in our business without asking
for permission, too.
Ms. Rattiya: That’s because I felt sympathetic.
Yuke: You didn’t have to. Just don’t see us as abnormal
ones. That’s enough.
Ms. Rattiya; I just tried to solve the problem instead. I
insist that I truly understand him.
Yuke: You don’t have to understand everything,
especially other’s business. You try to be looking glass
reflecting other’s sufferings, but never look at your
meddling self.
Tiw: I told you. A child is not like a puppy that can be · Microaggression; thinking gay couples cause SOCIAL ISSUE
replaced. problematic children
Nan: But he’s my son. He’s just curious like other boys. If
we teach and give him some time, he might be better. · Invalidation of gay parenting
Tiw: I have no idea how that gay couple raised him.
Yuke: And what about this? The invitation letter for the LGBTQ+ person feeling ashamed of one’s own STRUGGLES: Man vs
Father’s Day. Why is it in the bin? sexual orientation; isolating one’s LGBTQ+ partner Himself
Phoon: I’m afraid that when you see it, you’ll miss him
and wanna join the activity.

Yuke: I just realized that you’re such a coward. Missing
him means that we love him so much. Letting him go
with his mother doesn’t mean we’re no longer his
fathers.
[Phoon starts to hurt himself]
Yuke: Phoon! Phoon! Please don’t. Phoon! Stop!

Phoon…
Phoon: It was my fault. I made everything worse. I never
wanted to let him go. But… I was scared.
Yuke: It’s parent’s responsibility to take care of, not to
choose.
Phoon: Why didn’t you warn me?
Yuke: Do I have the right to do so? I’m afraid you will say
he is your son again. You know. I didn’t dare to talk
about him again since then.
Phoon: I’m sorry. I’m a coward. I’m selfish.
Yuke: I don’t care about marriage registration now. I
realized that possession is not more important than
having a chance to take care of him. I miss him.
Phoon: So do I.
Yuke: You know? He was so sad that night. He thought
we didn’t love him. He even asked me to run away with
him.
Phoon: I feel like I ruined everything. I’m sorry. I’m

ashamed. I don’t even dare to see him.
Yuke: We’re still fine. You are still his father by law.
Perhaps, just be what we are and let him be what he is.
That’s enough. I don’t believe that we can’t take care of
him on our own.
[Flashback] · Acceptance of LGBTQ+ love CHANGES
Butr: I have two fathers. How are Papi and Daddy

related to each other? My friends said my fathers are · Validating LGBTQ+ love by a cis-het person
queers.
Ms. Rattiya: It’s a nonsense. Both of them are the ones · Straight person being open to discuss LGBTQ+
who love you the most. How much do you love them? love
Butr: The most in the world.
Ms. Rattiya: Why is that?
Butr: I don’t know, but it’s so much.
Ms. Rattiya: Good. I believe you can’t imagine how
much you’ll love your mom. But for Papi and Daddy, you
don’t need to imagine at all. You can see and feel it
every second. You know? You’re luckier than I am. I
grew up in an orphan house.
Butr: What does orphan mean?
Ms. Rattiya: It means a child without mom and dad.
Since I could remember, I had to admit that I have none
of them.
Butr: And what did you do?
Ms. Rattiya: It might be too difficult for a kid like you.

But if you love what you have, you’ll have what you
love.
Malila: The Farewell Flower (2017)

Pich: Do you remember our favorite place? I want to go there. LGBTQ+ hiding their STRUGGLES: Man
Shane: My daughter died there. You know that, right? That morning, I ran there… relationship due to family vs Family
When I got there, do you know what I saw? A python… It was there next to the
anthill. Have you ever hugged the dead? That was not my daughter. There was no
strength. There was nothing inside. Every part of her was like liquid. Like water…
Pich: She’s dead. She knows nothing now.
[Shane saw Pich naked. Shane touches Pitch’s back.] Sexual tension, intimacy, Sexual Activities
kissing
Pich: The scar is from the biopsy the doctor did.
[Shane started kissing Pich’s neck]

[Both of them naked, started kissing each other]
[Shane saw another scar from Pich’s body]
Pich: This is the scar from where they took my heart away.
[They hug each other]

