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Sensual Austerity and Moral Leadership : Cross-Cultural Perspectives from Plato, Confucius, and Gandhi on Building a Peaceful Society 1st Edition Debidatta Aurobinda Mahapatra full chapter instant download
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Leadership : Cross-Cultural
Perspectives from Plato, Confucius,
and Gandhi on Building a Peaceful
Society 1st Edition Debidatta
Aurobinda Mahapatra
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Preface
While sensual pleasure (or abstinence from it), morality, and leadership,
are well-worn paths of research, there are few studies that explore the con-
nection between them and the relevance of that connection for building a
peaceful and harmonious society. Our interdisciplinary and cross-cultural
research aims to fill this critical gap by arguing that this connection has
significant philosophical and public policy implications. We examine how
the connection between sensual austerity and moral leadership engaged
great minds from different cultural traditions—Plato from ancient Greece,
Confucius from ancient China, and Gandhi from modern India—and sug-
gest that this kind of engagement could be productively applied to social
theory in the contemporary world. We make a case, both explicitly and
implicitly, that such study is not just an exercise in examining cross-cultural
ideas from a historical perspective, but is also an exploration of diverse
pathways for building peaceful, harmonious, and moral societies in any era.
In our earlier collaborative research, we explored similar concepts,
focusing especially on related themes from Asian and global cultural tradi-
tions and their value for conflict resolution. Hence, the idea for this book
did not emerge in a vacuum but proceeded from our earlier research in
comparative philosophy, ethics, peace, and conflict resolution. Our prior
research was more specialized and did not focus as much on cross-cultural
moral and political philosophy or on Plato and Confucius in particular.
However, in the course of these projects we noticed an interesting and
incongruous trend in the literature on classical political thought and its
global legacy: while there is a rich body of research on the moral and
political theories of the thinkers we examine in this book, little work has
v
vi PREFACE
This research would not have been possible without the invaluable
assistance we received from various sources. Interactions with students,
colleagues, reviewers of this and our prior publications, and discussions in
seminars and conferences on the theme we explore here helped develop
ideas for this research. We wish to direct our thanks to all who participated
in these interactions and discussions. Debidatta has taught in the areas of
political theory, Asian politics, and human rights at the University of
Central Florida, and Richard has been teaching moral and political phi-
losophy, intellectual-cultural history, philosophy of mind-metaphysics,
and cross-cultural philosophies of religion and science at Southern New
Hampshire University and Florida State College at Jacksonville. We thank
our students, as interactions with them were helpful in exploring issues
such as the crisis of morality in our time and how thinkers from the East
and West have reflected on this crisis. We wish to thank our better halves,
Seema and Terry, and friends for tolerating and supporting us while we
were focusing on the book during the pandemic’s isolation and while
neglecting other important responsibilities. Debidatta also thanks his ten-
year-old son, Asim, for being understanding and tolerating his father
spending long hours on the computer, and neglecting play time with him,
while working on this book. Last, but not least, we are thankful to Amy
Invernizzi of Palgrave Macmillan and Tikoji Rao M. of Springer Nature
for encouraging us and working with us throughout the publication
process.
1 Introduction 1
Index177
ix
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
milieu of small city states and, perhaps because of this, viewed politics as a
noble, rather than a lowly, profession—a view contested by many later
Christian thinkers. St. Augustine, for instance, made a distinction between
Civitas Dei and Civitas Tempora (the respective cities of God and human-
ity)2 and argued that only in the former can there be perfect happiness.
Plato, Confucius, and Gandhi argued that political life necessarily entails
humanity’s supreme virtues. For all of them, politics involves, to borrow
from political scientist George Sabine, important “preferences, choices,
sense of moral imperatives.”3
Dissatisfied with their own political lives and institutions, they devoted
their lives and thought to improving them—with particular emphasis on
the nature of virtuous political leadership. They advocated a restrained life
for political rulers, a life in which sensual self-restraint, and self-discipline
in every aspect of personal life, was vitally important to their role as lead-
ers. None of them were kings themselves, but they could certainly be
termed ‘kingmakers’: Plato and Confucius were royal advisors and Gandhi
influenced the first generation of policymakers after India’s independence.
We explore here how parallel conceptions of sensual austerity and moral
leadership in their respective philosophies crossed historical and cultural
boundaries in a way that suggests a common—perhaps universal—ideal in
this regard.
