Patriarch Dioscorus of Alexandria: The

Last Pharaoh and Ecclesiastical

Politics in the Later Roman Empire
Volker L. Menze
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OXFORD EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

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GILLIAN CLARK A N D R E W LO U T H
 THE OXFORD EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
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    :

The Minor Prophets as Christian Scripture in the Commentaries of
Theodore of Mopsuestia and Cyril of Alexandria
Hauna T. Ondrey (2018)
Preaching Christology in the Roman Near East
A Study of Jacob of Serugh
Philip Michael Forness (2018)
God and Christ in Irenaeus
Anthony Briggman (2018)
Augustine’s Early Thought on the Redemptive Function
of Divine Judgement
Bart van Egmond (2018)
The Idea of Nicaea in the Early Church Councils,  431–451
Mark S. Smith (2018)
The Many Deaths of Peter and Paul
David L. Eastman (2019)
Visions and Faces of the Tragic
The Mimesis of Tragedy and the Folly of Salvation
in Early Christian Literature
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Art, Craft, and Theology in Fourth-Century Christian Authors
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Nemesius of Emesa on Human Nature
A Cosmopolitan Anthropology from Roman Syria
David Lloyd Dusenbury (2021)
The Consolation of Boethius as Poetic Liturgy
Stephen Blackwood (2022)
Clement and Scriptural Exegesis
The Making of a Commentarial Theologian
H. Clifton Ward (2022)
The Cult of Stephen in Jerusalem
Inventing a Patron Martyr
Hugo Méndez (2022)
 Patriarch Dioscorus
of Alexandria
The Last Pharaoh and Ecclesiastical Politics
in the Later Roman Empire

VOLKER L. MENZE
 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
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© Volker L. Menze 2023
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To Eda
 Acknowledgements

The book has been in the making since 2016 and I am grateful to a number of
people who helped me along the way. My first thanks go to the staff of CEU’s
library in Budapest who throughout years faithfully delivered each and every ILL
I needed. The first chapter of the book started to take shape in 2018 during a stay
in Istanbul and it owes a lot to Tudor Sala’s meticulous comments. I wrote the first
drafts of Chapters 2 and 4 in Budapest and revised them together with chapter
one completely during my stay in Hamburg in 2020–21. I am much obliged to
Sabine Panzram of the Center of Advanced Studies ‘RomanIslam’ in Hamburg
who made Eda’s and my stay at the Alster most pleasant and productive.
My thanks also go to Kevin Grotherr who organized and scanned books for me
during this first Corona year.
The complex Chapter 3 resisted completion several times but I finished it
during spring and summer 2021 in Munich. Two anonymous readers from
Oxford University Press helped to shape my argument, particularly ‘reader one’
who challenged me to think harder in characterizing my protagonist Dioscorus.
After Oxford University Press had accepted the typescript for publication, I asked
Richard Price as the expert on the ecumenical councils in Late Antiquity if he
could have a look at my revised version. I then learned that he was ‘reader one’! He
kindly agreed to read the whole typescript again, and I am greatly indebted to him
for numerous corrections and suggestions. All remaining mistakes are of course
my own.
The research supporting this book was partly sponsored by Central European
University Foundation of Budapest (CEUBPF) and allowed me to hire Annalisa
Zox-Weaver for editing the typescript before I submitted it to the publisher. I am
most grateful to David Rockwell who painstakingly went through the final type-
script and impeccably edited text and footnotes. I also thank OUP, particularly
Tom Perridge and Alexander Hardie-Forsyth who guided my book through the
stages of publication, as well as the series editor Gillian Clark for her notes. Sona
Grigoryan, Dieter Korol, Ariel Lopez, Samuel Moawad, Katharin Papadopoulos,
and Andreas Weckwerth at various stages of completion provided me with
literature, comments, and suggestions. Cankat Kaplan kindly agreed to compile
the index.
Last but not least, I have been supported in writing this book by Annabella Pal,
Andrea Pencz-Körmendi, my angel Theodora, and particularly—as always—by
viii 

my parents. My father did not hesitate when I asked him if you would design the
cover: he created the beautiful icon of Dioscorus as Pharaoh with Alexandria and
the Council of Chalcedon in the background. Above all, my wonderful wise wife
Eda has patiently listened to my rambling thoughts about Dioscorus throughout
the past years, and the book is rightfully dedicated to her.