Shane: I want to become a monk for a while. Maybe it could heal you. Doing everything for an Romantic
Pich: But I’m getting better now. LGBTQ+ lover Experience: love
Shane: Can you create a Bai Sri for my ordination ceremony? against all odds
Pich: Okay. I’ll do my best.
Shane: I’ll be a monk for a while. When I leave the monkhood… can you live with
me?
Monk: I have something for Pich. This is the medicine for him. You can take it with Religion/Belief-based SOCIAL ISSUE
Western medicine. They can go together. discrimination; concept of
Shane: Thank you. “Karma” in Thai society
Monk: Did you see Pich when his condition got worse?
Shane: No.
Monk: When I saw him last year at his mother’s memorial service, he was so
skinny, but he ate a lot, and then he threw up. Maybe it was because of his
karma. It’s good that you want to be a monk for him. Good karma from that may
help him. Or if he dies, his soul will go to a better place.
Shane: Okay.
Shane: Your body is too warm. Sick LGBTQ+ person STRUGGLES: Man
Pich: It’s like this. It’s getting warmer. If you can’t stand me… we don’t have to be blaming themselves vs Himself; Man vs
together. I don’t want you to suffer because of me. Nature
[Shane and Pich are having sexual intercourse] Sex, Intimacy Sexual Activities
Shane: Are you okay?

[Shane saw Pich lying on the ground. He saw Pich’s blood in his mouth and body] Tragedy: death of a lover Romantic
Experience:
Shane: Pich! Pich! Tragedy
[Shane realized that Pich is already dead]

[Shane imagines the corpse as Pich] Longing for a dead lover STRUGGLES: Man
[Shane hugs Pich (in his hallucination)] vs Himself; Man vs
Nature
Shane: I’m sorry. I’m sorry.
APPENDIX B
PHILIPPINE QUEER FILMS
ANG SAYAW NG DALAWANG KALIWANG PAA (2011)
SYNOPSIS
“An unconventional love triangle that springs from a college student’s infatuation
with his much older dance teacher. Wanting her attention, he asked the class
beadle for dance training. Little did he know that he is in love with him.”
Note. Synopsis was retrieved from Letterboxd.
AWARDS AND NOMINATIONS

15 wins and 24 nominations
Bogota Film Festival (2011)
Winner Alvin Yapan
Bronze Precolumbian
Circle
Nominee Best Film
Golden Precolumbian Alvin Yapan
Circle
Cinemalaya Independent Film Festival (2011)
Best Cinematography – New Breed
Winner Arvin Viola
Balanghai Trophy Best Original Music Score – New Breed
Christine Muyco
Jema Pamintuan
Nominee Best Film – New Breed
Balanghai Trophy Alvin Yapan
FAP Awards, Philippines (2012)
Nominee Best Production Design
Balanghai Trophy Aped Santos
Gawad Urian Awards (2021)
Winner Best Film of the Decade (Natatanging Pelikula ng
Dekada Award Dekada)
Alvin Yapan
2010-2019
Best Picture (Pinakamahusay na Pelikula)
Best Actor (Pinakamahusay na Pangunahing
Aktor)
Paulo Avelino
Best Supporting Actress (Pinakamahusay na
Pangalawang Aktres)
Winner
Jean Garcia
Gawad Urian Award
Best Screenplay (Pinakamahusay na Dulang
Pampelikula)
Alvin Yapan
Best Music (Pinakamahusay na Musika)
Christine Muyco
Jema Pamintuan
Best Cinematography (Pinakamahusay na
Sinematograpiya)
Arvin Viola
Nominee Best Editing (Pinakamahusay na Editing)
Gawad Urian Award Mai Dionisio
Golden Screen Awards, Philippines (2012)
Best Performance by an Actress in a Leading Role
Winner (Drama)
Golden Screen Award Jean Garcia
Breakthrough Performance by an Actor
Rocco Nacino
Best Motion Picture (Drama)
Cinemalaya Foundation
Vim Yapan/Alem Chua Productions
Best Performance by an Actor in a Leading Role
(Drama)
Paulo Avelino
Best Director
Alvin Yapan
Nominee Best Original Screenplay
Golden Screen Award Alvin Yapan
Best Story
Alvin Yapan
Best Sound
Arnold Reodica
Best Musical Score
Christine Muyco
Jema Pamintuan
Best Original Song

