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mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 2 12/07/21 4:43 PM
 SOCIAL
PSYCHOLOGY

mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 1 12/07/21 8:16 PM

 SOCIAL
PSYCHOLOGY
14e

David G. Myers
Hope College

Jean M. Twenge
San Diego State University

mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 3 12/07/21 4:43 PM

 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, FOURTEENTH EDITION

Published by McGraw Hill LLC, 1325 Avenue of the Americas, New York, NY 10019. Copyright ©2022 by
McGraw Hill LLC. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Previous editions ©2019,
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Myers, David G., author. | Twenge, Jean M., 1971- author.
Title: Social psychology / David G. Myers, Hope College, Jean M. Twenge,
San Diego State University.
Description: Fourteenth edition. | New York, NY : McGraw Hill Education,
[2022] | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2020053594 (print) | LCCN 2020053595 (ebook) | ISBN
9781260888539 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781260718898 (spiral bound) | ISBN
9781260888508 (ebook) | ISBN 9781260888522 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Social psychology.
Classification: LCC HM1033 .M944 2022 (print) | LCC HM1033 (ebook) | DDC
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The Internet addresses listed in the text were accurate at the time of publication. The inclusion of a website
does not indicate an endorsement by the authors or McGraw Hill LLC, and McGraw Hill LLC does not
guarantee the accuracy of the information presented at these sites.

mheducation.com/highered

mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 4 12/07/21 4:43 PM

 DGM
For Marcye Van Dyke
With gratitude for your faithful and warm-spirited support

JMT
For my parents: Stephen and JoAnn Twenge

mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 5 12/07/21 4:43 PM

 About the Authors
S ince receiving his University of Iowa Ph.D., David G. Myers has professed psychology
at Michigan’s Hope College. Hope College students have invited him to be their
commencement speaker and voted him “outstanding professor.”
With support from National Science Foundation grants,
Myers’ research has appeared in some three dozen scientific peri-
odicals, including Science, the American Scientist, Psychological
Science, and the American Psychologist.
He has also communicated psychological science through
articles in four dozen magazines, from Today’s Education to
Scientific American, and through his 17, including The Pursuit of
Happiness and Intuition: Its Powers and Perils.
Myers’ research and writings have been recognized by the Gordon
Allport Prize, by an “honored scientist” award from the Federa-
tion of Associations in the Brain and Behavioral Sciences, and
by the Award for Distinguished Service on Behalf of Personality-
Social Psychology.
He has chaired his city’s Human Relations Commission,
helped found a center for families in poverty, and spoken to hun-
dreds of college and community groups. In recognition of his
efforts to transform the way America provides assistive listening
for people with hearing loss (see hearingloop.org), he has received
awards from the American Academy of Audiology, the Hearing
Loss Association of America, and the hearing industry.
David and Carol Myers have three children and one grandchild.

Photo by Hope College Public Relations.
For more information or to contact David Myers, visit
davidmyers.org. David Myers
Photo by Sandy Huffaker, Jr.
For more information or to contact Jean Twenge, visit
vi www.jeantwenge.com Sandy Huffaker, Jr.
As Professor of Psychology at San Diego State University, Jean
M. Twenge has authored more than 160 scientific publications on
generational differences, cultural change, social rejection, digital
media use, gender roles, self-esteem, and narcissism. Her research
has been covered in Time, Newsweek, The New York Times, USA
Today, U.S. News and World Report, and The Washington Post, and
she has been featured on Today, Good Morning America, CBS This
Morning, Fox and Friends, NBC Nightly News, Dateline NBC, and
National Public Radio.
Dr. Twenge has drawn on her research in her books for a
broader audience: iGen: Why Today’s Super-Connected Kids Are
Growing Up Less Rebellious, More Tolerant, Less Happy—And Com-
pletely Unprepared for Adulthood (2017) and Generation Me: Why
Today’s Young Americans Are More Confident, Assertive, Entitled—
And More Miserable Than Ever Before (2nd ed., 2014). An article
by Dr. Twenge in The Atlantic was nominated for a National
Magazine Award. She frequently gives talks and seminars on gen-
erational differences to audiences such as college faculty and
staff, parent-teacher groups, military personnel, camp directors,
and corporate executives.
Jean Twenge grew up in Minnesota and Texas. She holds a
B.A. and M.A. from the University of Chicago and a Ph.D. from
the University of Michigan. She completed a postdoctoral research
fellowship in social psychology at Case Western Reserve University.
She lives in San Diego with her husband and three daughters.

mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 6 12/07/21 4:43 PM

 Brief Contents
Preface xxiii
Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology 1

Part One Social Thinking

Chapter 2 The Self in a Social World 23
Chapter 3 Social Beliefs and Judgments 52

Agatalina/istock/Getty Images
Chapter 4 Behavior and Attitudes 83

Part Two Social Influence

Chapter 5 Genes, Culture, and Gender 104
Chapter 6 Conformity and Obedience 134
Chapter 7 Persuasion 166
Chapter 8 Group Influence 194

Part Three Social Relations

Chapter 9 Prejudice 229 Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock

Chapter 10 Aggression 267

Chapter 11 Attraction and Intimacy 301
Chapter 12 Helping 340
Chapter 13 Conflict and Peacemaking 373

Part Four Applying Social Psychology

Ingram Publishing/Getty Images

Chapter 14 Social Psychology in the Clinic 406

Chapter 15 Social Psychology in Court 434
Chapter 16 Social Psychology and the Sustainable Future 459
Epilogue 483
References R-1
Name Index NI
Subject Index/Glossary SI-2

® McGraw Hill Education Psychology

APA Documentation Style Guide

vii

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 Table of Contents
Preface xxiii
Chapter 1
Introducing Social Psychology 1 Sampling and Question Wording 12
What Is Social Psychology? 2
What Are Social Psychology’s Big Ideas?
We Construct Our Social Reality 3
Our Social Intuitions Are Often Powerful but
Sometimes Perilous 4
Social Influences Shape Our Behavior 5
Personal Attitudes and Dispositions
Also Shape Behavior 6
Social Behavior Is Biologically Rooted 6
Social Psychology’s Principles Are Applicable
in Everyday Life 7
I Knew It All Along: Is Social Psychology Simply
Common Sense? 7
Focus On: I Knew It All Along 9
Mike Kemp/Blend Images/Getty Images
viii
mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 8
Research Methods: How Do We Do Social
Psychology? 11
Forming and Testing Hypotheses 11
Correlational Research: Detecting Natural
Associations 14
Experimental Research: Searching for Cause
and Effect 16
3 Generalizing from Laboratory to Life 20
Concluding Thoughts: Why We Wrote This Book. . .
and a Preview of What’s to Come 21
Part One: Social Thinking
Chapter 2
The Self in a Social World 23
Spotlights and Illusions: What Do They
Teach Us About Ourselves? 24
Research Close-Up: On Being Nervous About Looking
Nervous 25
Self-Concept: Who Am I? 26
At the Center of Our Worlds: Our Sense of Self 26
Self and Culture 28
Self-Knowledge 32
The Inside Story: Hazel Markus and Shinobu Kitayama
on Cultural Psychology 33
What Is the Nature and Motivating Power of
Self-Esteem? 37
Self-Esteem Motivation 37
The Trade-Off of Low Versus High Self-Esteem 39
Self-Efficacy 41
What Is Self-Serving Bias? 42
Explaining Positive and Negative Events 42
Can We All Be Better Than Average? 43
Focus On: Self-Serving Bias — How Do I Love Me? Let
Me Count the Ways 44
Unrealistic Optimism 45
False Consensus and Uniqueness 46
Explaining Self-Serving Bias 47
How Do People Manage Their
Self-Presentation? 48
Self-Handicapping 48
Impression Management 49
Concluding Thoughts: Twin Truths — The Perils of
Pride, the Powers of Positive Thinking 51
12/07/21 4:43 PM
 Chapter 3
Social Beliefs and Judgments 52
How Do We Judge Our Social Worlds, Consciously
and Unconsciously? 53
Priming 53
Intuitive Judgments 54
Overconfidence 56
Heuristics: Mental Shortcuts 59
Counterfactual Thinking 61
Illusory Thinking 62
Moods and Judgments 64
The Inside Story: Joseph P. Forgas: Can
Bad Weather Improve Your Memory? 65
How Do We Perceive Our Social Worlds?
Perceiving and Interpreting Events 66
Belief Perseverance 67
Constructing Memories of Ourselves and
Our Worlds 68
How Do We Explain Our Social Worlds?
Attributing Causality: To the Person or
the Situation 71
The Fundamental Attribution Error 72
How Do Our Social Beliefs Matter?
Focus On: The Self-Fulfilling Psychology
of the Stock Market 78
Teacher Expectations and Student Performance
Getting from Others What We Expect 80
Concluding Thoughts: Reflecting on Illusory
Thinking 82
Chapter 4
Behavior and Attitudes 83
How Well Do Our Attitudes Predict
Our Behavior? 84
When Attitudes Predict Behavior 85
When Does Our Behavior Affect Our
Attitudes? 89
Role Playing 89
Saying Becomes Believing 91
Evil and Moral Acts 91
Why Does Our Behavior Affect Our
Attitudes? 93
Self-Presentation: Impression Management 93
Self-Justification: Cognitive Dissonance 94
Self-Perception 97
Comparing the Theories 101
Concluding Thoughts: Changing Ourselves
Through Action 103
ix
mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 9
tetmc/iStock/Getty Images
Part Two: Social Influence
Chapter 5
Genes, Culture, and Gender 104
How Are We Influenced by Biology? 105
66
Genes, Evolution, and Behavior 106
Biology and Gender 107
Gender and Hormones 110
Reflections on Evolutionary Psychology 110
Focus On: Evolutionary Science and Religion 111
71 How Are We Influenced by Culture? 112
Culture and Behavior 112
Focus On: The Cultural Animal 113
Research Close-Up: Passing Encounters,
East and West 116
78 Peer-Transmitted Culture 117
Cultural Similarity 118
Culture and Gender 120
79 Gender Roles Vary with Culture 120
Gender Roles Vary over Time 120
How Are Females and Males Alike
and Different? 122
Independence versus Connectedness 123
Social Dominance 126
Aggression 128
Sexuality 128
What Can We Conclude about Genes,
Culture, and Gender? 130
The Inside Story: Alice Eagly on Gender
Similarities and Differences 132
Concluding Thoughts: Should We View Ourselves as
Products of Our Biology or Our Culture? 133
Chapter 6
Conformity and Obedience 134
What Is Conformity? 135
What Are the Classic Conformity
and Obedience Studies? 136
Sherif’s Studies of Norm Formation 136
Research Close-Up: Contagious Yawning 138
Asch’s Studies of Group Pressure 140
Milgram’s Obedience Studies 142
The Inside Story: Stanley Milgram on Obedience 143
The Ethics of Milgram’s Studies 145
12/07/21 4:43 PM
 x Table of Contents

What Breeds Obedience? 145 Crowding: The Presence of Many Others 198
Focus On: Personalizing The Victims 146 Why Are We Aroused in the Presence of Others? 199
Reflections on the Classic Studies 148
Social Loafing: Do Individuals Exert Less
What Predicts Conformity? 152 Effort in a Group? 200
Group Size 152 Many Hands Make Light Work 200
Unanimity 153 Social Loafing in Everyday Life 202
Cohesion 154
Status 155 Deindividuation: When Do People Lose
Public Response 155 Their Sense of Self in Groups? 204
Prior Commitment 155 Doing Together What We Would Not Do Alone 205
Why Conform? 157 Diminished Self-Awareness 207

Group Polarization: Do Groups Intensify

Who Conforms? 159 Our Opinions? 208
Personality 159 The Case of the “Risky Shift” 209
Culture 160 Do Groups Intensify Opinions? 210
Social Roles 161 Focus On: Group Polarization 214
Do We Ever Want to Be Different? 162 Explaining Group Polarization 214
Reactance 162 Group Decision Making: Do Groups Hinder or
Asserting Uniqueness 163 Assist Good Decisions? 217
Concluding Thoughts: On Being an Individual Symptoms of Groupthink 217
within a Community 165 The Inside Story: Irving Janis on Groupthink 218
Experimental Evidence for Groupthink 220
Preventing Groupthink 220
Chapter 7 When Groups Perform Better 221
Persuasion 166 The Inside Story: Behind a Nobel Prize: Two Minds Are
Better Than One 222
The Inside Story: Stephen Reicher on Human Behavior
during the Pandemic: A Social Psychologist Advises The Influence of the Minority: How Do Individuals
His Country 168 Influence the Group? 223
What Paths Lead to Persuasion? 168 The Influence of Individual Group Members 223
The Central Route 168 The Influence of Leaders 225
The Peripheral Route 169 Focus On: Transformational Community
Different Paths for Different Purposes 170 Leadership 226