Volker L. Menze
Antiphellus/Wien
Christmas 2022
 Contents

List of Abbreviations xi
Introduction 1
1 Cyril’s Legacy: Between Bankruptcy and Sanctity 11
2 Wind of Change? Dioscorus and the See of St Mark 39
3 The Emperor’s Henchman: Dioscorus and the ‘Robber-Council’ 89
4 The Black Swan of Chalcedon and Dioscorus’ Deposition 151
Conclusion: Dioscorus’ Afterlives as Heretic, Saint, and Reformer 186

Bibliography 201
Index 219
 List of Abbreviations

ACC The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon. trans. Richard Price & Michael
Gaddis, 3 vols. [TTH]. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2005.
ACO Acta Conciliorium Oecumenicorum, ed. Eduard Schwartz. Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter, 1914–82.
CJ Codex Iustiniani [Corpus Iuris Civilis, vol. 2], ed. Paul Krüger. 9th–
12th eds. Berlin: Weidmann, 1914–1959.
Council of Ephesus The Council of Ephesus of 431: Documents and Proceedings, trans.
Richard Price with notes by Thomas Graumann [TTH]. Liverpool:
Liverpool University Press, 2020.
Coleman-Norton Paul R. Coleman-Norton, Roman State & Christian Church: A
Collection of Legal Documents to A.D. 535, vol. 2. London: S.P.
C.K., 1966.
CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Leuven: Peeters, 1903–.
DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers.
Flemming Akten der Ephesinischen Synode vom Jahre 449, ed. and trans.
Johannes Flemming. Berlin: Weidmann, 1917.
NPNF2 Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, second series, ed. Philip Schaff and
Henry Wace, 14 vols. New York: Christian Literature Publishing,
1890–1900.
Perry (1875) Vel secundam synodum Ephesinam necnon excerpta, quae praesertim
ad eam pertinent e codicibus Syriacis manuscriptis in Museo
Britannico asservatis, ed. Samuel G.F. Perry. Oxford: E. Pickard Hall
and J.H. Stacy, 1875.
Perry (1881) The Second Synod of Ephesus together with certain extracts relating to
it. From Syriac MSS. preserved in the British Museum, trans. Samuel
G.F. Perry. Dartford: The Orient Press, 1881.
PG Patrologia Graeca, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne. Paris: n.p., 1857–66.
PL Patrologia Latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne. Paris: Apud Garnieri
Fratres, 1841–55.
PLRE II Martindale, John Robert, Arnold H. M. Jones, and J. Morris, The
Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire vol. 2: A. D. 395–527.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980.
PO Patrologia Orientalis, Paris: 1904–.
TTH Translated Texts for Historians. Liverpool: Liverpool University
Press, 1988–.
 Introduction

A World without Chalcedon?

Theodosius II was the longest ruling emperor of the (eastern) Roman Empire. He
was acclaimed as sole ruler in Constantinople in 408 and ruled for the next forty-
two years. While his rule was extensive, his life was not; he died by accident on 28
July 450, aged 49.¹ In the weeks following his demise, his sister Pulcheria married
the domesticus Marcian, who ascended the throne on 25 August 450. Although the
new emperor was a military man, one of his first concerns was the convocation of
a general council. In his letter to Pope Leo (440–461), in which he announces his
ascension, Marcian suggests summoning a general council in which the pope
should take the lead.² The pope at first ignored Marcian’s suggestion,³ but the
emperor persisted, and the Augusta Pulcheria sought to persuade the pope as
well.⁴ The imperial couple wanted this council to take place; but, on 23 May 451,
when Marcian summoned it, he still lacked Leo’s explicit support. The emperor
wrote:

Therefore, because certain doubts appear to have arisen about our orthodox
religion, as indeed shown by the letter of Leo, the most God-beloved bishop of
the glorious city of Rome, this in particular has pleased our clemency that a holy
council should be convened in the city of Nicaea in the province of Bithynia, in
order that, when minds agree and the whole truth has been investigated, and after
the cessation of those exertions with which some people have lately disturbed the
holy and orthodox religion, our true faith may be recognized more clearly for all
time, so that henceforth there can be no doubting or disagreement.⁵

Marcian imagined himself a new Constantine and therefore designated Nicaea as

a fitting location for this council, just as Constantine had summoned the bishops
to the first ecumenical council 126 years earlier. What later was canonized as the

¹ Theodosius II was born in 401 and crowned as infant in 402.

² Leo, ep. 73; ACO II.3.1, p. 17: ‘per celebrandam synodum te auctore’; see translation in ACC, vol. 1,
pp. 92–3 and discussion in Manuela Keßler, Die Religionspolitik Kaiser Marcianus (450–57) (PhD Diss.
Goethe-University Frankfurt am Main, 2011), pp. 46–7.
³ Marcian’s next letter to Leo noted that Leo had sent delegates to Marcian, but they obviously had
no instructions to discuss a general council with the eastern emperor; see Leo, ep. 76; ACO II.3.1, p. 18.
⁴ Leo, epp. 76 and 77; ACO II.3.1, p. 18 and II.3.1, pp. 18–19.
⁵ ACO II.1.1, pp. 27–8; quote from ACC, vol.1, pp. 98–9.