Jema Pamintuan (music)
Joi Barrios (lyrics)
Victor Robinson III (interpreter)
For the song “Paglisan”
Hawaii International Film Festival (2011)
Nominee Narrative Feature
Halekulani Golden Orchid Alvin Yapan
Award
SoHo International Film Festival (2012)
Nominee Best World Showcase
Festival Prize Alvin Yapan
Star Awards for Movies (2012)
Winner New Movie Actor of the Year
Star Award Rocco Nacino
Digital Movie of the Year
Cinemalaya Foundation
Vim Yapan/Alem Chua Productions
Bigtop Media Productions
SQ Film Laboratories
Optima Digital
Digital Movie Director of the Year
Alvin Yapan
Nominee Digital Movie Original Screenplay of the Year
Star Award Alvin Yapan
Digital Movie Cinematographer of the Year
Arvin Viola
Digital Movie Editor of the Year
Mai Dionisio
Digital Movie Production Designer of the Year
Aped Santos
Digital Movie Musical Scorer of the Year
Christine Muyco
Jema Pamintuan
Digital Movie Sound Engineer of the Year
Arnold Reodica
Digital Movie Original Theme Song of the Year
For the song "Kinukumutan Ka ng Aking Titig"
Young Critics Circle, Philippines (2012)

Winner Best Achievement in Sound and Aural
YCC Award Orchestration
Arnold Reodica (sound designer and engineer)
Christine Muyco (musical scorer)
Jema Pamintuan (musical scorer)
Nominee Best Screenplay
YCC Award Alvin Yapan
Note. Awards and nominations were retrieved from IMDb.
BWAKAW (2012)
SYNOPSIS
“Gruff and alone, retiree Rene rejects most human contact but begins to soften
when he comes to terms with his homosexuality.”
Note. Synopsis was retrieved from Netflix.

Asia-Pacific Film Festival (2012)
Winner Best Actor
APFF Award Eddie Garcia
Asian Film Awards (2013)
Winner Best Actor
Asian Film Award Eddie Garcia
Winner Favorite Actor
People’s Choice Eddie Garcia
Award
Cinemalaya Independent Film Festival (2012)
Winner Directors Showcase
Audience Award Jun Lana
Winner Best Actor – Directors Showcase
Balanghai Trophy Eddie Garcia
Winner Directors Showcase
NETPAC Award Jun Lana
Nominee Best Film - Directors Showcase
Balanghai Trophy Jun Lana
Best Picture
Best Director
Jun Lana
Best Actor
Nominee
Eddie Garcia
FAP Award
Best Supporting Actor
Rez Cortez
Best Screenplay
Jun Lana
Best Production Design

Joey Luna
Fribourg International Film Festival (2013)
Nominee Jun Lana
Grand Prix
Best Production Design (Pinakamahusay na Disenyong
Pamproduksiyon)
Joey Luna
Best Cinematography (Pinakamahusay na
Sinematograpiya)
Carlo Mendoza
Best Screenplay (Pinakamahusay na Dulang
Pampelikula)
Nominee Jun Lana
Gawad Urian Best Direction (Pinakamahusay na Direksyon)
Award Jun Lana
Best Actor (Pinakamahusay na Pangunahing Aktor)
Eddie Garcia
Best Picture (Pinakamahusay na Pelikula)
Antonio P. Tuviera (producer)
Ferdinand Lapuz (producer)
Ramel David (executive producer)
Jojo Oconer (executive producer)
Michael Tuviera (executive producer)
Perci M. Intalan (executive producer)
Jun Lana (executive producer)
Best Picture (Drama
Best Performance by an Actor in a Leading Role
(Drama)
Eddie Garcia
Tied with Alfred Vargas in Supremo.
Winner
Golden Screen Best Director
Award Jun Lana
Best Original Screenplay
Jun Lana
Best Story
Jun Lana
Best Cinematography
Carlo Mendoza
Best Performance by an Actor in a Supporting Role
(Drama, Musical or Comedy)
Joey Paras
Best Performance by an Actor in a Supporting Role
(Drama, Musical or Comedy)
Nominee
Soxy Topacio
Golden Screen
Award Best Editing
Lawrence Ang
Joey Luna
Best Sound
Mark Locsin
Alex Tomboc
Best Musical Score
Jema Pamintuan
Best Visual/Special Effects
Imaginary Friends Studio
Hawaii International Film Festival (2012)
Nominee Narrative Feature
Halekulani Golden Jun Lana
Orchid Award
Hong Kong International Film Festival (2013)
Nominee Jun Lana
SIGNIS Award
L.A. Outfest (2013)
Nominee Outstanding International Narrative Feature
Grand Jury Award Jun Lana
Indie Movie of the Year
Indie Movie Director of the Year
Jun Lana
Movie Actor of the Year
Eddie Garcia
Indie Movie Screenwriter of the Year