In examining sensual austerity and moral leadership, we reference a
wide and common definition of morality. The term ‘moral’ is such com-
mon parlance that providing a formal definition here is almost superflu-
ous. However, to clarify its meaning for our purposes in this study, morality
(hereafter used interchangeably with the term ‘ethics’) refers to both the
branch of philosophy specializing in reasoned ethical evaluations and for-
mal theories, and the everyday concern with questions of right and wrong
that constitute what is commonly called ‘conscience’ or ‘character.’
Indeed, Aristotle, using this latter approach to define the nature of moral-
ity in his landmark Nicomachean Ethics, describes it as “a state of charac-
ter,” and says more specifically that, “the virtue of man also will be the
state of character which makes a man good and makes him do his work
well.”4 Dewey, several millennia later and in a post-Enlightenment milieu,
used the former approach in his own milestone Ethics, writing that “ethics
is the science that deals with conduct in so far as this is considered right or
wrong, good or bad,” or “a systemic account of our judgements about
conduct.”5 In his classic History of Western Morals, Brinton writes that
morality is “the statements men make about what their conduct, or the
1 INTRODUCTION 3
conduct of others, ought to be.”6 Our exemplars certainly used all of these
approaches in their theories and in their professional careers. In the first
section of this chapter, we briefly explore Plato’s concept of the philoso-
pher king and its relevance to the link between sensual austerity and moral
leadership, and in the subsequent two sections we deal with Confucius’s
sage-king and Gandhi’s brahmachari-leader to lay out the groundwork for
later chapters. The final section summarizes the main arguments of the
chapter.
fostering the same dynamics that operate in a healthy soul. Souls who have
accomplished this communion—the philosophers—are the rational/wise
aspects of a society that direct the spirited/ambitious elements to control
the appetitive/desirous masses. Wise governance by philosopher-rulers is
thus essential to a healthy society, and the state of the philosopher-ruler’s
soul is essential to wise governance. A just community is one in which each
part plays its proper role: the desirous part, consisting of appetitive souls
(the merchants, craftsmen, and laborers) creating material wealth and sen-
sual pleasures; the spirited part, consisting of ambitious souls (the soldiers
and administrative officials) controlling the appetitive masses, enforcing
laws, and defending the state; the rational part, consisting of wise souls
(philosophers) making laws and ruling the state.13
Thus, those at the highest level of the political order (the philosophers)
must embody its most rational virtues and eschew its lesser (spirited) and
least (sensual) desires. To accomplish this, philosopher-rulers must focus
exclusively on comprehending The Good: developing and exercising the
rational part of the soul. Throughout the Republic, Plato prescribes an
educational and political program necessary for producing such rulers.
While the lowest class is permitted—even encouraged—to indulge in a
lifestyle of sensual pleasure and wealth production, it also remains excluded
for this reason from participation in political governance. The Auxiliaries
and Guardians (officials, soldiers, and, most importantly, philosopher-
rulers) are subjected to a rigid selection and training process designed to
ensure that they will be inured to a life of sensual abstinence and intellec-
tual rigor. The entire community is taught the Myth of the Metals to
reinforce the division of labor required for this. The philosopher-ruler’s
training regime involves self-denial, moral integrity, and love of wisdom to
the exclusion of all-else. In their formative years they are shielded from,
and taught to scorn salacious literature, nonmartial music, and poetry.
Through a life-long educational program from early childhood to age fifty,
they are taught the humanities, physical fitness, martial skills, higher math-
ematics, and dialectic, while avoiding sensual indulgence. As adults they
renounce family, material possessions, and wealth—living their lives in
communal barracks and forsaking every worldly pursuit except the attain-
ment of wisdom. Their sexual lives, though not celibate in the sense of
complete sexual abstinence, are virtually celibate by being restricted to
occasions designated exclusively for procreation.
The proper hierarchy of the ruler’s soul therefore involves control over
the sensual faculties, which always threaten to lead the philosopher away
6 D. A. MAHAPATRA AND R. GREGO
from reason to passion, from love of wisdom to sensual pleasure, and from
commitment to social justice to dysfunction and chaos. Moreover, Plato
suggests in many places (particularly in dialogs like the Phaedo, Phaedrus,
and the Republic) that these lower aspects of both soul and society are not
just irrelevant to their health but are positively inimical to it. “And indeed,
the soul reasons best when none of these senses troubles it, neither hear-
ing nor sight, nor pain nor pleasure, but when it is most by itself, taking
leave of the body and as far as possible having no contact or association
with it in its search for reality,” the Phaedo states, “and it is then that the
soul of the philosopher most disdains the body, and flees from it and seeks
to be by itself.”14
This kind of stark and pervasive metaphysical dualism underwriting
Plato’s conception of the political community would certainly seem to
indicate that sensual austerity is integral to capable leadership in a just
community. After having been educated in music, the arts, public affairs,
warfare, and, finally, mathematics and dialectic, the philosopher will be
sufficiently focused on the rational apprehension of the Forms—and cor-
respondingly disinterested in sensual pleasures or pains—to undertake the
duty of wise leadership. However, the precise nature and extent of this
ascetic lifestyle is less obvious and has invited considerable scholarly
speculation.