What Are the Elements of Persuasion? 171 Concluding Thoughts: Are Groups Bad for Us? 228
Who Says? The Communicator 171
Research Close-Up: Experimenting with a Virtual Part Three: Social Relations
Social Reality 175
What Is Said? The Message Content 175 Chapter 9
How Is It Said? The Channel of Communication 181
To Whom Is It Said? The Audience 185 Prejudice 229
How Can Persuasion Be Resisted? 189 What Is the Nature and Power of Prejudice? 230
Attitude Inoculation 189 Defining Prejudice 230
Implications of Attitude Inoculation 192

Concluding Thoughts: Being Open but Not

Naïve 193

Chapter 8
Group Influence 194
Ronnie Kaufman/Blend Images

What Is a Group? 195

Social Facilitation: How Are We Affected

by the Presence of Others? 195
The Presence of Others and Dominant Responses 196

mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 10 12/07/21 4:44 PM


Table of Contents xi

Defining Discrimination 231 Chapter 10

Prejudice: Implicit and Explicit 232
Racial Prejudice 233 Aggression 267
Gender Prejudice 235
LGBTQ Prejudice 238 What Is Aggression? 268
What Are the Social Sources of Prejudice? 240 What Are Some Theories of Aggression? 270
Social Inequalities: Unequal Status and Prejudice 240 Aggression as a Biological Phenomenon 270
Socialization 241 Aggression as a Response to Frustration 274
The Inside Story: Sohad Murrar on Pro-Diversity Social Aggression as Learned Social Behavior 277
Norms 244 The Inside Story: Brett Pelham on Growing Up Poor in
Systemic Supports 245 the “Culture of Honor” 278
What Are the Motivational Sources What Are Some Influences on Aggression? 279
of Prejudice? 246 Aversive Experiences 279
Frustration and Aggression: The Scapegoat Theory 246 Arousal 281
Social Identity Theory: Feeling Superior to Others 247 Aggression Cues 282
Motivation to Avoid Prejudice 250 Media Influences 283
The Inside Story: Craig Anderson on Video-Game
What Are the Cognitive Sources of Prejudice? 251 Violence 292
Categorization: Classifying People into Groups 251 Group Influences 293
Distinctiveness: Perceiving People Who Stand Out 253 Research Close-Up: When Provoked, Are Groups More
Attribution: Is It a Just World? 257 Aggressive Than Individuals? 295

What Are the Consequences of Prejudice? 259 How Can Aggression Be Reduced? 296
Catharsis? 296
Self-Perpetuating Prejudgments 259
A Social Learning Approach 298
Discrimination’s Impact: The Self-Fulfilling Prophecy 260
Culture Change and World Violence 299
Stereotype Threat 261
The Inside Story: Claude Steele on Stereotype Concluding Thoughts: Reforming a Violent
Threat 263
Culture 300
Do Stereotypes Bias Judgments of Individuals? 264

Concluding Thoughts: Can We Reduce Chapter 11

Prejudice? 266 Attraction and Intimacy 301
How Important Is the Need to Belong? 302

What Leads to Friendship and Attraction? 305

Proximity 305
Focus On: Liking Things Associated with Oneself 308
Physical Attractiveness 310
The Inside Story: Ellen Berscheid
on Attractiveness 313
Similarity versus Complementarity 317
Liking Those Who Like Us 320
Focus On: Bad Is Stronger Than Good 321
Relationship Rewards 322

What Is Love? 323

Passionate Love 323
Companionate Love 326

What Enables Close Relationships? 328

Attachment 328
Equity 330
Self-Disclosure 331
Focus On: Does the Internet Create Intimacy or
Isolation? 334
kali9/Getty Images

mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 11 13/07/21 8:31 AM

 xii Table of Contents

How Do Relationships End? 335 Focus On: Branch Rickey, Jackie Robinson, and the
Integration of Baseball 396
Divorce 336
Communication 398
The Detachment Process 336
Conciliation 402
Concluding Thoughts: Making Love 339 Concluding Thoughts: The Conflict Between
Individual and Communal Rights 404
Chapter 12
Helping 340
Part Four: Applying Social
Why Do We Help? 341
Social Exchange and Social Norms 341
Psychology
The Inside Story: Dennis Krebs on Life Experience Chapter 14
and the Study of Altruism 343
Evolutionary Psychology 348 Social Psychology in the Clinic 406
Comparing and Evaluating Theories of Helping 350
Genuine Altruism and Empathy 350 What Influences the Accuracy of Clinical
Focus On: The Benefits — and the Costs — of Judgments? 407
Empathy-Induced Altruism 352 Illusory Correlations 408
When Will We Help? 354 Hindsight and Overconfidence 409
Self-Confirming Diagnoses 409
Number of Bystanders 354 Clinical Intuition versus Statistical Prediction 410
The Inside Story: John M. Darley on Bystander Implications for Better Clinical Practice 411
Reactions 355 Focus On: A Physician’s View: The Social Psychology
Helping When Someone Else Does 359 of Medicine 412
Time Pressures 360
Similarity 360 What Cognitive Processes Accompany Mental
Research Close-Up: Ingroup Similarity Health Issues? 413
and Helping 361
Depression 413
Who Will Help? 363 The Inside Story: Shelley Taylor on Positive
Illusions 414
Personality Traits and Status 363 Loneliness 416
Gender 364 Anxiety and Shyness 418
Religious Faith 364 Emotions and Physical Health 420
How Can We Increase Helping? 367 What Are Some Social-Psychological Approaches
Reduce Ambiguity, Increase Responsibility 367 to Treatment? 422
Guilt and Concern for Self-Image 368
Inducing Internal Change Through External Behavior 423
Socializing Altruism 369
Breaking Vicious Cycles 423
Concluding Thoughts: Taking Social Psychology Maintaining Change Through Internal Attributions for
Success 425
into Life 372
Using Therapy as Social Influence 426
Chapter 13 How Do Social Relationships Support Health and
Conflict and Peacemaking 373 Happiness? 427
Relationships and Physical Health 427
What Creates Conflict? 374 Relationships and Happiness 430
Social Dilemmas 374 Concluding Thoughts: Enhancing Happiness 432
Competition 380
Perceived Injustice 382
Misperception 382 Chapter 15
Research Close-Up: Misperception and War 385 Social Psychology in Court 434
How Can Peace Be Achieved? 386
How Reliable Is Eyewitness Testimony? 435
Contact 386
The Power of Persuasive Eyewitnesses 435
Research Close-Up: Relationships That Might
When Eyes Deceive 436
Have Been 390
The Misinformation Effect 438
The Inside Story: Nicole Shelton and Jennifer Richeson
Retelling 440
on Cross-Racial Friendships 390
Reducing Error 440
Cooperation 391
Research Close-Up: Feedback to Witnesses 440

mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 12 12/07/21 4:44 PM


Table of Contents xiii

What Other Factors Influence Juror Enabling Sustainable Living 467

Judgments? 445 New Technologies 467
The Defendant’s Characteristics 445 Reducing Consumption 468
The Judge’s Instructions 448 The Inside Story: Janet Swim on Psychology’s Response
to Climate Change 469
What Influences the Individual Juror? 450
Juror Comprehension 450
The Social Psychology of Materialism
Jury Selection 451 and Wealth 471
“Death-Qualified” Jurors 452 Increased Materialism 471
Wealth and Well-Being 471
How Do Group Influences Affect Juries? 453 Materialism Fails to Satisfy 474
Minority Influence 454 Toward Sustainability and Survival 478
Group Polarization 454 Research Close-Up: Measuring National
Research Close-Up: Group Polarization in a Natural Well-Being 480
Court Setting 455
Leniency 455 Concluding Thoughts: How Does One Live
Are Twelve Heads Better Than One? 456 Responsibly in the Modern World? 482
Are Six Heads as Good as Twelve? 456
From Lab to Life: Simulated and Real Juries 457 Epilogue 483
Concluding Thoughts: Thinking Smart with References R-1
Psychological Science 458 Name Index NI
Subject Index/Glossary SI-2
Chapter 16
® McGraw Hill Education Psychology
Social Psychology and the Sustainable APA Documentation Style Guide
Future 459
Psychology and Climate Change 462
Psychological Effects of Climate Change 463
Public Opinion about Climate Change 464

mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 13 13/07/21 12:06 PM

 Guide to Diversity, Equity,
and Inclusion
More than almost any other discipline, social psychology
shines its light on our human kinship as members of one
human family and on our diversity. We are so much alike
in how we think about, influence, and relate to one
another. Yet we differ in gender, gender identity, sexual
orientation, race, culture, income, religion, and abilities.
Social Psychology 14th Edition, therefore, has whole
chapters devoted to our diversity in (and attitudes
regarding) gender, culture, and race, and to how we can
transform diversity-related conflicts into equitable and
inclusive human connections. As this guide illustrates,
the psychology of human diversity, equity, and inclusion
also weaves throughout the text. Moreover, this is a
global text, as we draw on the whole world of
psychology for our worldwide readers in many
languages including Chinese, Russian, Spanish, French,
and much more. As humans we are all alike. Cut us and
we bleed. Yet how richly diverse are the threads that
form the human fabric.
Chapter 1 Introducing Social Psychology
■ In the chapter introduction, it is reported that the field
of social psychology has recently grown in China,
Hong Kong, India, Japan, and Taiwan.
■ Figure 1 shows how social psychology is the scientific
study of social influence (culture) and social relations
(prejudice), among other topics.
■ “Social Influences Shape Our Behavior” reports that
there are 2 billion Facebook users worldwide; the
power of the situation influences different countries’
views on same-sex relationships; body-shape
preference depends on when and where people live;
the definition of social justice as equality or equity
depends on ideology being shaped either by
socialism or capitalism; emotional expressiveness
hinges on one’s culture and ethnicity; and focusing
on one’s personal needs, desires, and morality, or
one’s family, clan, and communal groups depends
on being a product of individualistic or collectivistic
societies.
■ In the discussion on sampling and question wording
in experiments, the example is given of different
countries’ wording on drivers’ licenses that either
encourage or discourage organ donation (Johnson &
Johnson, 2003).
■ Experimental sampling can be an issue when
generalizing from laboratory to life. It is noted that
most participants are from WEIRD (Western,
Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic)
cultures, which represent only 12% of humanity
(Henrich et al., 2010).
xiv
mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 14
Chapter 2 The Self in a Social World
■ “Spotlights and Illusions” discusses research on how,
when the topic of race comes up in a discussion,
those in the minority feel an uncomfortable amount
of attention directed their way (Crosby et al., 2014).
■ “At the Center of Our Worlds: Our Sense of Self”
presents research showing that the threat of
negative stereotypes against racial minority students
or women regarding academic ability causes
“disidentification,” which can lead to a shift of their
interests elsewhere (Steele, 2010).
■ “Self and Culture” presents individualism and
collectivism, with definitions, examples of each, the
cultures that tend to be collectivistic/individualistic,
and political viewpoints.
■ “Growing Individualism Within Cultures” has
examples of parents’ choice of names for their child
being influenced by their culture (Twenge et al., 2012,
2016), and the differences in song lyrics (Markus &
Kitayama, 2010).
■ “Culture and Cognition,” has examples of collectivists
focusing on objects and people in relationship to one
another and their environment (Nisbett & Masuda,
2003), and individualists focusing more on one
feature (Chua et al., 2005; Nisbett, 2003).
■ The same section presents the cultural differences
in the sense of belonging (Cross et al., 1992).
■ “Culture and Self-Esteem” discusses the different
ways individualists and collectivists view happiness
and self-esteem.
■ The key term terror management theory definition is:
“Proposes that people exhibit self-protective emotional
and cognitive responses (including adhering more
strongly to their cultural worldviews and prejudices)
when confronted with reminders of their mortality.”
■ “False Consensus and Uniqueness” discusses research
that shows that humans have a tendency toward the
false consensus effect. An example is given of how
white Australians prejudiced against indigenous
Australians were more likely to believe that other
whites were also prejudiced (Watt & Larkin, 2010).
■ Feature “Inside Story: Hazel Markus and Shinobu
Kitayama on Cultural Psychology” is a personal account
of the professors’ observations of the differences in
teaching in collectivistic and individualistic cultures.
■ Self-presentation differences in collectivistic and
individualistic cultures are discussed, with examples
of Asian countries focusing on group identity and
restrained self-presentation, and the “age of the
selfie” being prevalent in individualistic cultures
(Veldhuis et al., 2020).
12/07/21 4:44 PM