Jun Lana
Indie Movie Cinematographer of the Year
Nominee
Carlo Mendoza
Star Award
Indie Movie Production Designer of the Year
Joey Luna
Indie Movie Editor of the Year
Lawrence Ang
Indie Movie Sound Engineer of the Year
Mark Locsin
Alex Tomboc
Indie Movie Musical Scorer of the Year
Jema Pamintuan
Tokyo International Film Festival (2012)
Winner Jun Lana
Asian Film Award -
Special Mention
Vesoul Asian Film Festival (2013)
Winner Jun Lana
Emile Guimet For its humanist and sensitive background, its surprising
Award intense characters with rich and unique personalities. A
film where death itself is a reminder of life.
Winner Jun Lana
Grand Prize of the For its bravery and accuracy of subject matter, its simple
International Jury and complex acting and delicate expressions of
humanity, friendship, love and loneliness.
Winner Jun Lana
High Schools
Award
Nominee Jun Lana
Golden Wheel
ANG HULING CHA-CHA NI ANITA (2013)
SYNOPSIS
“A 12-year-old Anita falls in love with the new woman in town; years later, a
girlhood crush blossoms during the Fiesta of Santa Clara in Obando, Bulacan.”
Note. Synopsis was retrieved from IMDb.

CineFilipino Film Festival (2016)
Winner Sigrid Andrea Bernardo
Special Citation For being the most successful film of the first CineFilipino
Film Festival.
CineFilipino Film Festival (2013)
Best Picture
Sigrid Andrea Bernardo
Tied with The Story of Mabuti (2013).
Winner Best Actress
Jury Prize Therese Malvar
Best Supporting Actress
Angel Aquino
Best Ensemble
Winner Best Supporting Actress (Pinakamahusay na Pangalawang
Gawad Urian Aktres)
Award Angel Aquino
Nominee Best Actress (Pinakamahusay na Pangunahing Aktres)
Gawad Urian Therese Malvar
Award
Winner Best Performance by an Actress in a Supporting Role
Golden Screen (Drama, Musical or Comedy)
Award Angel Aquino
Nominee Breakthrough Performance by an Actress
Golden Screen Therese Malvar
Award
Milan International Lesbian and Gay Film Festival (2015)

Winner Special Mention
Best Film Sigrid Andrea Bernardo
Osaka Asian Film Festival (2014)
Winner Sigrid Andrea Bernardo
Special Mention
Nominee Sigrid Andrea Bernardo
Grand Prix
Winner Movie Supporting Actress of the Year
Star Award Angel Aquino
New Movie Actress of the Year
Therese Malvar
Movie Child Performer of the Year
Lenlen Frial
Sigrid Andrea Bernardo
Nominee Sigrid Andrea Bernardo
Star Award Indie Movie Cinematographer of the Year
Alma de la Peña
Indie Movie Production Designer of the Year
Popo Diaz
Diwa De Leon
Lawrence Ang
Kamille Leccio
Nioki Aquino
DIE BEAUTIFUL (2016)

SYNOPSIS
“When a trans woman with beauty queen dreams dies during a pageant, her
glamorous wake reveals the passionate and colorful life she led.”

Asia-Pacific Screen Awards (2017)
Nominee Best Performance by an Actor
Asia Pacific Screen Paolo Ballesteros
Award
Nominee Jun Lana
UNESCO Award
Best Picture
Best Director
Jun Lana
Winner
FAP Award
Christian Bables
Best Screenplay
Rody Vera
Best Editing
Benjamin Gonzales Tolentino
Best Actor
Paolo Ballesteros
Gladys Reyes
Nominee
Best Cinematography
FAP Award
Carlo Mendoza
Best Musical Score
Richard Gonzales
Best Sound
Lamberto Casas Jr.
Armand De Guzman