Coleen Zoller,15 for example, has suggested that interpretations of
Platonic dualism in the literature can be effectively categorized in terms of
either ‘austere dualism’ or (following Alison Jagger) ‘normative dualism.’
‘Austere dualism’ involves “the interpretation of Plato that construes him
as a strict metaphysical dualist whose contention that the physical world is
not real leads him to renounce all things physical, especially the human
body and its needs and the related desires in the soul’s appetites.”16 This
popular reading has been championed by a host of political thinkers from
the ancient neo-Platonists through Nietzsche, preeminent figures like
Bertrand Russell, Benjamin Jowett, and Leo Strauss, and an impressive list
of current Plato scholars. “To the empiricist,” Bertrand Russell counsels,
“the body is what brings us into touch with external reality, but to Plato it
is doubly evil, as a distorting medium, causing us to see as through a glass
darkly, and as a source of lusts which distract us from the pursuit of knowl-
edge and the vision of truth.”17 More recently, feminist writers have also
viewed Plato’s dualism in the same way—portraying Platonism in this con-
nection as the origin of the imperialism of the patriarchal mind over the
feminine body in western thought and culture. Genevieve Lloyd, for
1 INTRODUCTION 7
instance, claims that “in the Phaedo, Plato has Socrates …present the intel-
lectual life as a purging of the rational soul from the follies of the body….
During life, Plato concluded, the god-like rational soul should rule over
the slave-like mortal body.”18
Writing from this ascetic vantage point, Travis Butler has developed a
distinction similar to Zoller’s—at least in terms of current perspectives on
the Phaedo—between what he terms an ‘ascetic’ reading on one hand
(which holds that: “The philosopher must behaviorally avoid bodily activi-
ties such as eating, drinking, sex, and the pursuit of externals to the extent
that he can”), and the currently popular ‘evaluative’ reading on the other
hand (which holds that: “The philosopher must purify himself from bodily
activities and their associated pleasures not by avoiding them to any great
extent but by maintaining beliefs and attitudes that reflect their lack of
value”).19 While the former is a more extreme view, both are ascetic ethics
that denigrate sensual pleasure—including sexuality—in order to venerate
the ‘higher’ functions of the soul.
Returning to Zoller’s categories, “normative dualism” (in contra-
distinction to “austere dualism”) “ranks Form over thing and soul over
flesh…without denigrating the human body or nature itself…asceticism is
a practice that is not predicated on disdain for the body.”20 Although a
relative ‘minority report’ in the literature, she claims, the normative view
has been gaining more popularity in recent years, expressed in the work of
Allan Bloom, Raphael Woolf, and David Roochnik, among others. In fact,
discussing the Symposium in Love and Friendship, Allan Bloom describes
Plato’s Socrates as, among western thinkers, “the most erotic of philoso-
phers, period.”21 While stopping short of Bloom, Zoller nonetheless also
advocates on behalf of the normative interpretation. She opens her discus-
sion with a pointed question, “Who is Plato’s Socrates? This book will
remind us that he is a philosopher deeply engaged in worldly matters, who
uses his body to enjoy eating…and drinking…to sleep peacefully….to
have sexual intercourse, to create a family…. Is this down-to-earth life
consistent with his asceticism”?22 She goes on to argue that most ‘austere’
interpretations of Plato’s asceticism are derived from a narrow selection of
texts—principally the Phaedo and the Phaedrus—combined with a simi-
larly narrow reading of the Republic, as well as inordinate deference by
modern scholars to ancient, medieval, and early modern Platonism, all of
which hold the ‘austere’ view. These interpretations, Zoller claims, share a
bias toward the extreme asceticism valorized by the classical-Christian
metaphysical legacy that influenced them.23 Thus Zoller’s ‘normative’
8 D. A. MAHAPATRA AND R. GREGO
account of Plato’s asceticism is far less severe than its ‘austere’ alternatives
and appears to present a much different attitude toward the practice of
sensual austerity than they do.