Guide to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion xv
Chapter 3 Social Beliefs and Judgments
■ Cultural differences and similarities regarding the
fundamental attribution error are covered. Research
shows that the attribution error exists across all
cultures (Krull et al., 1999), but people in Eastern
Asian cultures are somewhat more sensitive than
Westerners to the importance of situations (Choi
et al., 1999; Farwell & Weiner, 2000; Masuda &
Kitayama, 2004).
■ “Getting from Others What We Expect” presents a
research study on self-fulfilling prophecies, where a
person anticipated interacting with someone of a
different race. When they were led to expect that
that person disliked interacting with someone of the
first person’s race, the first person felt more anger
and displayed more hostility toward their
conversation partner (Butz & Plant, 2006).
Chapter 4 Behavior and Attitudes
■ Research shows that self-described racial attitudes
provide little clue to behaviors in actual situations.
Many people say they are upset when someone
makes racist remarks; yet when they hear racist
language, many respond with indifference
(Kawakami et al., 2009).
■ The Implicit Association Test (IAT) is discussed as
a way to measure implicit racial attitudes. The 18
million completed IAT tests showed that implicit
biases are pervasive, people differ in implicit bias,
and they are often unaware of their implicit biases.
Criticism of the IAT is also covered.
■ Research on implicit bias is discussed, including the
finding that high amygdala activation is found in
white people who show strong unconscious racial
bias on the IAT when viewing unfamiliar Black faces
(Stanley et al., 2008).
■ It is reported that implicit racial and gender attitudes
formed early in life can predict behavior. The
example is given of implicit racial attitudes having
successfully predicted interracial roommate
relationships and the willingness to penalize other-
race people (Kubota et al., 2013; Towles-Schwen &
Fazio, 2006).
■ “Role Playing” presents an excerpt from formerly
enslaved Frederick Douglass’ 1845 book which
provides an example of how role playing changed
his new owner’s behavior from benevolent to
malevolent.
Chapter 5 Genes, Culture, and Gender
■ In the chapter’s beginning section, the focus of the
discussion (with many examples) is on how people
from different cultures are more alike than different:
“We’re all kin beneath the skin.”
■ “Genes, Evolution, and Behavior” discusses how
evolutionary psychology highlights our universal
human nature while cultures provide the specific
rules for elements of social life.
mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 15
■ “Terms for Studying Sex and Gender” discusses
gender fluidity and nonbinary identity (Broussard
et al., 2018) along with an explanation of
transgender identity.
■ “Culture and Behavior” contains a “Focus on:
The Cultural Animal” feature that presents Roy
Baumeister’s research on the importance and
advantages of human culture.
■ “Cultural Diversity” discusses how migration and
refugee evacuations are mixing cultures more than
ever, and cultural diversity surrounds us.
■ “Norms: Expected Behavior” discusses how every
culture has its own norms including individual
choices, expressiveness and punctuality, rule-
following, and personal space. It also includes the
feature “Research Close-Up: Passing Encounters,
East and West” which shares research that studied
pedestrian interactions in both the United States
and Japan, and the differences found (Patterson &
Iizuka, 2007).
■ “Cultural Similarity” discusses “an essential
universality” across cultures (Lonner, 1980) including
norms for friendship, personality dimensions, social
beliefs, and status hierarchies.
■ “Gender Roles Vary with Culture” reports on the
differences between cultures in attitudes about
whether spouses should work (Pew, 2010), with
patriarchy being the most common system.
■ “Gender Roles Vary Over Time” reports that trends
toward more gender equality appear across
many cultures, with women increasingly being
represented in the legislative bodies of most nations
(Inglehart & Welzel, 2005; IPU, 2017), but that
many gender differences still persist.
■ Marginal quote from developmental psychologist
Sandra Scarr (1988) in the section “How Are Females
and Males Alike and Different?”: “There should be
no qualms about the forthright study of racial and
gender differences; science is in desperate need of
good studies that . . . inform us of what we need to
do to help underrepresented people to succeed in
this society. Unlike the ostrich, we cannot afford to
hide our heads for fear of socially uncomfortable
discoveries.”
■ The subsection “Social Dominance” in the section
“How Are Females and Males Alike and Different?”
presents research that shows that men are much
more concerned about being identified as feminine
than women are at being identified as masculine
(Bosson & Michniewicz, 2013), which may be a
reason men are more likely than women to be
prejudiced against gay men (Carnaghi et al., 2011;
Glick et al., 2007).
■ The final section of this chapter discusses how
biology and culture interact.
Chapter 6 Conformity and Obedience
■ The differences between collectivistic and
individualistic attitudes about conformity are
discussed.
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 xvi Guide to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion
■ Research is presented on how people within an
ethnic group may feel “own-group conformity
pressure.” Blacks who “act white” or whites who “act
Black” may be mocked for not conforming to their
own ethnic group (Contrada et al., 2000).
■ The subsection “Culture” in the section “Who
Conforms?” reports that in collectivistic cultures,
conformity rates are higher than in individualistic
cultures (Bond & Smith, 1996). Research also shows
that there may be some biological wisdom to
cultural differences in conformity: Groups thrive
when coordinating their responses to threats. An
example of this is given showing the differences
between individualistic and collectivistic cultures’
responses to the COVID-19 pandemic (Brewster,
2020).
■ “Asserting Uniqueness” discusses the concept
of how people become keenly aware of their
differences when they are in the minority (Black
woman in a group of white women [McGuire et al.,
1978], a gay person in a group of straight people
[Knowles & Peng, 2005], a minority group amidst a
majority group). Even when people of two cultures
are nearly identical, they will still notice their
differences.
Chapter 7 Persuasion
■ The chapter introduction gives examples of
persuasion’s power to change attitudes around
equality in the space of 50 years. The U.S. went from
a country that asked its Black citizens to sit in the
back of the bus to one that elected an African
American president twice. And in less than 30 years,
the U.S. went from having 12% of adults believing that
two people of the same sex should be able to get
married to 68% supporting same-sex marriage
(Twenge & Blake, 2020).
■ Figure 6 shows the generation gap in U.S. attitudes
toward same-sex marriage.
■ “Implications of Attitude Inoculation” discusses the
importance of educators being wary of a “germ-free
ideological environment” in their churches and
schools. People who live amid diverse views become
more discerning and more likely to modify their views
only in response to credible arguments (Levitan &
Visser, 2008).
Chapter 8 Group Influence
■ “Social Loafing in Everyday Life” presents research
that shows evidence of social loafing in varied
cultures, with examples of communist and
noncommunist collectivistic cultures. People in
collectivistic cultures exhibit less social loafing than
do people in individualistic cultures (Karau & Williams,
1993; Kugihara, 1999).
■ The May 2020 police killing of George Floyd and the
resulting peaceful daytime protests and nighttime
violence is discussed in “Deindividuation: When Do
People Lose Their Sense of Self in Groups?”.
mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 16
■ “Group Size” gives the example of historic lynchings
where the bigger the mob, the more its members lost
self-awareness and were willing to commit atrocities
(Leader et al., 2007; Mullen, 1986a, Ritchey &
Ruback, 2018).
■ Group polarization is discussed with a description
of an experiment with relatively prejudiced and
unprejudiced high school students. The result was
group polarization: When prejudiced students
discussed racial issues together, their prejudice
increased. And when relatively unprejudiced
students discussed the same, prejudice decreased
(Myers & Bishop, 1970).
■ Group polarization also happens when people share
negative or positive impressions of an immigrant
group (Koudenberg et al., 2019; Smith & Postmes,
2011).
■ “The Influence of Individual Group Members” cites
Martin Luther King, Jr., Nelson Mandela, Rosa Parks,
and Greta Thunberg as having the power of
“minorities of one.”
■ Feature “Focus On: Transformational Community
Leadership” tells the story of transformational
leadership by the owners and editors of the
newspaper on Bainbridge Island, WA during World
War II. The Woodwards consistently spoke out
through editorials against the removal and interment
of long-time Japanese Bainbridge Island residents.
They were joined in their cause by several other
courageous business people who also worked to
welcome the internees home.
■ A photo of the Washington, D.C. statue of Martin
Luther King, Jr. is given as an example of
transformational leadership.
Chapter 9 Prejudice
This chapter is dedicated to better understanding issues
of diversity, equity, and inclusion. Material includes
reporting on
■ an increase in assaults against Muslims in the United
States (Kishi, 2017);
■ bias against overweight people as the one type
of prejudice that has not declined since 2007
(Charlesworth & Banaji, 2019);
■ anti-immigrant prejudice is alive and well in many
countries;
the importance of stereotypes. When stereotypes are
■
negative, prejudice often follows (Phills et al., 2020);
■ an example of discrimination where Australian bus
drivers allowed whites to ride for free 72% of the
time, and Blacks to ride for free 36% of the time
when both groups had no money to pay for the ride;
■ metro areas with higher implicit bias scores have also
had larger racial differences in police shootings
(Hehman et al., 2018);
■ implicit prejudice against Blacks in the U.S. declined
between 2013 and 2016 when the Black Lives Matter
movement brought attention to anti-Black prejudice
(Sawyer & Gampa, 2018);
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Guide to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion xvii
■ implicit prejudice against gays declined in some U.S.
states immediately after same-sex marriage was
legalized in those states (Ofosu et al., 2019);
■ polls show that 89% of British people say they would
be happy for their child to marry someone from
another ethnic group, up from 75% in 2009 (Kaur-
Ballagan, 2020);
■ an increase in Americans saying that racial
discrimination is a “big problem”—from 28% in 2009
to 51% in 2015 to 76% in June 2020 after the killings
of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud
Arbery (Martin, 2020);
■ the rise of reported hate crime incidents in the U.S.
(7,120 during 2018 [FBI, 2020]);
■ Black Lives Matter protestors and allies pointing out
the many ways Black Americans are still not treated
equally, and suggesting remedies, including police
reform and holding people accountable for
discriminatory actions (Boykin et al., 2020).
■ racial biases that may influence the starting salary
offered to Black job seekers (Hernandez et al., 2019);
■ 38% of ethnic minorities in the UK said they had
been wrongly accused of shoplifting in the past
5 years, compared to only 14% of whites (Booth &
Mohdin, 2018);
■ in the three months following a publicized shooting of
an unarmed Black person, Black Americans living in
the same state experienced more days with poor
mental health than before the incident (Bor et al., 2018);
■ Americans have become more likely to view
men and women as equal in competence and
intelligence, but have become even more likely
to see women as more agreeable and caring
compared to men (Eagly et al., 2020);
■ a new paragraph discussing why the answer to
“So, is gender bias becoming extinct in Western
countries?” is No. Examples include women
experiencing widespread sexual harassment in
the workplace, then being ignored or fired if they
reported the men’s actions; a 2018 poll finding that
81% of U.S. women had experienced some form of
sexual harassment in their lifetime (as did 43% of
men) (Kearl, 2018); and the WHO estimate that one
in three women worldwide have experienced sexual
assault or partner violence (WHO, 2016);