Patriarch Dioscorus of Alexandria: The Last Pharaoh and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Later Roman Empire. Volker L. Menze,
Oxford University Press. © Volker L. Menze 2023. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192871336.003.0001
2    

Council of Chalcedon—because it was transferred from Nicaea to Chalcedon—or

the fourth ecumenical council, started in Nicaea. Alois Grillmeier, the German
Jesuit scholar and leading expert on this council and its Christology, notes:

The early history of christological doctrine now reached its climax at the Council
of Chalcedon, which was held in October of the year 451. It was the purpose of
those who were responsible for the synod to put an end to the bitter internal
disputes which had occupied the period after the Council of Ephesus. For
Ephesus had left unfulfilled a task which by this stage of development was long
overdue: that of creating a dogmatic formula which made it possible to express
the unity and the distinction in Christ in clear terms.⁶

Upon Emperor Marcian’s insistence, the council established this new formula of
faith (not a creed but a ὅρος, a definition) and ratified it in its sixth session.⁷ Most
theologians agree with Grillmeier on the state of Christology, but historians must
disagree with the determinism with which he depicts events leading to the
convocation of the Council of Chalcedon. This development was by no means a
given. Theodosius II was not only the longest ruling Roman emperor but also the
only emperor who summoned two ecumenical councils in his lifetime: in 431 and
again in 449, when he summoned bishops to Ephesus. The council of 431 was an
organizational disaster, as two councils met separately in Ephesus, and mutually
condemned the respective protagonists Cyril of Alexandria (412–444) and
Nestorius of Constantinople (428–431). Even though the one organized by Cyril
was later accepted as ecumenical, it took two years before the bishops of Antioch
and Alexandria reached an agreement to be in communion again. Unrest and
resistance to the agreement continued to unsettle the near eastern provinces for
the following decade and a half.
Theodosius had learned from this conciliar mismanagement when he sum-
moned his second ecumenical council. This time he gave clear instructions to
Dioscorus, the patriarch of Alexandria (444–451), as president of the Council, to
proceed against Flavian of Constantinople (446–449), Theodoret of Cyrrhus
(423–455/60), and other ‘Nestorians’. Dioscorus delivered what the emperor
expected and proceeded against all ‘Nestorians’ and opponents of Cyril’s
Christology. The patriarch of Alexandria installed his former ambassador (apoc-
risarius) as the new bishop of Constantinople, who in turn ordained a new bishop

⁶ Alois Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition vol. 1: From the Apostolic Age to Chalcedon (451),
trans. John Bowden, 2nd ed. (Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1975), p. 541. More recently also Sandra
Leuenberger-Wenger, Das Konzil von Chalcedon und die Kirche: Konflikte und Normierungsprozesse im
5. und 6. Jahrhundert (Leiden: Brill, 2019), p. 2 speaks of a ‘Kulminationspunkt’.
⁷ Grillmeier also noted that the Council did not find general acceptance, and a large part of his later
oeuvre is dedicated to the theological dissentions that echoed throughout the following century.
  3

of Antioch. In short, harmony was restored between the major eastern sees, and
the emperor hoped that, finally, the ‘Nestorian heresy’ had been ‘excised’.
Theodosius considered the Second Council of Ephesus to be the third ecumen-
ical council and defended it against all appeals from the West: three letters to the
western Emperor Valentinian III (425–455), his mother Galla Placidia, and Licinia
Eudoxia, Valentinian’s wife and daughter of Theodosius, respectively, survive
from the first half of 450. In these letters, Theodosius mentions the Second
Council of Ephesus together with Nicaea and the First Council of Ephesus,
informing his addressees that he was pleased with the outcome and that no
other decision would have been possible.⁸ Only a few months later, though,
Theodosius died unexpectedly: he fell off his horse on 26 July 450, and succumbed
to his spinal injuries within two days.⁹ If the emperor had stayed at home that day
instead of riding, the Council of Chalcedon would have never taken place. Papal
protests against the council might have caused a schism between Rome and
Constantinople, like the Acacian schism a few decades later, but the pope hardly
had enough power to reverse decisions of an ecumenical council in the East on his
own.¹⁰
Grillmeier and other (Western) theologians may be correct that Christology
reached its apex with the Council of Chalcedon, but a theological approach is
unsatisfactory for the historian, inasmuch as it fails to take into account (ecclesi-
astical) politics and the problem of contingency in history. Indeed, historians
should take pause and not simply accept developments as a given. Historians must
analyse the causalities. Against historical determinism and theological assertions
of Chalcedon’s achievements for the doctrine of the Church in the long run, the
historian must stress that, nonetheless, in the first half of 450, contemporaries
would have found it inconceivable that there would be an(other) ecumenical
council any time soon. To wit, as George Bevan argues:

Historians of this period, both ancient and modern, have been all too ready to
accept the evolutionary schema that sees the triumph of the ‘two natures’ as the
standard of orthodoxy as fundamentally right. When Theodosius died it was far
from certain that the ‘two natures’ would ever be adopted. That it ever was was
the result largely of secular, not religious concerns.¹¹

⁸ See Chapter 3, p. 141.