It seems fair to conclude, however, that though Zoller’s reading makes
an interesting case for a much more moderate form of asceticism than the
traditional austere one, the most reasonable reading remains closer to the
austere dualism and ascetic lifestyle of the traditional interpretations dis-
cussed earlier. The weight and importance of Plato’s commentary on the
epistemic limitations of sense perception, the metaphysical significance of
the Forms and The Good, the immaterial nature of the soul, and the
debilitating effects of sensual pleasure and pain on the philosopher-ruler’s
moral character all indicate that (for the philosopher) a sensually austere
lifestyle is essential and that, except for procreation, sexual preoccupations
should be actively avoided. Though Plato indicates that sexuality for pro-
creation is necessary, and is not forbidden in other limited circumstances,
he also insists that its effects are too psychologically enervating to be
allowed a prominent role in the life of political rulers. Although he con-
cedes that “When the women and men are beyond the age of procreation,
we will, of course, leave them free to have intercourse with whomever they
wish,”24 the soul of the philosopher-ruler has nonetheless transcended the
desires and needs of the body via vigorous abstinence and discipline: the
philosopher’s soul “must be seen such as it is in Truth, not maimed by
community with body and other evils, as we now see it.”25
Butler illustrates the importance of ascetism in his discussion of the
‘riveting argument’ from the Phaedo. Here Plato, via Socrates, says:
“Because every pleasure and every pain provides, as it were, another nail
to rivet the soul to the body and to weld them together. It makes the soul
corporeal, so that it believes that truth is what the body says it is. …Because
of this, it can have no part in the company of the divine, the pure and
uniform.”26 Noting the debate between advocates of the respective
‘ascetic’ and ‘evaluative’ interpretations of what is required for perfection
of the philosopher’s soul, Butler argues that Plato’s illustration of the soul
as ‘riveted’ to the body’s limitations by sensual desires demonstrates how
the ‘ascetic’ interpretation must be correct. Since sensual desires are “laws
of nature, not effects that can be resisted by the force of the philosopher’s
will,” the philosopher “must behaviorally abstain from the activities that
lead to these feelings rather than just manfully attempt to resist the effects
after engaging in these activities.”27 The philosopher-ruler must therefore
actively constrain his desires via disciplined abstinence, as the ‘ascetic’
1 INTRODUCTION 9
Confucius’s Sage-King
While acknowledging there are many ‘Confucianisms’29 and multiple
dimensions of Confucian philosophy, we are here particularly concerned
with Confucius’s social-political ideas, especially as represented in his
Analects, on the topic of sensual austerity and leadership. While Plato was
primarily an academic philosopher and prolific writer, with occasional for-
ays into royal advising, Confucius remained a high official, and then a
wandering monk, rather than an academic philosopher and writer. Often
referred to as The Master, Confucius has been China’s preeminent politi-
cal philosopher for millennia. Confucius did not often address issues of
sex, sexual restraint, and celibacy specifically—focusing instead on good
conduct, governance, standards of ethics, filial piety, and community val-
ues. However, these ideas nonetheless have important implications for
political leadership. A hallmark of Confucian thought—and Asian thought
generally—is its emphasis on practice over theory. Confucius’s lack of
direct attention to sex, sensuality, and self-restraint in the ruler’s character
may be attributable to his belief that these concerns are a natural conse-
quence of moral rectitude. Like Plato, he argued that the ruler’s character
10 D. A. MAHAPATRA AND R. GREGO
and moral commitment are essential to his effectiveness and require excep-
tional self-sacrifice and self-denial.
However, a key difference between Plato and Confucius was that, while
Plato prescribed a communal life divorced from family ties for philosopher
kings, Confucius recommended a life of filial piety—emphasizing the role
of family values and paternal authority. For scholar-officials attempting to
implement Confucian political philosophy, this goal was realized via
Confucius’s idealized society where the paternal king was both ruler and
sage. The character of this rule involved the “necessity of self-effacing and
deferential kingship”30 as “a Confucian sage-king’s virtue can embrace the
whole world, at least in theory, but it is rooted in the humaneness of
person-to-person interaction….”31 The king is an individual of compas-
sion, leading an abstemious life while thinking about the welfare of his
subjects all the time.
Though Confucius’s Analects did not explicitly talk about sensual aus-
terity in the context of politics, his emphasis on the moral duty of the ruler
suggests that such austerity is connected to politics. Though Confucius
never prescribed celibacy per se, an emphasis on the virtuous life of kings,
and on abstinence from idle pleasure, is characteristic of his political phi-
losophy. As the Analects suggests, a major reason why he left his role of
advisor in the Lu state was because of its ruler’s excesses in this regard.