■ Figure 2 “Sex ratio at birth, 2017” represents data
from OurWorldinData.org, 2019. It shows countries
where there are an unusually high number of boy
versus girl births, indicating that selective abortions
have influenced the number of boys and girls born;
■ cultures that vary in their views of homosexuality:
94% in Sweden say homosexuality should be
accepted by society; 9% who agree in Indonesia
(Poushter & Kent, 2020);
■ the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in 2020 that workplace
discrimination based on sexual orientation or
transgender status was illegal (Barnes, 2020);
■ one out of 4 gay or lesbian teens reported being
verbally harassed at school, though this was down
from the nearly one-half who experienced verbal
harassment in 2007 (GLSEN, 2018);
mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 17
■ in the U.S., 1 out of 4 gay and lesbian adults and
81% of bisexual adults are not “out” to most of the
important people in their lives (Brown, 2019);
■ over the period when Denmark and Sweden
legalized same-sex marriage, suicide rates among
partnered LGBTQ individuals declined sharply
(Erlangsen et al., 2020);
■ new photo of Harvey Weinstein on his way to
court illustrating how women are often confronted
with discriminatory and predatory behavior that
endangers their lives and their livelihoods;
■ the finding that those with an authoritarian
personality react negatively to ethnic diversity (Van
Assche et al., 2019). This personality type can occur
on the left as well (Costello et al., 2021; van Prooijen
& Krouwel, 2019). For example, people who strongly
support ethnic tolerance can display considerable
intolerance and discrimination toward those who
disagree (Bizumic et al., 2017);
■ New feature “The Inside Story” was written by
Sohad Murrar of Governors State University about
her work promoting pro-diversity social norms
among university students. This improved students’
pro-diversity attitudes and behaviors up to 12 weeks
later, and minority students’ well-being and grades
also improved over this time;
■ a new paragraph on the media phenomenon of “fat-
shaming” especially of celebrities, and how this can
cause women on average to have more anti-fat
prejudice, at least implicitly;
■ in recent years, lenders have charged Black and
Latino homebuyers slightly higher interest rates than
whites, and have been more likely to reject their
mortgage applications (Bartlett et al., 2019; Quillian
et al., 2020);
■ between 1964 and 2012, white Americans’ prejudice
toward Blacks was more pronounced during
economic recessions (Bianchi et al., 2018);
■ a new paragraph about the online group Nextdoor
enabling unconscious bias due to neighbors posting
about seeing a “suspicious” Black person in a
primarily white neighborhood. Nextdoor developed
a new protocol where users must identify the
specific behavior that made the person seem
suspicious. This reduced racial profiling by 75%;
■ studies using brain scans show that the own-race
recognition effect occurs at the earliest stages of
perception (Hughes et al., 2019);
■ in the U.S., 74% of Blacks (who are the racial minority)
see their race as “being extremely or very important
to how they think of themselves,” compared with
only 15% of whites (Horowitz et al., 2019);
■ although stereotype threat effects are not large, they
appear fairly consistently across many studies
including many different groups (Shewach et al., 2019).
Chapter 10 Aggression
■ The chapter introduction gives the staggering
worldwide numbers of those killed in genocides
throughout the past and present centuries.
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 xviii Guide to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion
■ There is discussion of how the term
“microaggressions” is not included in the social
psychology definition of aggression because
aggression must be intentional. Some have
recommended abandoning the term
“microaggressions” and substituting it with
“inadvertent racial slights” (Lilienfeld, 2017).
■ It is reported that male-on-male aggression may be
particularly common in more traditional cultures with
less gender equality—perhaps one reason why
countries with less gender equality have higher
violent crime rates (Corcoran & Stark, 2018).
■ Research shows that people with mental illnesses are
more likely to be the victims of violence than to be
the perpetrators (Brekke et al., 2001).
■ “Displacement Theory” reports that outgroup targets
are especially vulnerable to displaced aggression
(Pedersen et al., 2008). An example is given of how
intense American anger over the 9/11 terrorist attacks
led to the attack on Iraq.
■ “Relative Deprivation” cites research that explains
why happiness tends to be lower and crime rates
higher in countries with more income inequality
(Coccia, 2017; The Economist, 2018).
■ Research by Karen Hennigan et al., 1982 is presented
that shows that in cultures where television is
universal, absolute deprivation changes to relative
deprivation.
■ Research shows that men from cultures that are
nondemocratic, high in income inequality, and
focused on teaching men to be warriors are more
likely to behave aggressively than those from cultures
with the opposite characteristics (Bond, 2004).
■ Feature “The Inside Story: Brett Pelham on Growing
Up Poor in the ‘Culture of Honor’” is presented
where Pelham writes about growing up in poverty
in the deep South and how “research shows that
experiencing one form of stigma or social inequality
offers people a glimpse of other forms [such as being
a sexual minority or person of color].”
■ “Group Influences” presents Brian Mullen’s research
(1986) showing how he analyzed information from 60
lynchings perpetrated between 1899 and 1946 and
found that the greater number of people in a lynch
mob, the more vicious the murder and mutilation.
■ In the same section, the discussion covers how the
20th-century massacres mentioned in the chapter’s
introduction were “not the sums of individual actions”
(Zajonc, 2000). Massacres are social phenomena fed
by “moral imperatives” that mobilize a group or
culture to extraordinary actions. Those actions require
support, organization, and participation. Examples of
this are the massacres of Rwanda’s Tutsis, Europe’s
Jews, and America’s native population.
■ “Culture Change and World Violence” discusses
how cultures can change. It is reported that Steven
Pinker’s research (2011) documents that all forms of
violence have become steadily less common over
the centuries. The United States has seen declines in
(or the disappearance of) lynchings, rapes, corporal
punishment, and antigay attitudes and intimidation.
mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 18
Chapter 11 Attraction and Intimacy
■ “How Important Is the Need to Belong?” discusses
the effects of ostracism and rejection. Prejudice can
feel like rejection, which is another reason to work to
reduce prejudice based on group membership.
■ “Mere Exposure” reports that there is a negative
side to the mere exposure effect: our wariness of
the unfamiliar. This may explain the automatic,
unconscious prejudice people often feel when
confronting those who are different. Infants as young
as 3 months exhibit an own-race preference (Bar-
Haim et al., 2006; Kelly et al., 2005, 2007).
■ “Who Is Attractive?” covers how the definition of
attractiveness changes depending on the culture
or time period. Additionally, research shows that
attractiveness does not influence life outcomes as
much in cultures where relationships are based more
on kinship or social arrangement than on personal
choice (Anderson et al., 2008). But despite cultural
variations, there is strong agreement within and
across cultures about who is and who is not attractive
(Langlois et al., 2000).
■ Evolution explains why males in 37 cultures prefer
youthful female characteristics that signify
reproductive capacity (Buss, 1989).
■ “Dissimilarity Breeds Dislike” reports that whether
people perceive those of another race as similar or
dissimilar influences their racial attitudes. It also
discusses “cultural racism,” citing social psychologist
James Jones’ (1988, 2003, 2004) assertions that
cultural differences are part of life, and it is better to
appreciate what they “contribute to the cultural fabric
of a multicultural society.” Each culture has much to
learn from the other.
■ “Variations in Love: Culture and Gender” discusses
the differences between cultures in the concept of
romantic love, and the cultural variation in whether
love precedes or follows marriage. Passionate love
has become the basis of marriage in the United
States (Geiger & Livingston, 2019) and tends to be
emphasized more in cultures where relationships
are more easily broken (Yamada et al., 2017).
■ Figure 5 “Romantic Love Between Partners in
Arranged or Love Marriages in Jaipur, India” shows
love growing in arranged marriages, and love
declining in love marriages over more than 10 years
of marriage (Gupta & Singh, 1982).
■ The section “Divorce” discusses what predicts
a culture’s divorce rates. Individualistic cultures
have more divorce than do communal cultures.
Individualists expect more passion and personal
fulfillment in marriage (Dion & Dion, 1993; Yuki &
Schug, 2020).
Chapter 12 Helping
■ The chapter opens with a riveting example of the
altruism of Scottish missionary Jane Haining who was
matron at a school for 400 mostly Jewish girls. On
the eve of World War II, her church ordered her to
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Guide to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion xix
return home. She refused, knowing the girls needed
her. She was eventually betrayed for working among
the Jews and later died in Auschwitz.
■ “The Social-Responsibility Norm” presents research
that shows that in India, a relatively collectivist
culture, people support the social-responsibility
norm more strongly than in the individualistic West
(Baron & Miller, 2000).
■ Feature “Focus On: The Benefits—and the Costs—of
Empathy-Induced Altruism” includes the fact that
empathy-induced altruism improves attitudes toward
stigmatized groups.
■ “Assuming Responsibility” discusses the importance
of training programs such as “Bringing in the
Bystander” that can change attitudes toward
intervening in situations of sexual assault or
harassment (Edwards et al., 2020; Katz & Moore,
2013).
■ The same section gives the example of the death of
George Floyd. Active bystandership training might
be a key part of police reform and retraining.
■ The question is asked in the “Similarity” section:
“Does similarity bias extend to race?” Researchers
report confusing results. The bottom line seems to
be that when norms for appropriate behavior are
well-defined, whites don’t discriminate; when norms
are ambiguous or conflicting and providing help is
more difficult or riskier, racial similarity may bias
responses (Saucier et al., 2005).
■ “Who Will Help” reports that status and social class
affect altruism. Researchers have found that less
privileged people are more generous, trusting, and
helpful than more privileged people (Piff, 2014;
Stellar et al., 2012).
■ “Teaching Moral Inclusion” includes examples of
rescuers of Jews in Nazi Europe, leaders of the
antislavery movement, and medical missionaries
who were morally inclusive. Moral exclusion justifies
all sorts of harm, from discrimination to genocide
(Opotow, 1990; Staub, 2005a; Tyler & Lind, 1990).
Chapter 13 Conflict and Peacemaking
■ “Appealing to Altruistic Norms” gives the example
of the 1960s struggle for civil rights for Black
Americans where many marchers willingly agreed,
for the sake of the larger group, to suffer
harassment, beatings, and jail.
■ “What is just?” is discussed in the “Perceived
Injustice” section. The answer can vary depending
on cultural perspectives. Collectivist cultures define
justice as equality or need fulfillment—everyone
getting the same share or everyone getting the
share they need (Hui et al., 1991; Leung & Bond,
1984; Schäfer et al., 2015). Western capitalist nations
define justice and equality as equity—the distribution
of rewards in proportion to individuals’ contributions
(Huppert et al., 2019; Starmans et al., 2017; Walster
et al., 1978).
■ “Shifting Perceptions” discusses how perceptions
can change over time when an enemy becomes an
mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 19
ally. Examples include the negative image of the
Japanese during World War II changing to later
acceptance, the Germans during two world wars
going from hated to admired, and the U.S.’s support
of Iraq when Iraq was attacking Iran (the U.S.’s
enemy) and the U.S.’s attack on Iraq when Iraq
attacked Kuwait.
■ The section “Contact” reports that conflict can be
avoided by contact—where proximity can boost
liking. The example is given of how blatant racial