Paolo Ballesteros
Winner Best Supporting Actor (Pinakamahusay na
Gawad Urian Award Pangalawang Aktor)
Christian Bables
Best Production Design (Pinakamahusay na Disenyong
Nominee Pamproduksiyon)
Gawad Urian Award Angel B. Diesta
Best Editing (Pinakamahusay na Editing)
Kerala International Film Festival (2016)
Winner Paolo Ballesteros
Special Jury Prize
Metro Manila Film Festival (2016)
Best Actor
MMFF Award Best Supporting Actor
Christian Bables
My Most Favorite Film
Best Picture
Best Ensemble Cast
Gladys Reyes
Nominee
MMFF Award Best Director
Jun Lana
Best Screenplay
Rody Vera
Angel B. Diesta
Newcastle International Film Festival (2018)
Winner Best Feature
Victorem
Movie of the Year
Movie Director of the Year
Jun Lana
Winner Movie Screenwriter of the Year

Star Award Rody Vera
Movie Cinematographer of the Year
Carlo Mendoza
Movie Editor of the Year
Paolo Ballesteros
Movie Supporting Actor of the Year
Christian Bables
Nominee New Movie Actor of the Year
Star Award Christian Bables
Movie Production Designer of the Year
Angel B. Diesta
Movie Musical Scorer of the Year
Richard Gonzales
Movie Sound Engineer of the Year
Armand De Guzman
Lamberto Casas Jr.
Tokyo International Film Festival (2016)
Winner Jun Lana
Audience Award
Best Actor Award
Nominee Best Film
Tokyo Grand Prix Jun Lana
CHANGING PARTNERS (2017)
SYNOPSIS
“Vincent De Jesus' "Changing Partners" begins with Alex and Cris as a live-in
couple. The love story, shown through the perspective of different genders, paints
how a real relationship works. It eschews the narrative for emotions and
established that love knows no gender when it pains or soothes, when it hurts and
heals.”
Note. Synopsis was retrieved from Showtimes.com.

Cinema One Originals Digital Film Festival (2017)
Winner
Audience Award
Best Director
Dan Villegas
Tied with Giancarlo Abrahan for Please -
Care (2017).
Best Ensemble Acting
Winner
C1 Originals Award Best Actor
Jojit Lorenzo
Best Actress
Agot Isidro
Best Editing
Marya Ignacio
Best Music
Vincent De Jesus
Winner
Champion Bughaw
Award
Best Picture
Dan Villegas
Best Cinematography
Mycko David
Best Sound
Mikko Quizon
Jason Conanan
Kathrine Ariane Salinas
Nominee
Shari Marie Montiague
C1 Originals Award
Best Actor
Sandino Martin
Best Actress
Anna Luna
Best Screenplay
Lilit Reyes
Vincent De Jesus
FAMAS Awards (2018)

Outstanding Performance by an Actress in a Leading
Role
Agot Isidro
Winner Best Adapted Screenplay
FAMAS Award Vincent De Jesus
Lilit Reyes
Based on the musical of the same title by Vincent De
Jesus.
Outstanding Performance by an Actor in a Leading Role
Jojit Lorenzo
Nominee Outstanding Achievement in Editing
C1 Originals Award Marya Ignacio
Best Original Song
Song: "Yung pakiramdam"
Nominee Best Actress
FAP Award Agot Isidro
Best Picture
Best Director
Dan Villegas
Best Actor
Sandino Martin
Best Actress
Agot Isidro

Anna Luna
Best Screenplay
Nominee
Lilit Reyes
FAP Award
Vincent De Jesus
Shari Marie Montiague
Best Editing
Marya Ignacio
Best Music
Vincent De Jesus
Best Sound
Jason Conanan
Mikko Quizon
Best Actress (Pinakamahusay na Pangunahing Aktres)
Agot Isidro
Jojit Lorenzo
Sandino Martin
Best Editing (Pinakamahusay na Editing)
Nominee Marya Ignacio
Gawad Urian Best Music (Pinakamahusay na Musika)
Award Vincent De Jesus
Best Sound (Pinakamahusay na Tunog)
Mikko Quizon
Dan Villegas
Winner
Lilit Reyes
Star Award
Vincent De Jesus
Marya Ignacio

Vincent De Jesus
Jojit Lorenzo
Nominee Movie Actress of the Year
Star Award Agot Isidro
Mikko Quizon
Jason Conanan
RAINBOW’S SUNSET (2018)

SYNOPSIS
“It tells the story of an old man who comes out as gay to his children in his senior
years, to take care of his ailing lover.”
Note. Synopsis was retrieved from IMDb.