Later neo-Confucian philosophers of the Ming Dynasty also challenged
the authority of political rulers on the basis of these Confucian virtues.32
This concern was articulated by Wang Yangming who wrote, “Our time
seems to understand the way of sages well enough, and yet when I look
around I see no sages.”33 Neo-Confucians idealized Confucius as the
exemplar of moral purity and physical discipline from an earlier, more vir-
tuous, era—despite his failure as an advisor and the failure of his higher
values to mitigate decadence of his time.34
In the Analects, Confucius states:35
There are three things men find enjoyment in which are advantageous, and
three things they find enjoyment in which are injurious. To find enjoyment
in the discriminating study of ceremonies and music; to find enjoyment in
speaking of the goodness of others; to find enjoyment in having many wor-
thy friends:—these are advantageous. To find enjoyment in extravagant
pleasures; to find enjoyment in idleness and sauntering; to find enjoyment in
the pleasures of feasting:—these are injurious.
1 INTRODUCTION 11
with him, who will stuff himself with food the whole day, without applying
his mind to anything” and put him down for a sober-sides would not, one
imagines, be too far wrong.
Further, she claims, “His legacy has a lot to answer for, his twentieth-
century debunkers claim, not least the squeamishness with regard to sex
that he and his followers had handed on. Did Confucius not famously say
of certain airs in the Book of Songs (the Chinese classic poetry) that he dis-
liked their music and their lyrics for their licentiousness?”40 In this regard
Confucian ethics are characteristic of his era, in which “sex seemed to have
been even more of a matter of state than in other civilizations. Sexual pro-
miscuity seemed to have been political licentiousness by another name. It
was almost as if you could only be a libertine if you were a conspirator or
fomenter of rebellion. It was a Chinese historian’s reflex to blame disorder
in the country on the emperor’s excessive attachment to his harem.”41
Sensual desires require restraint via ritual practice and moral propriety. Pan
elaborates,
…in the ancient frame of mind a reckless love affair is not just a reckless love
affair but an indication of how far the government of the day had gone off
course. A deserted woman is not just a deserted woman but a metaphor for
the misunderstood and unappreciated courtier or official. Her plaint is not
just a plaint about her husband’s or lover’s neglect but a government offi-
cial’s plea for a return to good government. Indeed, read a relationship
between the sexes as anything but a relationship between the sexes and you
would be thought to be doing right by Confucius. Politics being the Sage’s
true calling, it was political meaning and metaphor that frame of mind a
reckless love affair is not just a reckless love affair but Confucian scholars
found under every bed: sex needn’t be sex if it could be symbol.42
46. Cfr. Cohen, Monnaies rom., II, Anton., nn. 572, 777, 778. La Scizia è qui
forse una nuova provincia sul Danubio.
48. Sulle deduzioni dei barbari sul territorio romano si può consultare
Huschke, Ueber den Census und die Steuerverfassung der früheren
Römischen Kaiserzeit, Berlin, 1847, pag. 149 sg.
51. Studi e testi, VIII (Roma, 1902): Atti di S. Giustino, 4, 8; cfr. Euseb. H.
E., 5, 1, 47; Athenag. Legatio pro Christian., 1 sg.
54. Cfr. [Hist. A.] Pertin., II, 9; C. I, L. V, 5050, l. 31; VI, 2375 a sg.; Dion.
Cass. 74, 2; R. Cagnat, Praetoriae Cohortes in Daremberg et Saglio,
Dict. Antiq. Graecques et romaines, IV, pag. 635.
CAPITOLO SESTO
I PRINCIPII DELLA MONARCHIA ASSOLUTA
SETTIMIO SEVERO
(193-211)
55. Dion. Cass., 76, 9; Cohen, Monnaies, IV, Sept. Severus, nn. 123-126,
128 (a. 195); 129-132 (a. 196).
56. [Hist. Aug.], Clod. Alb., 8, attribuisce invece l’iniziativa di questa guerra a
Settimio Severo, ma con un racconto di insidie così romanzesco che
non inspira nessuna fiducia. La concatenazione degli eventi mostra
invece che l’iniziativa partì da Clodio Albino, dietro il quale si
nascondeva un partito, forte in senato.
62. Una delle cose migliori, scritte su Settimio Severo, sono i due capitoli del
Duruy, Histoire des Romains, Paris, 1883, VI, pagg. 1-143.
CAPITOLO SETTIMO
IL CAOS DEL TERZO SECOLO
(211-284)