prejudice declined in the U.S. following
desegregation.
■ The same section cites research covering 516
studies in 38 nations showing that in 94% of studies,
increased contact predicted decreased prejudice.
This is so for majority group attitudes toward
minorities (Durrheim et al., 2011; Gibson & Claassen,
2010), and is especially true in individualistic cultures
(Kende et al., 2018). The same holds true with the
other-race effect and online exposure (Zebrowitz et
al., 2008; Ki & Harwood, 2020; Neubaum et al.,
2020).
■ Examples are given of how more contact predicts
decreased prejudice: in South Africa; with sexual
orientation and transgender identity; with
immigrants; with Muslims; with white and Black
roommates; and intergenerationally.
■ “Does Desegregation Improve Racial Attitudes?”
presents evidence that affirms that desegregation
improves racial attitudes.
■ “When Desegregation Does Not Improve Racial
Attitudes” covers how, despite desegregation,
people tend to stay with others like themselves.
■ Feature “Research Close-Up: Relationships That
Might Have Been” presents research by Nicole
Shelton and Jennifer Richeson which describes how
social misperceptions between white and Black
students can stand in the way of cross-racial
friendships.
■ Feature “The Inside Story: Nicole Shelton and
Jennifer Richeson on Cross-Racial Friendships” was
written by Shelton and Richeson and describes their
research on pluralistic ignorance during interracial
interactions.
■ Group salience (visibility) is discussed, showing
how it can help bridge divides between people,
especially in friendship.
■ It is reported that surveys of 4,000 Europeans reveal
that friendship is a key to successful contact. If a
person has a friend from a minority group, they
become more likely to express support for
immigration by that group. This has been shown
for West German’s attitudes toward Turks, French
people’s attitudes toward Asians and North Africans,
Netherlanders’ attitudes toward Surinamers and
Turks, and British attitudes toward West Indians and
Asians (Brown et al., 1999; Hamberger & Hewstone,
1997; Paolini et al., 2004; Pettigrew, 1997).
■ Research shows that contact between people or
groups is successful when there is equal-status
contact.
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 xx Guide to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion
■ “Common External Threats Build Cohesiveness”
discusses how having a common enemy can unify
groups (Dion, 1979; Greenaway & Cruwys, 2019). This
can be true when a person perceives discrimination
against their racial or religious group, causing them
to feel more bonded with their group (Craig &
Richeson, 2012; Martinovic & Verkuyten, 2012; Ramos
et al., 2012). Recognizing that a person’s group and
another group have both faced discrimination also
boosts closeness (Cortland et al., 2017).
■ “Cooperative Learning Improves Racial Attitudes”
reports on research that shows that working together
on interracial “learning teams” caused members to
have more positive racial attitudes (Green et al., 1988).
The “jigsaw classroom” technique is presented.
Children were assigned to racially and academically
diverse six-member groups. The topic of study was
divided into six parts, one part assigned to each child,
then each child taught their portion to the others in
the group. This produced group cooperation.
■ Feature “Focus On: Branch Rickey, Jackie Robinson,
and the Integration of Baseball” tells the story of
Jackie Robinson, the first African American since
1887 to play Major League baseball. Helped by wise
tactics from Major League executive Branch Rickey
and others, Robinson was able to successfully
integrate Major League baseball.
■ “Group and Superordinate Identities” discusses
ethnic identities and national identities, and how
people reconcile and balance those identities.
This section covers the debate over the ideals of
multiculturalism (celebrating diversity) versus
colorblind assimilation (meshing one’s values and
habits with the prevailing culture). A possible
resolution to this debate is “diversity within unity.”
Chapter 14 Social Psychology in the Clinic
■ The section “Loneliness” reports that in modern
cultures, close social relationships are less numerous
and in-person social interaction less frequent. The
number of one-person American households
increased from 5% in the 1920s to 28% in 2019
(Census Bureau, 2019), and Canada, Australia, and
Europe have experienced a similar multiplication of
one-person households (Charnie, 2017).
Chapter 15 Social Psychology in Court
■ In the chapter introduction, the shooting of Michael
Brown by police officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson,
Missouri is covered.
■ “When Eyes Deceive” discusses eyewitness cross-
racial misidentification and its effects.
■ The case of African American Troy Davis is presented
as an example of the mishandling of the lineup
identification procedure.
■ Cross-race bias is presented as an influence on
eyewitness testimony. Eyewitnesses are more
accurate when identifying members of their own
race than members of other races.
mye88533_fm_i-xxxiv.indd 20
The section “Similarity to the Jurors” covers a great
deal of research on discrimination in the American
justice system:
■ When a defendant’s race fits a crime stereotype,
mock jurors offer more negative verdicts and
punishments (Jones & Kaplan, 2003; Mazzella &
Feingold, 1994). White jurors who espouse
nonprejudiced views are more likely to demonstrate
racial bias in trials where race issues are not blatant
(Sommers & Ellsworth, 2000, 2001).
■ In 83,924 cases in Florida’s Miami-Dade Country
between 2012 and 2015, Black defendants were 4 to
10% more likely than white defendants to receive a
jail sentence, even when controlling for type of crime
and previous convictions (Omori & Petersen, 2020).
■ A U.S. Sentencing Commission analysis of criminal
convictions between 2007 and 2011 found that Black
men received sentences 20% longer than those of
white men in cases with the same seriousness and
criminal history.
■ Judges were 25% less likely to show Black (versus
white) defendants leniency by giving a sentence
shorter than suggested by federal sentencing
guidelines (Palazzolo, 2013).
■ In South Carolina, sentences for Black juveniles were
more punitive than those for white juveniles—
especially in counties with larger Black populations
and larger populations of adolescents, creating a
heightened perception of threat (Lowery et al., 2018).
■ Blacks were sentenced to 68% more prison time than
whites in first-degree felony cases in Florida, even
when factors such as the defendant’s prior criminal
record and the severity of the crime were equal.
■ In one Florida county, sentences were three times as
long for Black defendants as for white defendants
convicted of armed robbery.
■ Blacks who kill whites are more often sentenced to
death than whites who kill Blacks (Butterfield, 2001).
Compared with killing a Black person, killing a white
person is also three times as likely to lead to a death
sentence (Radelet & Pierce, 2011).
■ Two studies show that harsher sentences were given
to those who looked more stereotypically Black.
Given similar criminal histories, Black and white
inmates in Florida received similar sentences, but
within each race, those with more “Afrocentric”
facial features were given longer sentences
(Blair et al., 2004).
■ In the section “Jury Selection,” research is presented
that shows that jurors who believe myths about
rape—such as believing that a woman inviting a man
inside her apartment is necessarily an invitation to
sex—are significantly less likely to vote to convict an
accused rapist (Willmott et al., 2018). Conversely,
jurors who have been sexually abused are more
likely to believe sexual abuse victims and to vote to
convict accused sexual abusers (Jones et al., 2020).
■ “Group Polarization” presents research showing that
compared with whites who judge Black defendants
on all-white mock juries, those serving on racially
12/07/21 4:44 PM
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 "Not before lunch," said the Great Man. He turned to the
detective. "On the face of it the matter should prove a simple one,
Kenly, but just at present it is beyond our combined intelligence to
fathom it. Late on the fifteenth—a Tuesday, wasn't it, Markham?—a
cypher cablegram containing important information came into this
office. The despatch was de-coded——"
"By myself," interrupted the Permanent Secretary.
"Placed in a despatch case which was sealed in the usual way
and forwarded by King's Messenger to me," continued Sir Gadsby. "I
received the case, broke the seals myself, and retained the despatch
in my own possession."
"Yes," said the detective, as the Great Man paused.
"The despatch related to the recent trouble in the South Pacific,
the German affair," remarked the Permanent Secretary, "and next
morning there was wild excitement on the Stock Exchange, and later
in the day the newspapers published full details of the trouble, much
to our embarrassment."
"H—m," said the detective, "I suppose you want me to find out
who gave the show away?"
"Your perspicacity is wonderful, Kenly," remarked the Great Man
drily and the Permanent Secretary smiled. "At present, Markham, I
know, suspects me of 'giving the show away,' as you put it, and if I
didn't know Markham I should be compelled to suspect him. We are
really the only two possible suspects."
"H—m," said the detective a second time before remarking
deprecatingly, "The despatch passed through the hands of a third
person. I think you mentioned a King's Messenger?"
"I sealed the despatches with my own hands," remarked the
Permanent Secretary. "And the seals were intact when I took the
case from Captain Marven's hands," added the Great Man.
The detective hazarded another suggestion.
"Is it quite impossible that the information might not have
reached the Stock Exchange and the newspapers from an external
source?"
"So far as we can ascertain, quite impossible," replied the
Permanent Secretary. "We have ascertained that no cable was
received in London which could in any way have related to the affair
before the publication of the news."
"It seems to me," said the Great Man briskly, "that even if we
cannot get direct evidence as to the source through which the
information leaked out, we should at least be able to come to some
sort of conclusion if we knew the names of the parties who must
have benefited by the Stock Exchange operations."
"I see," said the detective. "Well, Sir Gadsby, I'll do my best to
find that out for you."
"I know you will, Kenly," said the Great Man. "But not a word to
anyone; and, while I think of it, I'll write a note to the Commissioner
and ask him to allow you to report directly to Markham here, and to
devote your whole time and attention to this business."
"Very good, Sir Gadsby," said the detective, and the interview
ended.
When alone with the Permanent Secretary, Inspector Kenly
asked every question which occurred to his active brain, but he
elucidated nothing more than the very simple facts with which he had
already been made acquainted, and when he left the Foreign Office
it was with no very hopeful feeling of being able to lay his hand on
the culprit. It is true that there had occurred to him the glimmering of
a possibility as to who might have been responsible for the
disclosure. The despatches had been in the possession of a third
party, in the possession of Captain Marven, the King's Messenger,
for seven or eight hours; and Inspector Kenly had no particular
reason for believing that official locks and seals were more inviolable
than any other locks and seals if submitted to the gentle
manipulation of an expert. But he had met Captain Marven in the
course of his official life, and what he had seen of him led him to
credit the reputation for perfect probity and honour which the King's
Messenger held in the eyes of the world.
 "I should have liked an easier job," grumbled Inspector Kenly to
himself. "Another failure to find out anything coming on top of my
failure to get the slightest clue to the mystery of the Flurscheim affair
will make the Chief think that I am getting past my work. However,
it's no use worrying because I'm not possessed of the gift of
divination. What is, was to be," with which philosophic reflection he
stepped aboard a 'bus bound Citywards, and, while engaged there in
his investigations, the Great Man, having finished preparing his list of
answers for the day's sitting of Parliament, carried off the Permanent
Secretary to lunch with him. They enjoyed their meal none the less
because they had unloaded the cause of their vexation upon the
broad shoulders of Detective Inspector Kenly.
 CHAPTER X
A NEW VIEW OF THE FLURSCHEIM ROBBERY