FAMAS Awards (2019)
Nominee Best Original Song
FAMAS Award Emerzon Texon (music, lyrics)
Song: "Sa'yo na"
Best Actor
Eddie Garcia
Nominee Best Supporting Actress
FAMAS Award Aiko Melendez
Sunshine Dizon
International Film Festival Manhattan (2019)
Winner Best Actress (Feature Film)
Best Actress Gloria Romero
Winner Best Feature Film (Global)
Best Feature Harlene Bautista (producer)
Film
Metro Manila Film Festival (2018)
Winner
Gatpuno
Antonio J.
Villegas
Cultural
Award
Best Picture
Best Director
Joel Lamangan
Best Actress
Winner Gloria Romero
MMFF Award Best Supporting Actor
Tony Mabesa
Aiko Melendez
Best Screenplay
Enrique Ramos
Jay Custodio
Best Original Theme Song
Emerzon Texon
Aiza Seguerra
Winner Feature Film
Special Jury Max Collins
Prize Feature Film
Eddie Garcia
Best Actor
Eddie Garcia
Tirso Cruz III
Sunshine Dizon
Nominee Best Cinematography
MMFF Award Rain Yamson
Best Editing
Mai Calapardo
Best Sound
Albert Michael Idioma
Alex Tomboc
Best Musical Score
Emerzon Texon
Winner Best Original Song
Star Award Emerzon Texon (music, lyrics)
Song: "Sa'yo na"
Movie Actress of the Year
Gloria Romero

Eddie Garcia
Movie Supporting Actor of the Year
Tirso Cruz III
Movie Supporting Actress of the Year
Sunshine Dizon
Movie Supporting Actress of the Year
Nominee Aiko Melendez
Star Award New Movie Actress of the Year
Ali Forbes
Movie Child Performer of the Year
Noel Comia Jr.
Movie Cinematographer of the Year
Rain Yamson
Movie Production Designer of the Year
Jay Custodio
Movie Editor of the Year
Mai Calapardo
Movie Musical Scorer of the Year
Emerzon Texon
Movie Sound Engineer of the Year
Albert Michael Idioma
Alex Tomboc
APPENDIX C
THAI QUEER FILMS
YES OR NO (2010)
SYNOPSIS
“Pie, a college girl who holds a negative attitude about tomboys and lesbians. Yet
she finds out that her new college dorm roommate, Kim, is a tomboy who looks
and dress like a boy. As their friendship develops, Pie and Kim begin to wonder if
the feeling they feel for one another is just an ordinary friendship or true love.”
Note. Synopsis was retrieved from Mydramalist.com.

1 win and 3 nominations
Milan International Lesbian and Gay Film Festival (2012)
Best Film Saratswadee Wongsomphet
Thailand National Film Association Awards (2011)
Special Mention
Saratswadee Wongsomphet
Nominee Best Original Song
National Film For the song "Thaa Sak Wan Theu Ja Klaa Phaw" (If
Association Award One Day, You Would Dare...)
Best Score
IT GETS BETTER (2012)

SYNOPSIS
“Three transsexual men take journeys and fall in love.”
Note. Synopsis was retrieved from Rotten Tomatoes.

Santo Domingo OutFest (2012)
Winner Best Film
Audience Choice Award Tanwarin Sukkhapisit (director)
Best Film
Winner Tanwarin Sukkhapisit (producer)
Jury Prize Best Script
Tanwarin Sukkhapisit (writer)
Best Director
Tanwarin Sukkhapisit (director)
Prama Imanotai
Best Costume Design
Winner Panchalee Pintong
National Film Association Tanwarin Sukkhapisit
Award
Best Art Direction
Phontharis Chotkijsadarsopon
Narongsak Pawapootanon
Best Picture
Best Director
Tanwarin Sukkhapisit
Best Screenplay
Nominee
Tanwarin Sukkhapisit
National Film Association
Award Best Editing
Suchart Sangchu
Manussa Vorasingha
Best Sound
Nakorn Kositpaisain
Nominated shared with Korrakote

Kraisamut
HOW TO WIN AT CHECKERS (EVERY TIME) (2015)

SYNOPSIS
“On the eve of the draft lottery in Thailand, Oat remembers trying to convince his
older brother to change his fate.”