⁹ The sources differ on whether Theodosius died the same day or up to two days later; for a detailed
overview of the sources see Richard W. Burgess, ‘The Accession of Marcian in the Light of Chalcedonian
Apologetic and Monophysite Polemic’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 86–87 (1994): pp. 47–68, here 48–9 and
61–2.
¹⁰ Any potential council held a few decades later would not have dared to reverse the decisions of the
Second Council of Ephesus because of its impact the council had made by this point on Church and
state.
¹¹ George A. Bevan, The New Judas: The Case of Nestorius in Ecclesiastical Politics, 428–451 CE
(Leuven: Peeters, 2016), p. 315.
4    

The last ecumenical council had just taken place a few months previously, and a
council like Chalcedon that annulled the previous ecumenical council was the
most unlikely event possible—a Black Swan of late antique ecclesiastical history.¹²
The two conclusions drawn from this sketchy outline are simple but should
suffice to explain the premises on which this book is written:

(a) Historians cannot look at this ecclesiastical controversy from its end. The
Council of Chalcedon indeed had a great impact on the history of
Christian doctrine, but its genesis was due to an accident, not because
there were unfulfilled Christological tasks that only Chalcedon was deter-
mined and/or able to accomplish.
(b) Most scholars who study the Council of Chalcedon point to the theo-
logical controversy and the opposing Christological understandings.
While Christology is certainly a crucial ingredient of the Christian dis-
course in the fifth century, this book will argue that politics is more
relevant than theology to understanding the causality of events leading
up to the Council and its denouement.

Patriarch Dioscorus of Alexandria: The Last Pharaoh and Ecclesiastical Politics

in the Later Roman Empire therefore discusses developments of the Church
(including doctrine and theology) as part of late antique political history. It
thereby seeks to elucidate the motives and actions of some of the ecclesiastical
protagonists of the time—particularly Patriarch Dioscorus. Individual perspec-
tives are of course difficult to reconstruct because our evidence is limited, but
personal decisions of the protagonists greatly influenced the development of
ecclesiastical history. When it comes to ‘ecumenical’ councils, it needs to be
stressed that a council convened by the emperor was political by default. In the
long run, the formula of faith decided upon by such a council established
orthodoxy for the Church(es), but for the bishops attending, politics were what
mattered for the future of their see. The book is a study of political church history,
as late antique bishops had to be politicians if they wanted their theology to
prevail.

Why Dioscorus?

In his synodical letter from February 591 to the patriarchs of Constantinople,

Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem (as well as the ex-patriarch of Antioch), Pope

¹² Nassim Nicholas Taleb, The Black Swan. The Impact of the Highly Improbable (London: Allen
Lane, 2007). See Chapter 4, p. 183.
  5

Gregory the Great (590–604) set forth his profession of faith and understanding of
orthodoxy:

I take up and venerate the four councils, just like the four books of the Holy
Gospel, that is to say the Nicene council, wherein the perverse doctrine of Arius is
destroyed, that of Constantinople also, wherein the error of Eunomius and
Macedonius is refuted, the first of Ephesus also, wherein the impiety of
Nestorius is judged, and that of Chalcedon, wherein the depravity of Eutyches
and Dioscorus are reproved.¹³

Nothing in his statements is surprising, presenting as it does a standard formula

for a Chalcedonian Christian in the sixth century. It refers to the accepted four
ecumenical councils¹⁴ as well as to the heretics condemned by these councils. But
while Eutyches, an archimandrite from Constantinople, had indeed been con-
demned,¹⁵ Dioscorus—paired here with Eutyches—is a different matter. At
Chalcedon, he was held responsible by the majority party for a fanciful bouquet
of misdeeds, but the council only deposed him without passing judging on his
faith.
Nevertheless, Dioscorus was regarded as a ‘heretic’ immediately after the
Council of Chalcedon ended. In a letter from January 452, Pope Leo notes to
the bishops of Gaul with satisfaction that the Council had followed the papal
requests and ‘has cut off from God’s Church these outrageous fictions which are
the views of the Devil. It has cut off this abominable disgrace and likewise
condemned Dioscorus of Alexandria for his impiety, to keep that church from
suffering undeserved captivity under the domination of a heretic.’¹⁶ In a letter to
Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Leo calls Dioscorus a ‘a second Pharaoh’ (secundi
Pharaonis) and thus ensures his commemoration as one of the archvillains of
Western church history.¹⁷