Time did not touch Mr. Hildebrand Flurscheim's sore with a

healing finger. A month after he had been robbed of his treasures the
wound was still open, though by that time he had been wise enough
to conceal it with a decent bandage from the curious eyes of the
public. But his friends and his enemies knew that it was there and
condoled or rejoiced, according to their several temperaments.
Perhaps there were more who rejoiced than of those who pitied him,
for Flurscheim was not a popular man. Even his friends were
compelled to admit that he was something of a curmudgeon, and
were not quite so sorry as they would have been had the loss fallen
upon anyone else.
After the robbery he became more curmudgeonish than ever,
and his perpetual growlings at everything and everybody made him
so undesirable a companion that even his poor relations began to
find that his company was an infliction that was barely endurable,
even when sweetened by the prospect of figuring in his will. Yet as
people shrank from him he seemed anxious for society. Partly
because he realised that if he were cloistered with his own thoughts
his broodings would terminate in madness, and partly because he
wished to make clear to the world that his loss was a mere triviality
to a man of his wealth, he sought to entertain in a manner which was
entirely foreign to his earlier habit and his real desire. He had a wide
acquaintance, and there were many of the butterflies of fashion and
rank who were attracted to his dinner-table once by curiosity. If, after
the experience, they decided not to go a second time, it was too
early for the connoisseur to have discovered the fact. It was in
pursuance of this campaign of detraction that he had found himself
at the opera when his stares had proved so discomposing to Meriel
Challys and—afterwards—to Guy. The latter, had he known, need
have taken no alarm. Flurscheim's scrutiny was not directed towards
him. Meriel's face alone had engaged his attention. He had first
caught sight of her as she had bent forward to drink in the music,
and he recognised that her features were familiar to him, but where
and when he had met her he could not for the moment remember. It
was not until after he had left the opera house that his memory
supplied the answer he sought. Then he remembered that one of the
stolen miniatures would have served as a portrait of the girl.
Immediately he began to weave a new theory concerning the
burglary. He had woven many theories before; avarice, spite,
disappointed rivalry had all supplied motives for them, but never had
he considered the possibility of a love motive for the robbery.
Supposing that some unfavoured suitor had seen the miniature, and,
coveting it, had broken in to steal it. No! Such a theory was too wild
for even his own belief. Yet the likeness was so extraordinary that he
looked forward to meeting the owner of the strangely attractive face
again.
Fortune favoured him, for within a week he found himself at a
garden party at which Meriel was also a guest. He sought and
obtained an introduction from the hostess, and was quite oblivious to
the chilly character of his reception.
"I particularly wanted to meet you, Miss Challys. Indeed, I may
say that since I saw you at the opera a week ago your face has
really haunted me," said Flurscheim.
Meriel's eyebrows arched. She meditated flight.
"I'm afraid you must have thought me an awful bounder, staring
at you the other night," he continued, "but your face was so familiar
to me, and yet I could not recall where I had met you. It wasn't until
after the opera was over that I remembered that one of my stolen
miniatures was a most striking portrait of you; I hope that you will
realise that my rudeness was unintentional."
"I certainly did not think so at the time," replied Meriel.
"It was quite a relief when I placed my memory," said the
connoisseur. "D'you know that I'm one of those men that are made
supremely uncomfortable by a lapse of memory of that sort. I begin
to think my brain's failing if it doesn't respond at once to any call I
make upon it, and after my recent worry I really began to be
anxious."
"Did the burglary worry you so much as all that?" replied Meriel.
Usually sympathetic to any story of trouble, she felt it difficult to
express any sympathy with the loss the wealthy connoisseur had
sustained.
"Worry me?" asked Flurscheim in an astonished tone. "Worry
me?" he repeated. "Worry isn't the name for what I've gone through.
I can see you don't understand what a collector's treasures mean to
him. My dear young lady"—in his excitement an accent became
audible which made of the words "ma tear young lady,"—"my
pictures are what I've lived for. If I lose them my life is as empty—as
empty"—he looked round for an appropriate simile and found one
handy—"as most of these people's pockets."
Meriel smiled at the racial revelation. Flurscheim thought she
smiled at the simile itself. "Fortunately it was only one of my pictures
that was taken," he continued, "but"—he could not resist the wail—"it
was the best of the lot. I would rather have lost any two of the
others."
Meriel began to be interested in the man. He was manifestly
honest in his confession. She even managed to infuse a little
sympathy into her enquiry as to whether the police had obtained no
clue to the thief. By so asking she struck another chord in the
keyboard of the Flurscheim emotions.
"The police! Fools! Dolts! Idiots!" he exclaimed. "Of what use are
the police but to strut about and direct the traffic? When it comes to
catching thieves they are just about as useful as the pigeons in the
parks. Some of them call themselves detectives," he continued with
virulent scorn. "There's one of them called Kenly, an inspector with a
reputation of being one of the smartest men at Scotland Yard! Got it,
I should think, the same way as an owl gets a reputation for wisdom.
Cocks his ears, opens his eyes wide, and keeps his mouth shut. For
nearly six weeks he has been doing nothing else but investigate my
robbery. And what has he found out? Nothing, absolutely nothing.
Detectives, bah!" He pulled himself up with an effort. "I've promised
myself I wouldn't talk about the matter to anyone, Miss Challys. I
can't do so without losing my temper, and it will give you a very bad
opinion of me if I have to apologise to you twice in one day."
"You seem to lose it pretty easily, Mr. Flurscheim," she
answered.
"Can't help it, Miss Challys. So I'll apologise straight away for
doing so and for staring at you the other night, for I know you were
annoyed. It never struck me that you might be annoyed, you know.
Most girls to-day take it as a compliment when a man looks 'em
over."
Meriel stiffened and, looking away, met Guy's eyes. She had
known that he expected to be present, and at the recognition her
whole face brightened. Guy had already recognised Flurscheim, and
though the fact that he was apparently engaged in earnest
conversation with Meriel gave him a twinge of apprehension, he did
not hesitate to come forward.
Flurscheim looked upon the young man disapprovingly as Meriel
put her hand in his. He saw that his existence was momentarily
obliterated from the girl's mind. But he did not move from her side,
and when, still forgetful, she strolled away with Guy across the lawn
without even turning her head in his direction, he muttered a curse in
which Guy was included amongst things in general, but from which
Meriel herself was just as certainly excluded.
No sooner were they out of hearing than Guy gave expression
to the curiosity which the sight of Flurscheim in conversation with
Meriel had excited in him.
"However did that bounder Flurscheim manage to corner you,
Miss Challys?" he asked.
Meriel glanced round. "Oh! I had quite forgotten him," she said
laughing, "although I was wondering how I should manage to escape
him when I saw you."
 "After staring at you the other night in so impertinent a manner I
wonder he had the cheek to face you," continued Guy irritably.
"Oh! he explained all that," replied Meriel. "He sought me out to-
day in order to apologise." She told how the connoisseur had been
puzzled to account for his familiarity with her face and his ultimate
recognition of her as the autotype of one of his missing miniatures.
Guy smiled at the explanation. He realised with an exceptional
degree of pleasure that the miniature was now in his own
possession. He had long ago carefully removed the picture from the
lid of the snuff-box in which it had been set and had reset it himself
in a simple gold frame with a circlet of brilliants. It was his by right of
possession, and he determined that it should remain his. Incidentally
the information Meriel had given him that she had been the object of
Flurscheim's scrutiny came as a relief. It was proof that he himself
was in no way suspected. At the same time it seemed to Guy an
added impertinence on the part of the connoisseur that he should
have sought to make Meriel's acquaintance. It gave him pleasure to
think that he had despoiled the Jew of his treasures. He would have
liked to have confided his thoughts to the girl at his side. He was
almost on the point of doing so when his common sense bade him
pause. She would not understand. She was not tutored in the
doctrine of the rights of the individual to possess everything upon
which he may lay his hand. But he could not resist the opportunity
which seemed to offer to open her eyes to some of his own beliefs. If
he presented them delicately they might not offend. Crudely
expressed, he knew that she would not listen.
"Flurscheim is hardly the sort of person who deserves to
possess beautiful things," he hazarded.
"There seems something incongruous in the idea," she said
smiling her reply. "But there can be no doubt but that he has a very
real love for them."
"Can't believe it," said Guy emphatically. "The capacity to
acquire beautiful things and the capacity to see their beauties rarely
go together."
 "I should think that your argument would rather apply to the
burglar who stole Mr. Flurscheim's valuables than to Mr. Flurscheim,"
replied Meriel merrily.
"Not necessarily," answered Guy. "It might be that the person in
whose possession they are now is far more capable of appreciating
the Greuze or of the miniature which he declares is so like yourself,
than he is, and if such should happen to be the case hasn't the
present possessor as much right as Flurscheim to the enjoyment of
them?"
He spoke lightly and Meriel replied in the same tone.
"Isn't that an argument which might apply to anything of the
nature of personal possessions?" she asked.
"Certainly," he responded quickly. "Is the man or woman, who
wants a thing, to go without it when somebody else has more of the
same article than he knows what to do with? Look at that fat old
woman over there"—the disrespectful allusion referred to the
maternal relative of the latest American addition by marriage to the
list of British peeresses—"she's so loaded up with jewels that she
absolutely clanks as she walks. She has enough on her to satisfy the
aspirations of a hundred ordinary women. Why should she have all
those pretty stones and trinkets and lots of other women go
without?"
"She certainly is wearing far too much jewellery for a garden
party," replied Meriel, her eyes twinkling.
"Yet if any other woman were to relieve her of even the smallest
of her extraneous adornments the mere possession of which would
probably give her far more pleasure than it does to the present
possessor, there's not a man or woman here who would not cry 'to
gaol with the thief,'" said Guy.
Despite his intention, Guy had warmed to the argument, and he
awoke a corresponding earnestness in his companion.
"I don't think I should," she said quietly. "I should pity her too
much."
 "But why?" he asked. "She would merely have shown herself to
have the courage of her desires."
Meriel shook her head. "I always pity people who cannot control
their desires, particularly when those desires are for things that don't
belong to them."
"But," urged Guy, "everyone is born with the right to enjoy. That
fat old woman has long ago ceased to find enjoyment in many of her
trinkets. Why pity anyone who would at one stroke relieve her of her
burden and at the same time provide themselves with a new
pleasure?"
Meriel knitted her brows. "I'm no good at an ethical argument,
Mr. Hora," she said. "And I am quite sure you only want to get me to
agree with you so that you may laugh at me afterwards."
"No," he answered. "I've no arrière pensée of the sort you
imagine. I know you would think it wrong, the majority think it wrong
for anyone to help themselves to other people's things. I want to
know why."
Meriel looked at him archly. "Suppose I were to slip behind that
comfortable old lady and snip off that little watch all studded with
diamonds from her chatelaine, what would you think of me?"
"I wish to Heaven you would," he answered.
Meriel laughed. "I should never have thought that you could be
so strongly provoked by mere ostentation."
"I was not thinking of the old woman," he answered. "My
admiration would be entirely attributable to your pluck in defying the
conventions."
"But afterwards?" she objected. "You could never have the
slightest respect for me."
"On the contrary——" he began.
She interrupted him. "No," she said. "You would no more
respect me than I could you, if, for instance, you had stolen poor Mr.
Flurscheim's picture."
 He was taken aback by the apposite allusion. For a second, and
for a second only, he imagined that there was intention in her
selection of the simile. But a glance into the smiling eyes which met
his so frankly disabused his mind of the idea. Clearly, the girl never
thought that he could possibly have engaged in such an adventure.
She had not the slightest idea that he was guilty—no, that was the
wrong word, the coward's word, no guilt attached to his actions—that
he was capable of such a feat. She saw that he was disturbed and
continued gaily.
"Why, even the supposition of such a thing is repugnant to you,
and yet you ask why?"
"Even suppose that the idea is repugnant," he replied, "I still ask
why it is so. Reason could justify the action."
"For reason say sophistry," she answered quickly. "You know
that the repugnance of the thought is inbred. It's inherited. We can't
help thinking like that because the knowledge of right and wrong is
intuitive."
"A woman's answer," he answered lightly.
"A man's still more," she said with earnestness. "One might
possibly forgive a woman's theft. We are the weaker creatures and
the more easily swayed by our desires. But the man should be
strong enough to resist. No man worthy the name could stoop to
dishonour himself in so petty a manner, nor could he have aught but
contempt for the woman who so gave way to her covetousness. No,
Mr. Hora. You could never persuade me that you could have an atom
of respect for me if I were to so forget my principles as to filch any
one of the over-jewelled dowager's trinkets? Now, would you?"
He sought refuge from the direct answer in a side issue. "But if
your principles were such that you honestly believed that the good
lady had no more right than yourself to her jewels and that only the
fear of punishment restrained you from taking possession of them?"
Meriel laughed gaily. "I cannot even conceive such a possibility,"
she said. "It seems to me you are preaching anarchy, and I'm not the
least little bit of an anarchist."
 The approach of a third person interrupted Guy's reply. Looking
away from Meriel he saw Captain Marven standing beside him. The
Captain had heard his niece's concluding words and he corroborated
them.
"I can safely swear that a more tyrannical dictator of law and
order than Meriel never stepped over a man's threshold. You must
accuse her of something else, Hora."
Guy laughed and the subject dropped. But the conversation had
made an impression upon him. It had destroyed, though at the time
he did not recognise the fact, the delight he had felt in being
something apart from other men, the exhilaration of being in conflict
with the world. The obvious scorn which the girl felt for the thief, her
absolute belief that the idea of theft was as repugnant to him as it
was to herself, were deadly blows to the philosophy which Lynton
Hora fondly imagined he had planted so deeply as to be
ineradicable. Guy felt that his belief was crumbling. He knew that if
he were to be true to the man he knew as father he should forswear
the bewitching companionship of the girl who exercised so unsettling
an influence upon him, nevertheless when a little later Captain
Marven asked him to visit them at their country home when the
season was over, he accepted eagerly.
 CHAPTER XI
GUY FINDS A NEW HOME