Athens International Film Festival (2015)
Nominee Best Picture
Golden Athena Josh Kim
Berlin International Film Festival (2015)
Nominee Best Feature Film
Teddy Josh Kim
Czech Gay and Lesbian Film Festival (2015)
Nominee Feature Film Competition
Grand Jury Prize Josh Kim
FilmOut San Diego, US (2015)
Winner Best International Feature
FilmOut Audience Awards Josh Kim
Best International Feature
Josh Kim (director)
Nominee Best Screenplay
FilmOut Audience Awards Josh Kim
Best Actor
Thira Chutikul
KASHISH Mumbai International Queer Film Festival (2016)
Winner Best Narrative Feature
Jury Award Josh Kim (director)
Best Performance in a Lead Role
Ingkarat Damrongsakkul (actor)
Miami Gay and Lesbian Film Festival (2015)
Jury Award Josh Kim
Out on Film, Atlanta, US (2015)
Winner Best Film
Jury Award Josh Kim
Best Director
Josh Kim
Winner Best Supporting Actor
National Film Association Award Ingkarat Damrongsakkul
Best Picture
Best Actor
Thira Chutikul
Best Director
Nominee Josh Kim
National Film Association Award Best Screenplay
Josh Kim
Best Editing
Kamontorn Eakwattanakij
Best Score
Boovar Isbjornsson
Best Costume Design
Phim Umari
Rujirumpai Mongkol
TLA Gaybies (2016)
Nominee Best Gay Drama
TLA Gaybie Josh Kim (director)
VC FilmFest – Los Angeles Asian Pacific Film Festival (2015)
Winner Narrative Feature
Audience Award Josh Kim
THE BLUE HOUR (2015)

SYNOPSIS
“A bullied loner finds solace in another boy's arms when they meet at a haunted
swimming pool.”

Berlin International Film Festival (2015)
Teddy Anucha Boonyawatana
Fantasia Film Festival (2015)
New Flesh Award for Best First Feature Anucha Boonyawatana
FEST International Film Festival (2016)
Jury Prize – Frontiers Selection Anucha Boonyawatana
Best Picture
Best Actor
Atthaphan Phunsawat
Djuangjai Hirunsri
Oabnithi Wiwattanawarang
Best Director
Anucha Boonyawatana
Best Screenplay
Nominee Anucha Boonyawatana
National Film Association Award Wasuthep Ketpetch
Best Editing
Chonlasit Upanigkit
Anuphap Autta
Best Cinematography
Chaiyapruek Chalermpornpanich
Kamolpan Ngiwtong
Best Sound
Nopawat Likitwong
One Cool & Ramindra Sound Studio
Best Art Direction
Phairot Siriwath
Best Score
Chapavich Temnitikul
Note. Retrieved from IMDb.
FATHERS (2016)
SYNOPSIS
“A gay couple faces personal challenges and society's expectations when their
adopted son starts grade school and notices his family's unique dynamic.”

1 nomination
QCinema International Film Festival (2017)
Nominee Best Picture – RainbowQC Competition
Pylon Award Palatpol Mingpornpichit
MALILA: THE FAREWELL FLOWER (2017)

SYNOPSIS
“Leaving behind painful chapters in their past, two star-crossed men rekindle their
intimate relationship and search for peace and transcendence.”

Asia Pacific Screen Awards (2018)
Nominee Achievement in Cinematography
Asia Pacific Screen Award Chaiyapruek Chalermpornpanich
Asian Film Awards (2018)
Nominee Best New Director
Asian Film Award Anucha Boonyawatana
Best Actor
Sukollawat Kanarot
Busan International Film Festival (2017)
Winner Window on Asian Cinema
Kim Ji Seok Award Anucha Boonyawatana
Czech Gay and Lesbian Film Festival (2018)
Nominee Feature Film Competition
Grand Jury Prize Anucha Boonyawatana
Göteborg Film Festival (2018)
International Debut Award
Hong Kong Asian Film Festival (2017)
New Talent Award
L.A. Outfest (2018)
Winner Outstanding Artistic Achievement
Special Programming Committee Anucha Boonyawatana
Award
QCinema International Film Festival (2018)
Nominee Best Picture - Asian Next Wave
Pylon Award Competition
Anucha Boonyawatana
Singapore International Film Festival (2017)
Winner Best Director