¹³ Gregory, ep. I.24; S. Gregorii Magni Registrum Epistularum Libri I-VII, ed. Dag Norberg
(Turnhout: Brepols, 1982), p. 32; translation taken from: The Letters of Gregory the Great, trans.
John R.C. Martyn, vol. 1 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2004), p. 146; cf. also his
letter to queen Theodelinda, in which Gregory professed the same stemma of councils and heretics/
heresies: Gregory, ep. IV.33; S. Gregorii Magni Registrum Epistularum Libri I–VII, Norberg, p. 253.
Here Dioscorus is falsely paired with Nestorius, not with Eutyches.
¹⁴ There is no need here to discuss the ecumenicity of the Council of Constantinople in 553 in the
Latin West; Pope Gregory accepted that as well.
¹⁵ Eutyches had been condemned by a local synod in Constantinople 448 and restored to the Church
by Dioscorus at the Second Council of Ephesus in 449; his condemnation of 448 was taken for granted
in 451. See Chapter 3, pp. 98–107 and 119–21.
¹⁶ Leo, ep. 102; ACO II.4, pp. 53–4; St. Leo the Great: Letters, trans. Edmund Hunt (New York:
Fathers of the Church, 1957), pp. 172–6 here p. 175.
¹⁷ Leo, ep. 120; ACO II.4, pp. 78–81, here 79; the letter or parts of it have been regarded spurious; see
Philippe Blaudeau, ‘Un archevêque d’Alexandrie assassin? Retour sur une incrimination lancée à
l’encontre de Dioscore 1er’, in Christianity in Egypt: Literary Production and Intellectual Trends.
6    

Even in modern scholarship, pejorative judgements of Dioscorus predominate.

In 1894, Amelli D. Ambrogio, in his book on Pope Leo, called Dioscorus the
‘Attila della Chiesa Orientale’.¹⁸ In 1926, Norman Baynes took this characteriza-
tion further, concluding: ‘Dioscoros—the Attila of the Eastern Church, as Amelli
has styled him (though this surely an insult to Attila!).’¹⁹ These two scholars may
be exceptional in using a catchy image but negative judgements of Dioscorus
persist throughout twentieth and twenty-first-century scholarship: in 1921,
Eduard Schwartz saw Dioscorus as agitating with ‘ruthless brutality’ (a judgement
largely accepted by de Vries in 1975 in his study on the Second Council of
Ephesus); Richard Sellers, in his book on the Council of Chalcedon in 1953,
regarded him as ‘one of the “violent men” in the history of the Early Church’; in
1972 William Frend, in his seminal Rise of the Monophysite Movement, pointed to
‘Dioscorus’ tyrannical conduct’; in 2005, Richard Price and Michael Gaddis
judged him as ‘ruthless and ambitious’, with the latter describing him in the
same year as an arrogant ‘tyrant-bishop’; Cornelia Horn and Robert Phenix
attributed to the ‘fearsome’ Dioscorus a ‘chaotic villainy’; and Vasilije Vranic in
his study on Theodoret of Cyrrhus from 2015, drew approvingly upon a quotation
from 1911 that described Dioscorus as ‘violent, rapacious, unscrupulous, and
scandalously immoral’.²⁰ These are all excellent—some even ground-breaking—
studies by scholars whose works and words should be taken seriously.²¹ John
McGuckin’s standard study on Cyril warrants quoting at length:

Studies in Honor of Tito Orlandi, ed. Alberto Camplani (Studie Ephemeridis Augustinianum 125)
(Rome: Augustinianum, 2011), pp. 87–100, here 94–5. But Dioscorus was not the first bishop of
Alexandria to be called ‘pharaoh’; see below, p. 10.
¹⁸ Guerrino Amelli, S. Leone Magno e l’Oriente (Montecassino: Tipo-Litografia Cassinese, 1894),
p. 8. More favourable is Adolf von Harnack, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, 2nd ed., vol. 2 (Freiburg:
J.C.B. Mohr, 1888), pp. 370–1, who regards Dioscorus as a worthy successor of Athanasius, not a
heretic!
¹⁹ Norman H. Baynes, ‘Alexandria and Constantinople: A Study in Ecclesiastical Diplomacy’, The
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 12 (1926): pp. 145–56, here 155.
²⁰ Eduard Schwartz, ‘Über die Reichskonzilien von Theodosius bis Justinian’, Zeitschrift der
Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 42 (1921): pp. 208–53, here 231; see
also Eduard Schwartz, Der Prozess des Eutyches (Munich: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften
1929), p. 54: ‘Brutale Gewaltpolitik’; Wilhelm de Vries, ‘Das Konzil von Ephesus 449, eine
“Räubersynode?” ’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 41 (1975): pp. 357–98, here 363; Richard
V. Sellers, The Council of Chalcedon: A Historical and Doctrinal Survey (London: SPCK, 1953), p. 30;
W.H.C. Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement: Chapters in the History of the Church in the
Fifth and Sixth Centuries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), p. 6; ACC, vol.1, p. 30;
Michael Gaddis, There is no Crime for Those Who Have Christ: Religious Violence in the Christian
Roman Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), pp. 308–9; Cornelia B. Horn and
Robert R. Phenix Jr in their introduction to John Rufus: The Lives of Peter the Iberian, Theodosius of
Jerusalem, and the Monk Romanus (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008), pp. xlv and xlvi;
Vasilije Vranic, The Constancy and Development in the Christology of Theodoret of Cyrrhus (Leiden:
Brill, 2015), p. 57 n. 167.
²¹ Philip Jenkins, Jesus Wars: How Four Patriarchs, Three Queens, and Two Emperors Decided what
Christians would believe for the next 1500 Years (New York: HarperCollins, 2010) and his thought on
p. 210 that Dioscorus perhaps suffered from ‘some kind of personality disorder, which drove him to
extremes of paranoia and uncontrollable rage’ should be taken less seriously.
  7