In the days that followed the conversation between Guy and

Meriel, the young man's disquiet strengthened, though he hid his
perturbation successfully enough from the eyes of his daily
companions. He met the Marvens frequently, for he could not resist
the fascination Meriel exercised upon him. He could see that he was
a welcome visitor at the Marvens' house, and yet every time he
accepted their hospitality he felt a twinge of regret that Captain
Marven should have been a victim of his predatory philosophy, even
though the victim had not been personally injured thereby.
Instinctively he loathed himself for the treacherous part he appeared
to be playing, even though he argued that he had but played a man's
part in avenging his father's wrongs.
He would have felt more satisfied if he could have been made
acquainted with the nature of those wrongs. But when he had
ventured a question on the subject Lynton Hora's brow had wrinkled
into a heavy frown, and he had harshly bidden Guy to refer no more
to the subject. Nor could he gain the least enlightenment from Meriel,
though he had discreetly questioned her regarding her uncle's early
life. No suspicion as to his real parentage ever crossed his mind.
Meriel had merely referred to the great grief of her relatives' lives in
terms which had produced in Guy's mind the idea that their only child
had died in infancy. "Poor auntie and uncle lost their only child when
he was three years old," she had said, "and even now no one ever
dares mention his name in their presence, they feel the loss so
acutely. His name was Guy, like yours, and I think that is partly why
they seem to like you so much."
From his acquaintance with Captain Marven, Guy could not
conceive that the kindly hearted man had ever done anyone a
deliberate injury. He began to question the possibility of Hora being
possessed of some delusion on the subject and longed the more to
be acquainted with the facts in order that he might be in a position to
put the misunderstanding right. Since that was hopeless, however,
he was profoundly thankful that Hora had insisted upon his taking a
residence apart. He had found chambers which suited him in the
"Albany," and there he was free to brood over his own mental
problems without the possibility of having to meet Lynton Hora's
enquiring glance. He no longer felt satisfied with his tutor's
philosophy. He was almost afraid to lay bare his new-born doubts to
the scorn which the Commandatore would pour upon his heart-
searchings. He imagined that the Commandatore had no idea that
any conflict was taking place in his mind. He flattered himself that he
had long since obtained complete mastery over the expression of his
thoughts, that his face was no dial of his emotions but a mask for
their concealment. But he did less than justice to his master's
perceptive powers. He was not conscious that it needed an effort to
remain in the company of the Commandatore, but Lynton Hora
perceived it, and realising that Guy was concealing something from
him determined to become acquainted with the details of the matter
concealed. He had not lost confidence in Guy. He did not imagine
that the truth of principles he had so carefully instilled was likely to
be questioned. But Captain Marven was so associated with the black
days, marked indelibly in his life's calendar, that he could not feel
easy in his mind now that he had once more crossed his path.
Besides, for the consummation of the revenge he was planning, it
was imperative that no nook or corner of Guy's life should be veiled
from his sight. That was the real reason why he had suggested
Guy's finding an abode for himself. He desired to be made
acquainted with Guy's movements, the houses he visited and the
companions he affected when away from home. It would have been
difficult to set such a watch on Guy, if he had remained at the flat in
Westminster, without subjecting himself to inconvenience; but
installed in chambers of his own, it would be easy to obtain
information.
Hora's first intention had been to keep watch himself on Guy's
movements, but consideration decided him to employ some tool for
the purpose. His thoughts had lingered for a moment on Myra, but
that suggestion also was speedily put aside; she was too
passionately interested in Guy to prove a trustworthy spy upon his
actions. Hora knew where to look for a reliable tool, for, secretive
though he was, averse to allowing any outsider to co-operate with
him in the execution of any of his enterprises, yet he had kept in
touch with certain of the companions who had worked beside him,
groaned under the same harsh discipline, in the days of his
expiation. None of them knew him by name. But his face was known
to them, and welcomed, for he never appeared amongst them
without bringing largesse for their debauches, and, more welcome
still, suggestions of places where booty awaited the skilful craftsman
with bold heart, and wise words of advice as to the means by which
it might be acquired. These denizens of the lower world guessed that
their unknown benefactor was of themselves, though moving on a
higher plane. The suggestions he made were invariably audacious,
but when put into practice they almost as invariably proved
successful, so that the unknown became known amongst them as
the Master.
Guy had not been settled in his new abode for more than three
days when Hora set out in search of someone who would undertake
the business. He took all his usual precautions in order to avoid
identification, though he relied more upon the assumption of a new
character than upon any physical disguise. He entered a train which
carried him away to London's most beautiful possession, the Royal
Gardens of Kew. He entered the gates a bright, alert personality. He
had an appreciative eye for the beauties of the trees and the flowers,
but he did not linger amongst them, seeking a retired spot amongst
the trees in the wild portion of the demesne. When half an hour later
he retraced his steps nothing but the curious limp in his gait would
have hinted at his identity. The overcoat which he had carried on his
arm was now worn on his back. Its threadbare seams and worn cuffs
were an eloquent testimony of poverty. The sprucely folded umbrella
had become baggy, and instead of carrying it on his arm he leaned
heavily upon it. A pair of steel spectacles were fixed upon his nose.
His hat had been exchanged for another much the worse for wear.
His collar had been replaced by one of clerical cut. A Bible, much
worn, was under his arm. He looked like a mild, inoffensive
clergyman who had fallen upon evil days, or a curate who had never
fallen upon good ones, and anyone who spared him a single glance
would have been ready to stake a good round sum that the contents
of the bag he carried consisted mainly of tracts. Returning to the
railway station he asked in the mildest of voices for a ticket to
Latimer Road, and bungled over counting the change while the
people waiting behind him impatiently snorted at his clumsiness.
"I'm sure I beg your pardon for detaining you," he said when the
coppers were safely put away in a shabby old purse. He was always
authentic in his impersonations.
No one took the slightest heed of him when he reached the
station to which he had booked, and, alighting, set his face in the
direction of Notting Dale. He walked steadily on, turning now to the
left now to the right again. Each street he entered seemed to worsen
in some indefinable manner. The main road into which he had
passed from the station had been merely one of London's
characterless thoroughfares, with rows of struggling shops, each
flaunting the banner of cheapness in the face of passers-by. A sign
of a poor neighbourhood this, and off the main road the signs were
more pronounced. The open doors, the women sitting at open
windows, the babies on the stairs and the pavements, the voice of
the coal hawker, were all unmistakable signs. Presently the dress of
the women became more blowsy, the children dirtier, men were to be
seen lolling from the windows and gathered in groups outside the
doors of the public houses; when policemen were to be seen at all,
they were in couples. Hora's face wore an air of positive
benevolence. A boy of five or six years ran beside him with
outstretched hand.
"Spare us a copper, guvnor?" he asked.
Hora paused. "I have no coppers to spare, my child," he
remarked.
"I ain't had no breakfus," said the child.
Hora's eyes twinkled.
 "I'm afraid you are not speaking the truth, my boy," he remarked
blandly. "Still"—he opened his bag carefully and extracted therefrom
a packet of sticky sweets and a bundle of tracts. "I don't expect you
get many sweeties. Hold out your hand."
The youngster did as he was bidden. Hora counted four sugary
lumps into the eager palm. "Never tell a lie, my boy," he said
solemnly.
The child seemed unimpressed. "I say, is that all, guvnor?" he
asked as Hora replaced the paper of sweets in his bag.
The incident had not passed unobserved. From a doorway close
at hand a bullet-headed man, whose cranial outline was the more
strongly marked because of the closely cropped hair, was looking on
with a grin on his countenance, while across the road a couple of
policemen were also watching. The bullet-headed person spoke
suddenly.
"You run away and stop worriting the good gen'l'man," he said.
The boy looked up, caught sight of the policemen, and whirling
on his heels disappeared like a rabbit into its burrow.
"The very kids in this street learn to tell the tale afore they can
walk," remarked the round-head pleasantly.
"I'm afraid it's a very wicked street," said Hora with a sigh. "The
devil has many disciples in Fancy Lane."
"Guess you're right there, guvnor," replied the man. "There's two
on 'em comin' across the road to talk to you now." There was a
shadow of a wink in his eye.
"Let me hope you will have nothing to do with them," said Hora
earnestly, "any more than I should myself. You must know where
companionship of that sort leads."
"I know that right enough," said the man passing his hand over
his closely cropped hair. "I don't have no more truck with that sort
than I can help."
Hora reopened his bag and took from it a tract.
 "You may find some helpful words here," he said. "This little
story is called 'The Downward Path.' Take it and it may prove a
blessing to you."
He turned away, and, for the first time, appeared to become
aware of the presence of the two policemen.
"I am afraid that I did not rightly apprehend that good man's
meaning," he said aloud as if talking to himself.
One of the policemen looked down upon the bent figure.
"Beg pardon, sir," he said, "I just wanted to make sure it was
you, because this street, as you know, isn't too safe for strangers."
"Thank you, my friend," replied Hora. "But you know that I am as
safe here as at my own home." The policemen passed on.
"There won't come no harm to him," said the elder to his
companion. "They knows he's a harmless old crank, an' they chy-
ikes him a bit for comin' to convert 'em with a packet of tracts for the
men and a packet of sweets for the kids, but he's safe enough, for
he never has anything about him to make it worth while anyone
knocking him on the head."
"He comes pretty reg'lar, I suppose then?" asked the second
constable. "I've not seen him before."
"Three or four times a year, may be. There's plenty knows him in
the street."
They passed out of sight and Hora went on his way, stopping
now and then to speak to a man or a woman or to bestow a sweet
on some urchin in the gutter. So, progressing slowly, he reached an
archway which had once formed an entrance to a builder's yard. He
passed beneath it and crossed the open space to a shed which
stood at the far end. The ground was littered with rubbish of all sorts,
dirty wisps of straw, dirty pieces of newspaper, rotting cabbage stalks
and decomposing remains of fish. Reaching the shed he gave no
knock but pushed the door open and entered. Outside, the July sun
was shining brightly and within the darkness was so dense that he
stood still until his eyes grew accustomed to it. The shed was
provided with one small window, but three of its four panes were
glazed with brown paper and the remaining pane of glass was so
begrimed that only a feeble light forced entrance through it.
While he stood in the doorway striving to penetrate the gloom a
human voice, though it was so far unlike the ordinary human voice
that it might have belonged to any creature but one made in God's
image, began to mutter and gurgle in the darkest corner.
"Ma Norton?" asked Hora.
The answer came like a wheeze of a dropsical spider.
"Get out of this. I don't want no ant'em cacklers round my
place."
By this time Hora's vision had grown accustomed to the semi-
darkness. He took off his hat and laid it on the table. He saw that but
for one old woman seated in a corner there was no one else present.
"Your eyesight's failing, Ma," he remarked composedly. The old
woman struggled to her feet. "Blimy! If it ain't the Master hisself," she
wheezed. "What's brought you down here again so soon?"
"What else should but the desire to see you a reformed
character, the desire to read the Bible to you, pray with you with the
object of ending your days in the workhouse like a decent Christian
woman. Ha—ha—ha!" He laughed at his own ribaldry.
"He! He! He!" the old woman cackled in response. Her pallid,
pendulous, flabby cheeks flapped as she shook with merriment. Her
enormous frame, held loosely together about the waist and
shoulders with untidy tapes, threatened to collapse like a half-cooled
jelly shaken too soon from the mould. The tears started from her
eyes and ran down her cheeks. She gasped and choked until
reaching for a bottle standing handily on a shelf she poured
something from it into a tumbler standing by and tossed off the
draught.
"That's better," she remarked. "You shouldn't make me laugh,
Master. Laughing shakes me so that I'm afraid it'll be the death of me
some day."
 "No fear," answered Hora. "You will finish yourself off with the
gin bottle first."
"Lord! What a man it is for making game of an old woman's little
weakness," she replied composedly. "But what's brought you here
to-day out of your time? Nothin's happened to my gal, has there?"
"Getting anxious to have her home again?" remarked Hora
sardonically. "I'm not sure that she would appreciate the home you
could give her."
He looked round him and smiled at the thought of Myra
transported into such surroundings. The bare walls of the shed with
the plaster broken and crumbling away; the filthy floor with a grimy
sack thrown before the fenderless fireplace to do service as rug; the
two stained deal tables littered with old articles of crockery, remnants
of food, articles of attire, all mixed up together; the broken chairs; the
grubby bed and bedding in the corner, would make a strange setting
for the exotic beauty who at that very moment would probably be
stepping from her perfumed bath to don a dainty dressing gown
before submitting to the ministrations of her maid.
The old woman watched his glance distrustfully. "You ain't
thinking of turning her out, Master?" she whined. "I know very well
she's well off where she is, an' you know this ain't no place for the
likes of her."
"I might bring her here to see you one day. I'm sure she would
be glad to see her mother," he remarked.
The woman rose again from the chair. She spoke with ill-
concealed agitation.
"Don't you go for to do it, Master. Don't you do it. I'm quite
satisfied so long as I knows she's all right. There ain't no call for her
to set eyes on the likes of me. Why, it might happen that she would
sick at the sight." Her voice died away and she repeated dully, "Don't
you go for to do it!"
"I don't think she would be exactly pleased," remarked Hora.
"But make you mind easy, Ma. It's nothing to do with Myra that I want
to see you about. You hear a lot of things in this part of the world,
and I wondered whether by any chance you have heard lately of
Corny Jessel. I have a job for him."
The old woman reseated herself and helped herself thoughtfully
to another allowance of gin. "When did I last hear tell of him?" she
murmured. "Not so long ago, for certain. The shadder-man, you
mean, ain't it, Master? Corny Jessel, the shadder-man?"
"Yes," said Hora. "The shadow-man."
"My memory ain't what it was," said the old woman
disconsolately, "but I'm sure I heard about him only the other day."
Hora lit a cigarette and smoked calmly while the woman racked
her memory. At last he was rewarded for his patience.
"It was Bully Hagan telled me he'd seen him only the other day."
"The round-headed man who's just come out of prison?" asked
Hora.
"Lives at 27 in the Street, first floor front," said the woman.
"I met him on my way here," said Hora. "I'll go and find him." He
rose to go.
"You haven't told me how my gal's lookin'," said the woman.
Hora laughed, but he good naturedly complied with the request,
and for five minutes poured into the greedy ears of the woman a
description of the dresses and the jewels her daughter wore at the
theatres and dinners and dances to which she had recently been.
Then he took his departure, leaving behind him a couple of gold
pieces in the old woman's palm. In the street he resumed his
missionary demeanour and passing along from house to house
found Bully Hagan at the same spot where he had parted from him,
and in exchange for another piece of gold was soon put in
possession of the address he sought. He wrote it down on a piece of
paper.
Cornelius Jessel, Woodbine Cottage, Melpomene Road,
Wimbledon.
 And, resuming his progress, came at last to the more
respectable streets and finally to the railway station again.
 CHAPTER XII
INSPECTOR KENLY'S LODGER