Silver Screen Award Anucha Boonyawatana
Nominee Best Asian Feature Film
Silver Screen Award Anucha Boonyawatana
São Paulo International Film Festival (2018)
Nominee Best Film
New Directors Competition Anucha Boonyawatana
Best Picture
Best Director
Winner Anucha Boonyawatana
National Film Association Award
Best Actor
Sukollawat Kanarot
Anuchit Sapanpong
Nominee Best Supporting Actor
National Film Association Award Sumret Muengput

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UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMAS FACULTY OF ARTS AND LETTERS

Oriental Queers in the Silver Screen:

BAUTISTA, Ghislaine Faye M.

To the alive and buried.

Our stories and struggles will no longer be subdued.

Ito ay alay sa mga lumalaban, sa mga nagsilbing boses ng mga pinatatahimik.

Sa mga buháy at nakahimlay.

Ang ating mga salaysay at pagsasakwil ay hindi na kailanman masusupil.

ความพยายามนี ขออุ ้ ทศ ้ ่ส่

แด่ผท ่ี งมีชวี ิตอยู่และวายชนม ์ แด่วรี บุรุษทีไม่

- Ghislaine, Patrisha, Paulo (กิสเลน, ปาริชา, เปาโล)

GHISLAINE FAYE M. BAUTISTA

REMAR PAULO L. PANGANIBAN

Ms. MA. REGINA P. AGUSTIN

Certificate of Approval for Oral Defense

This thesis entitled

Oriental Queers in the Silver Screen: A Thematic Analysis of the Post-Second

prepared and submitted by Ghislaine Faye M. Bautista, Patrisha B. Magcanan,

MS. MA. REGINA P. AGUSTIN

MS. MA. REGINA P. AGUSTIN

ADVISER’S GRADE: 98.2

Date: April 8, 2022

This thesis entitled

Oriental Queers in the Silver Screen: A Thematic Analysis of the Post-Second

prepared and submitted by GHISLAINE FAYE M. BAUTISTA, PATRISHA B.

MS. MA. REGINA P. AGUSTIN, MPS

ASST. PROF. JAN MICHAEL V. DENILA, MPS

PROF. MARILU R. MADRUNIO, Ph.D.

3.3. Data Analysis Techniques 28

5.0. Summary of Findings 111

Figure 1. Theoretical Framework 23

Figure 2. Conceptual Framework Diagram 24

Figure 3. Data Gathering Process Flow 28

Figure 4. Operationalization of Framework 89

Table 1. Selected Thai and Filipino Post-Second Wave Films based on 27

Table 2. Codes under Homophobia for Filipino Queer Films 42

Table 3. Codes under Stereotypes for Filipino Queer Films 47

Table 4. Codes under Struggles for Filipino Queer Films 49

Table 5. Codes under Homophobia for Thai Queer Films 55

Table 6. Codes under Stereotypes for Thai Queer Films 58

Table 7. Codes under Struggles for Thai Queer Films 59

Table 8. Consolidation of Themes and Stories in Philippine and 90

Thai Queer Films in the Post-Second Wave

Table 9. Data Triangulation Table for the Post-Second Wave 96

of Queer Cinema in the Philippines

Cinema in Thailand 103

Appendix A: Thematic Analysis: Coding Table 133

We would also like to express our profound gratitude to our research

Oriental Queers in the Silver Screen: A Thematic Analysis of the Post-Second

Ghislaine Faye M. Bautista, Patrisha B. Magcanan, Remar Paulo L. Panganiban

Cinema is an instrument to construct identities and inculcate principles across wide

Keywords: queer cinema, portrayal, queerness, Thailand and the Philippines

1.0. BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

Considering these, the researchers decided to use queer cinema to

significant societal conditions in Thai and Philippine queer cinema, present

1.1. RESEARCH PROBLEM

The various representations of the LGBTQ+ in Philippine and Thai queer

1.2. RESEARCH QUESTIONS

In this study, the researchers aimed to answer the following questions:

• How do queer themes and portrayals of the post-second wave of

1.3 RESEARCH SIGNIFICANCE

The intersection of Philippine queer cinema and bakla identities was

(2) The Philippines and Thailand have a plethora of resources on gender

(3) Although the Philippines and Thailand have notable differences in