Dioscorus was devoted to Cyril’s theology which he identified as the sole

standard of orthodoxy, though with much less theological judgment. He
regarded all Cyril’s efforts of rapprochement with the Syrians as the misguided
weakness of an old man who was sick at the time Paul of Emesa came to deal with
him. He thus dismissed a significant part of Cyril’s theology supposedly in the
name of Cyril. Even worse, he was much less politically skilled than his mentor.
He would soon bring the Alexandrian church into a ruinous decline from which
it would never re-emerge as the great international Christian power it had once
been.²²

McGuckin is right that Dioscorus continued Cyril’s theology with less political
acumen, but he judges Dioscorus from the Chalcedonian end of the story. The
lack of detailed studies for the crucial years 444–451 from an Alexandrian
perspective has led scholars to merely assume rather than examine Dioscorus’
status as an epigone of Cyril. It is indicative that scholars have not meditated
further on why and how Dioscorus failed to be as successful as his predecessor.
Why were the sentences of the Second Council of Ephesus abandoned immedi-
ately after the death of Theodosius? Was this because Dioscorus had used physical
violence in 449 to force bishops into agreement, as many bishops at Chalcedon
would go on to claim and as most modern scholars have unquestioningly
assumed? If Dioscorus was an unscrupulous, brutal, and immoral man at the
Second Council of Ephesus in 449, why would he willingly leave Alexandria in 451
and come to his own trial at Chalcedon like sheep to the slaughter—politely
accepting the imperial request to sit down as a culprit?
There are a few exceptions to the prevailing negative judgement of Dioscorus
because opponents of the Council of Chalcedon regarded Dioscorus as a confessor
of faith. The Coptic Church in particular has commemorated him among their
saints since the fifth and sixth centuries up to the present day.²³ Vilakuvelil
C. Samuel, a priest of the Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church, offers in his
book The Council of Chalcedon Re-Examined a revisionist reading with obvious
sympathies for Dioscorus (‘Dioscorus was fairer to Leo than the latter to the
former’²⁴), which, despite its merits, as an evaluation cannot completely satisfy
historians. A similar perception can be found in the only existing monograph on
Dioscorus: Karam Khella’s 1963 dissertation entitled Dioskoros I. von

²² John McGuckin, Saint Cyril of Alexandria and the Christological Controversy: Its History,
Theology, and Texts (Leiden: Brill, 1994), p. 124.
²³ See for example Jacob N. Ghaly, ‘St. Dioscorus of Alexandria: A Coptic Orthodox Perspective’,
St. Nersess Theological Review 3 (1998): pp. 45–53, which does not, however, offer a scholarly review.
The Armenian Church has a more complicated history when it comes to Dioscorus. Krikor
Maksoudian, ‘Reconciliation of Memories: The Maligned Dioscorus’, St. Nersess Theological Review
3 (1998): pp. 78–94.
²⁴ Vilakuvelil Cherian Samuel, The Council of Chalcedon Re-Examined: A Historical and Theological
Survey (Madras: The Diocesan Press, 1977), p. 70.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
No passer-by would have given a second thought to the girl
on her knees, cleaning Mrs. Martin's doorstep in the early
morning, yet that poor simple servant had fought a battle,
and won a victory, on which angels might look with interest,
for the result of such triumphs will last when earth itself
shall have passed away.

As Norah went on with her humble occupation, lifting up her

heart as she did so in a silent hymn of thanksgiving, her
attention was attracted by a small object that lay on the
road close to the pavement. Norah rose, and, going to the
spot, picked up a small canvas bag, which had probably
been dropped there since the previous evening. Norah
loosened the string, and opened the bag, to see what might
be in it, but she almost dropped it again in her surprise at
sight of its glittering contents.

"Sovereigns! All bright, new, golden sovereigns!" exclaimed

the astonished Norah.

She hastened into the house, shut the door, dropped on her
knees, and emptied the bag into her lap, that she might
count over the treasure without fear of being either
disturbed or noticed.

"Two, four, six, eight! I had never so much money before in

my life! Oh!" cried Norah, clapping her hands, "I shall now
be able to buy both the black silk dress and the mangle,
and something for Sophy besides, to make her forget last
night, for I could not bear that there should be any bitter
feeling between us!"