One day at the beginning of July Detective Inspector Kenly's

face as he left the railway station and stepped out briskly homewards
wore a particularly injured air. It was not entirely owing to the sultry
state of the atmosphere, though that may have had something to do
with his frame of mind. He considered himself to be a greatly
aggrieved man. In the first place his investigations into the
Flurscheim burglary had been an abject and total failure. He had
spent day and night following up illusory clues without the slightest
result. On top of this he had been entrusted with the investigation of
the stolen despatch affair, and after three days' laborious enquiry
found himself no nearer any accurate result than he had been when
he commenced, save that certain names on the list of members of
the Stock Exchange had been ticked off as unable to afford any
information. These failures he might have borne with equanimity had
they been his sole grievance. But he had another, and being a purely
personal, private, domestic grievance, it rankled far more than any of
the others.
Detective Inspector Kenly was a married man, and when Mrs.
Detective Inspector determined to have her own way, Mr. Detective
Inspector, however clever he was at circumventing the wiliest of
criminals, invariably succumbed to the wiles of the smiling lady who
ruled over his household. Happily any difference between them was
rare, but there was one subject upon which they never could agree.
The Inspector liked to keep his home to himself. He thought that his
good lady had quite enough to do to look after himself and the two
little Kenlys. But that was not Mrs. Kenly's opinion at all. She thought
that no home was complete without a lodger. To her such a thing as
a spare bedroom in her house was an abomination. She looked
upon it as so much capital lying idle, instead of being put out at
interest with some eligible young man or young woman. When he
had taken Woodbine Cottage, Melpomene Road, Wimbledon, Kenly
had thought that he should have circumvented Mrs. Kenly's little
idiosyncrasy. But there were two attics in the cottage which had not
entered into his calculations. It did not occur to him that they could
be utilised for any other purpose than as box-rooms. But Mrs. Kenly
thought differently. In her eyes they would make quite adequate, if
small, bedrooms, so before he had been settled in the house for a
month, all the Inspector's arrangements were recast, the youthful
Kenlys were relegated to the attics, while the largest bedroom on the
first floor was furnished as a bed sitting-room and a card placed in
the window announced to all and sundry that "furnished apartments"
were to be secured at Woodbine Cottage.
The card did not remain there very long. Woodbine Cottage
looked so spick and span; the bright windows, the white curtains, the
spotless doorstep, and shining brass knocker were such attractive
testimonials to the quality of the accommodation to be found within,
that the eligible lodger was speedily secured. For six years Inspector
Kenly entertained a single lady of mature years and a small income.
He did not repine overmuch, for she had few friends, gave little
trouble, and was more or less of a companion to Mrs. Kenly when
his business, as it often did, took him away from home.
But, when she left, Inspector Kenly made another effort to
persuade his wife to do without "the lodger." In vain he argued that
his income was ample for the wants of the household. Mrs. Kenly
would not listen. Once again the card appeared in the window, and in
due course Cornelius Jessel, passing by, saw it there, and, being at
the time in want of a quiet retreat in a really respectable
neighbourhood, thought that the apartments, if not too expensive,
would suit him. He saw the bed sitting-room. He liked its appearance
so well that he paid a week's rent there and then in advance, and
thus, when Inspector Kenly returned home one evening, he found
that he was once more possessed of a lodger.
Possibly, if Cornelius Jessel had been acquainted with the
position and occupation of the head of the household into which he
had entered, he might not have been so ready to take possession of
the comfortable bed sitting-room. But Inspector Kenly did not think it
desirable to blazon abroad his connection with Scotland Yard. He
had particularly insisted upon any lodger who entered his house
remaining unacquainted with his profession. So Cornelius Jessel had
not the slightest idea that he was living under the roof of one of the
men whom he had long ago learned to look upon as an enemy.
Indeed, he had real reasons to fear the emissaries of law and order.
Not that he was by any means a person of importance in the criminal
world. He was merely one of those backboneless creatures who
have the will but lack the courage to do any daring deed which would
make them famous in the annals of crime; one of those poor
shrinking, cringing creatures who are content to play the part of
jackal to more venturesome spirits, a petty thief sometimes, an
astute writer of begging letters at others, a deviser of petty frauds for
robbing poor people of a few stamps on every convenient occasion.

As she bent over him a

sudden mad impulse to
clasp her in his arms
seized him.

When he had timidly asked to be shown the vacant apartments

in Woodbine Cottage, Mrs. Kenly had decided at once that he would
prove amenable to any rules and regulations she might like to
impose upon him. He agreed with such a deprecating air to every
suggestion she made as to the points which seemed desirable in a
well-conducted lodger that her heart quite warmed to him. He
thought sixpence a scuttle for coals "most reasonable." He agreed
that the room was certainly worth more than the seven and sixpence
weekly paid in advance, which Mrs. Kenly demanded for rent and
attendance. He exhibited the liveliest satisfaction when Mrs. Kenly
informed him that beyond a shilling a week for "gas" she charged "no
extras," and came to a most satisfactory arrangement regarding the
meals he proposed to take at home, and the price he was to pay for
them. Mrs. Kenly thought in her own mind that a bachelor was much
more profitable than a maiden of mature years, and congratulated
herself on her luck. When she further learned from Cornelius Jessel
that he was engaged in "literary pursuits," and would not be
disturbed by many callers, though his work might sometimes keep
him in the house all day, she thought she was indeed in luck's way,
and was fully prepared to defend her action when called upon.
She found it necessary to do so from the first. Inspector Kenly
objected most strenuously to the presence of a male lodger in the
house. He objected still more when he had made the acquaintance
of his new tenant. He disliked Jessel's appearance. The pale hair,
pale complexion, pale watery eyes roused his antipathy. He disliked
Jessel's manner still more. The lodger did not walk as an ordinary
man, he glided from place to place. He glided down the stairs and
out of the front door, and he glided in again and up the stairs so that
no one ever knew whether he was in or out of the house. His
apologetic manner, his dislike of going abroad by day, his
abstemiousness, his apparent lack of acquaintances, the very
decorum of his habits were to Inspector Kenly reasons for suspicion.
The Inspector was no mean judge of men, and he dubbed Jessel
thief at sight. "Some day we shall find him and the spoons missing,"
he said to his wife. She laughed at the idea.
"Well, if that should happen, I shall depend upon you to recover
them for me," she replied.
 She did not believe that there was any harm in the man. But the
Inspector was so certain in his own mind that he spent some hours
searching the records at Scotland Yard, after having secured some
of his tenant's finger prints by a trick. The search was quite useless.
There was no record against him. Hitherto he had always managed
to evade the law.
It was the fact that he had been unable to secure the proof he
desired that constituted Inspector Kenly's third and greatest
grievance. Everything seemed to be going wrong with him. He had
been so certain that he would be able to provide good and sufficient
reasons to his wife for getting rid of the detested lodger that, when
he found that he was unable to do so, he began to doubt whether his
instincts were playing him false.
Thus brooding he turned into Melpomene Road. Several yards
before him was an elderly man wearing a clerical collar with an
overcoat threadbare at the seams, a little black bag in his hand, and
a Bible under his arm, and slightly dragging one foot after him as he
walked.
"Non-conformist parson," commented the Inspector to himself.
The stranger was looking each side of him as he passed up the
street, but, on reaching Woodbine Cottage he paused, lifted the latch
of the gate and, entering, made his way to the front door.
"A visitor for the lodger," commented the Inspector, and he
passed by his own door to the end of the road. When he returned,
the non-conformist parson had disappeared. The Inspector let
himself quietly into the house with his latchkey. An opportunity was
afforded him of learning something concerning the lodger which he
determined not to neglect. He said nothing to Mrs. Kenly as to his
intention, for his suspicion that the tenant of the first floor front was,
to use his own expressive phrase, "on the crook," might not prove
capable of demonstration. He merely said that he had business that
evening, and could only remain in the house a few minutes. So Mrs.
Kenly popped the tea in the teapot forthwith, dished up the haddock,
which had been simmering over the pan on the kitchen fire, and
directed all her attention to supplying her husband's requirements.
While thus engaged the lodger's bell rang, but she paid no heed to
the summons until she had seen that the Inspector's needs were all
provided for.
"I expect Mr. Jessel wants a cup of tea for his visitor," she
remarked, when the bell tinkled a second time.
"So he has begun to have callers at last, has he?" remarked the
Inspector.
"It's the first time since he come to live with us, a month ago last
Tuesday," replied Mrs. Kenly, "and a nice-spoken old clergyman, too.
I always thought as he was a most respectable young man, and now
I'm sure of it." She bustled off to answer the bell, in the absence of
the youthful maid of all work, who had been sent out with the two
young Kenlys to picnic on the Common.
Inspector Kenly said nothing. When Mrs. Kenly returned and
prepared a tray with two cups on it, he chatted about indifferent
things. He finished his tea leisurely. "I'll just have a rinse before I go
out again," he remarked to his wife. He closed the door of the little
sitting-room behind him, and mounted the stairs. When occasion
required, Inspector Kenly, in spite of his six feet of muscular
manhood, could be as light-footed as any cat, and not a stair
creaked as he mounted them to his own bedroom, the door of which
was opposite that of the room in which the lodger was entertaining
his guest. In his own doorway he paused and listened. He could hear
a murmur of voices, that was all. Stay! His trained ear caught the
sound of a name twice repeated, "Guy Hora." It meant nothing to
him, but he noted it instinctively. The voices dropped to a murmur
again, and the Inspector returned downstairs, and, after lighting his
pipe and telling his wife that he did not expect to be very late home,
he slipped out of the back door and made his way leisurely to the
end of the street.
His meal had put him in a much more contented frame of mind,
and, as he puffed away at his pipe, he smiled at the thought that he
should be engaged in keeping observation on his own house. It
reminded him of his early days in the detective force, and he
remembered how often he had waited hours without anything
rewarding his patience. This time his patience was not severely tried.
He had not finished his first pipeful of tobacco when his lodger's
visitor made his appearance, and passing along the street took a
turning which led to the nearest railway station.
Inspector Kenly walked briskly in the same direction, but by
another route. It was slightly longer than the one Lynton Hora had
taken, but Kenly was there first. He was on the platform before Hora,
and was in the guard's brake almost as soon as the train came into
the platform. He observed that his lodger's visitor carefully scanned
the carriages as they passed him and entered an empty first-class
compartment. "Hard up parsons don't usually travel first-class,"
commented Inspector Kenly to himself.
He kept his eyes fixed on the door of that compartment all the
way to the terminus, but it remained unopened until Waterloo was
reached. There, watching more keenly than ever, he chuckled at his
own acumen when his observation was rewarded by the sight of a
very differently attired person to the shabbily clad old clergyman,
who had entered the compartment, stepping from the train. The
clerical hat and collar and the spectacles had disappeared. The
shabby overcoat carried on Hora's arm revealed only a new silk
lining which was not out of keeping with the smartly cut lounge suit
Hora was wearing beneath. His stoop abandoned, he seemed three
or four inches taller, but he still carried his bag, and Kenly could not
have mistaken the limp.
The detective walked briskly along the platform to the exit of the
station, giving one glance at Hora's face as he passed him. Hora
was signalling a cab and paid no attention. At the exit the detective
paused. The cab which contained the man he was following drove
through the gate, and he heard the address which the cabman
shouted to the clerk in the cab registry office. He gained the street,
and, hailing an empty cab passing at the moment, gave the driver an
address two doors distant from that which had reached his ears. A
block in the traffic at a street corner enabled him to catch up with the
cab he pursued. Nor did he again lose sight of it until Hora, alighting,
paid the man, and entered his own residence.
 The detective looked at his watch. Seven o'clock! There was
plenty of time before him. He also dismissed his cabman, and
strolled along to the building which Hora had entered. Unless his
memory was at fault he guessed that he would have very little
difficulty in obtaining all the information he desired. He knew the
block of mansions, and he knew that a year or two previously an old
comrade of his was employed there in the capacity of hall porter. His
memory had not deceived him. As he reached the door his old
comrade opened it to allow a lady to pass. Recognition was mutual.
Inspector Kenly entered. When he left he was acquainted with all
that the servants in Westminster Mansions knew of Lynton Hora's
household, but the information he had gleaned afforded him no sort
of a hint as to the nature of the connection which existed between
him and Cornelius Jessel, the detective's literary lodger.