It was not unnatural that such should be the first thoughts

that should rise to the mind of Bessy Peele's daughter. It
must be remembered that Norah had not been brought up
with strict ideas of honesty, that it was but lately that she
had put on the breastplate of righteousness, or even
desired to have that "holiness, without which no man shall
see the Lord." * But the young Christian had only swerved
from her course for a minute, conscience was still at the
helm.

* Hebrews xii. 14.

"What am I thinking of!" cried Norah, still on her knees,

with the bright coin lying on her lap. "This money is not my
own, I cannot honestly spend it. If I have found it, some
one else must have lost it; I must give it back to its owner!"

An expression of disappointment came over the young girl's

face, but it was almost instantly chased away by a look like
sunshine.

"Oh! Here is another opportunity given me of showing my

love to my Lord, of proving that my faith is real; that I am
not hanging out false colours! Is it not an honour and a joy
to do, or to give up anything to please my Heavenly
Master?"

Norah caught up the coins, and hastily thrust them all back
into the bag, counting them as she did so. She would not
trust herself to look again at the glittering gold, she would
not trust herself even to think what Mrs. Peele or Sophy
would say if they knew that she now held so large a sum in
her hands. Norah felt impatient for the time when Mrs.
Martin would come down from her room, that she might
give over the tempting bag into the charge of the lady, and
ask her what would be the best way of finding out its owner.
Norah could think of nothing else as she filled the kettle,
spread the table, and made the toast for breakfast. She felt
as if in possession of a very great secret, which she longed
to disclose to her mistress.

"You must have received some good news, Norah," was

Mrs. Martin's remark, as she first met the beaming glance
of her little servant.

"Oh, ma'am! Only see what I've found this morning on the
road, not ten yards from the door, eight new sovereigns, all
in this bag!"

And Norah, with some excitement, placed the bag in the

hand of her mistress.

"And what will you do with this?" asked the old lady.

"Oh, ma'am! You know it's not mine, I thought you would
kindly help me to find out who has lost it."

"Norah, you're the most honest girl that ever I met with!"
burst involuntarily from the lips of her mistress.

Mrs. Martin had unintentionally touched a painful chord;

Norah's awakened conscience started back from unmerited
praise.

"Oh, no, ma'am! Don't say that!" cried the girl, surprised
into a sudden confession, "I've not been faithful to you as I
should; I've taken little things; I've had a guest at my
meals, but I mean never to do so more; I hope that you will
forgive me!"

"Norah, I thank God for you!" said the old lady, tears rising
into her eyes as she spoke.

How warm went her words to the heart of Norah, no praise

could have been so sweet!
Norah had unwittingly removed a weight from the mind of
her gentle mistress. Mrs. Martin had had painful suspicions,
which she had vainly tried to put away, as to the strict
honesty of her young maid. She had often asked herself
whether it might not be her duty to speak seriously to
Norah on the subject, but had put off doing so from day to
day, partly because the duty was painful to her tender
sensitive spirit, partly because she tried to persuade herself
that her dim sight and failing memory might have led her
into error, and she would not distress her maid till she had
clearer proof of her guilt.

Norah's honesty about the money had for the moment

entirely swept away all her lady's suspicions, and caused
her to utter what a little consideration might have made her
retract; but Norah's frank confession entirely relieved Mrs.
Martin's mind. That confession showed regret for the past,
which was in itself an earnest of a future life of fidelity and
truth. The lady felt that henceforth Norah would be more to
her than a servant, one who would be her comfort, one
whom she could trust, whom she could love.

Nothing more, however, was said by either mistress or maid

on the subject. After a brief silence, Mrs. Martin recurred to
that of the money.

"Norah, you know that I expect my brother, Mr. Lowndes, to

breakfast here to-day," she observed. "We will give the bag
over to him. He is a magistrate, as you are aware, and will
be the best person to advise us how to find out the real
owner."

As the lady spoke, the well-known sound of her brother's

double-rap at the knocker announced his arrival.
Norah, light of foot, and light of heart, ran to the door to
answer the summons, and Mr. Lowndes, a tall portly man,
soon made his appearance in the room.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE CANVAS BAG.

THE magistrate, after greeting his sister, sat down, and

wiped his heated brow with a large silk handkerchief. There
was a look of satisfaction upon his sensible, intelligent face.

"The police have had a busy night of it," said Mr. Lowndes.
"The fellow very nearly got off: but he's been arrested at
last, and there's little doubt but that the charge will be
brought home to him now."

"What charge—of what do you speak?" asked Mrs. Martin.

"Why of a charge against a scamp called Peter Puller,"

(Norah could not help starting at the name,) "who is one of
a gang of unprincipled fellows who have been trying in
different parts of the country to pass a quantity of base
coin. We'd information sent down from London—a detective
arrived last night, we've had a hunt—which has proved
successful. It was quite time for the police to be on the
alert, a great deal of mischief has been done already, for
the false money is so close an imitation of the good, that
the simple folk about here have taken it pretty freely. I saw
a poor widow yesterday, who was in bitter distress, finding
that the sovereign for which she had sold her pig, was
worth no more than a brass farthing."

"What heartless fraud!" exclaimed Mrs. Martin.

"This fellow—this Peter Puller, had some of the false coin on

his person when he was caught," continued Mr. Lowndes,
"but we have reason to think that we have not found all.
Doubtless he would try to get rid of it when he discovered
that the police were close on his track."

Mrs. Martin raised her hand to her forehead, as if an idea

had struck her.

"Norah, my maid, picked up a canvas bag this morning,"

she said, "with eight sovereigns in it; she gave it to me to
take charge of till we could find to whom it belonged."

"Let's see it by all means," said Mr. Lowndes, taking his

spectacles and placing them on his nose.

Mrs. Martin took the bag out of her pocket, and handed it to
her brother, who shook out the bright pieces on the table,
took up each, one by one, looked at it closely through his
glasses, poised it on his finger to feel the weight, then flung
it down to try if it would ring. After each trial, he shook his
head gravely; while Mrs. Martin, and Norah, who was
waiting at the table, watched with interest to see the result.

"Worthless, every one of them!" cried Mr. Lowndes, first

replacing the coins in their bag, and then the spectacles in
their case. "It is well for your little maid there that she did
not attempt to pass them, unless she could easily prove
that she had nothing to do with Puller or any of his set."

Norah felt like a rider who has suddenly reined up on the

brink of a dangerous precipice, and who looks down,
shuddering but thankful, on the deep chasm into which he
so nearly had fallen!

The idea of being even for a moment suspected of uttering

base coin, of being a party to a wicked fraud, and the
knowledge that she had often received secret visits from
the criminal's daughter, made her draw in her breath with a
gasp! What if it could have been proved that Norah had
gone out on the previous night in company with Sophy
Puller and her party, and had been found in the morning
attempting to buy goods with false coin! Everything would
have come out at Puller's trial, and even if Norah had
escaped a jail, her character would have been lost. All this
shame, terror, and misery had been escaped by her simply
keeping in the course of duty, and denying self to follow the
Lord.

Norah was about to leave the room, when the magistrate

called her back.

"Stay here a moment, my good girl," he said, laying his

broad hand on the canvas bag which was on the table
beside him. "Your conduct appears to have been most
praiseworthy in this affair. It is not every young servant
who, having found, as she thought, eight sovereigns, would
have carried them at once to her mistress. You've earned a
good character, Norah, and I make no doubt that you'll keep
it, and find through life that honesty is the best policy in all
things."

Then in a less serious tone Mr. Lowndes went on. "I'm

giving a fête to-day in my ground to all our school children
here, in honour of my little girl's birthday. We're to have the
grand conjurer to show his tricks, then a feast, and
fireworks to close the entertainment; could you spare me
this little maid?" continued the magistrate, turning towards
his sister. "I should like to show the children one who has
set them so good an example of honesty and uprightness."

"I will spare Norah with pleasure," said the kind old lady,
"and make the same arrangement with my char-woman as I
did upon Monday. Most glad am I that Norah should have
this innocent amusement; I am certain that she will enjoy
it, for she will feel that she has deserved it!"

Norah curtsied, blushed, and went out of the room in the

quiet manner which became a young servant, then went
bounding down stairs to the kitchen to make her needful
preparations. Norah was full of delight; she knew that she
had her lady's free forgiveness for all the past, and her
confidence for the future, and but one cloud rested on the
sunny sky above Norah—the thought of the shame and
trouble in which her late companion must be involved by
the sad disgrace of a father.

"Ah! Poor Sophy! She has had no one to show her the
straight right way, no one to speak to her faithfully as my
sailor uncle spoke to me! She has not heard of the daily
battle to fight, the daily cross to take up; she has not been
taught that we are never, never so happy as when we
heartily try, by the help of God's grace, to obey His will in all
things!"

So thought Norah Peele then, and through the course of a

useful, happy, and honourable life, she never found cause to
change her opinion.

There is a beautiful verse in the Bible which describes in few

words the future glory of those who 'love the Lord' and
therefore 'hate evil.' * It is this—'Light is sown for the
righteous, and gladness for the upright in heart.' †
 * Psalm xcvii. 10. † Psalm xcvii. 11.

The first fruits spring up even here; to the faithful and true
is given the command, 'Rejoice in the Lord always, and
again I say, rejoice!' *

* Phil. iv. 4.

But who can tell what the full harvest of light and bliss will
be in the world to come, when the Redeemer shall say to
His own: 'Well done, good and faithful servant; thou halt
been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over
many things: enter thou into the joy of thy Lord!' *

* Matt. xxv. 23.

THE END
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