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Marginalized, Mobilized, Incorporated
M O D E R N S OU T H A SIA
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Poulami Roychowdhury Marginalized, Mobilized, Incorporated
Rina Verma Williams
Marginalized,
Mobilized, Incorporated
Women and Religious Nationalism
in Indian Democracy
R I NA V E R M A W I L L IA M S
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Williams, Rina Verma, author.
Title: Marginalized, mobilized, incorporated : women and religious
nationalism in Indian democracy /Rina Verma Williams.
Description: New York : Oxford University Press, [2023] | Series: Modern
south Asia series | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2022027317 (print) | LCCN 2022027318 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780197567227 (paperback) | ISBN 9780197567210 (hardback) |
ISBN 9780197567241 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Hindu women—Political activity—India. | Women—Political
activity—India. | Bharatiya Janata Party. | Nationalism—India.
Classification: LCC HQ1236.5.I4 W55 2022 (print) | LCC HQ1236.5.I4 (ebook) |
DDC 320.082/0954—dc23/eng/20220709
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022027317
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022027318
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197567210.001.0001
Paperback printed by Marquis Book Printing, Canada

Hardback printed by Bridgeport National Bindery, Inc., United States of America
For William
You exist in every page of this book and in every chapter of my being.
Contents
Acknowledgments ix
Introduction: Women, Political Parties, and Indian Democracy 1

1. Of Histories and Numbers: Hindu Nationalist Political
Parties and Women 18
2. Women Mobilized: Three Controversies, Three Prongs of
Gendered Mobilization, 1985–1992 48
3. Of Questions and Contexts: Feminist Responses, Scholarly
Literatures, and Positionality 72
L O O K I N G BAC K , L O O K I N G F O RWA R D
4. Women Marginalized: The All-India Hindu Mahasabha,
1915–1951 97
5. Women Incorporated: The Contemporary BJP, 2013–2016 120
6. Denouement—“The Condition of Its Women”:
Women’s Political Participation and Indian Democracy 147
Appendix A: Interviews 161

Appendix B: 2014 Manifesto Items on Women, Coded 163
Notes 165
Bibliography 175
Index 193
Acknowledgments
This book and I have been accumulating debts for upwards of 10 years. We
have spanned two institutions—University of Virginia and University of
Cincinnati—that nurtured and sustained us both. The support and counsel
of stellar colleagues at both institutions have pulled us both up to higher
levels of attainment than we might otherwise have attained on our own.
At UVA, where the book began, we owe deep debts of gratitude to Mehr
Farooqi, Farzaneh Milani, Geeta Patel, Hanadi al-Samman, Denise Walsh,
and Kath Weston. At the University of Cincinnati, we owe much to Richard
Harknett, Laura Dudley Jenkins, and Anne Sisson Runyan. I have also been
lucky, and smart, to strike up outstanding writing groups that kept me going
when I wanted nothing more than to stop; for that, our thanks are owed to
Danielle Bessett, Jana Braziel Corkin, Miki Hirayama, Laura Dudley Jenkins,
Annulla Linders, Erynn Masi de Casanova, Sarah Mayorga-Gallo, Lizzie
Ngweya-Scoburgh Shailaja Paik, Adrian Parr, Olga Sammiguel-Valderrama,
and Rebecca Sanders.
Beyond Cincinnati and Charlottesville, neither the book nor I reach this
stage without the support and insights—and friendship—of Sikata Banerjee,
Amrita Basu, Nandini Deo, and Ashutosh Varshney
I have also been incredibly lucky, and smart, to work with remarkable
academic coaches at different stages throughout my career: Rena Seltzer
(https://www.leaderacademic.com) and Roxanne Donovan (https://www.
wellacademic.com).
The book and I have also benefitted from the help of several wonderful
research assistants along the way: Ayesha Casie Chetty, Maya Gulani, Bekir
Ilhan, Sarah Imran, Elena Marsteller, Sayam Moktan, and Crystal Whetstone.
Fieldwork in India was supported and enabled by multiple awards from
the University of Cincinnati’s Charles Phelps Taft Research Center and a
Senior Fellowship from the American Institute of Indian Studies. Writing
was greatly facilitated by a Summer Stipend National Endowment for the
Humanities; a Center Fellowship from the Taft Research Center; and a
Jerome and Hazel Tobis Fellowship from the Center for the Scientific Study
of Ethics and Morality at the University of California, Irvine.
x Acknowledgments
I have the great privilege of being able to say that both my books were
published by Oxford University Press. Our special thanks to Ashutosh
Varshney, Pradeep Chhibber, and David McBride and his team.
My family in India has nourished my body and soul, engaged gamely with
my (often impenetrable) academic pursuits, accepting it all, and me, unques-
tioningly and letting me merge work and joy in the best possible ways. I was,
and am, lucky to have not less than two homes in India: in Gurgaon, with
C. D. Sahay, Neelam Sahay, Anamika Sahay, Shalini Sahay-Bose, Sanjay and
Shlok Bose; and in Lucknow, with A. P. Varma, and the late Mamta Varma.
Would that Chachi were around to see the completion of this book, to which
she contributed so much. And to all my family all around India: thank you for
making this work not feel like work with countless meals, trips, adventures,
and welcoming my intermittent arrivals with love and warmth and open
arms, doors, and hearts—as well as some connections.
My family here in the United States constitutes every good thing that I am.
Mom, you are the rock that we all perch on, and I understand better than
ever that a daughter doesn’t accomplish what I have without the full support
and sacrifices of her mother in particular. Dad, I’m sorry I couldn’t get this
done before you left us. And to my sister Nita, and my brother Suraj, and
to Gautam and Annie and Siri and Ishan: thank you for making every day
lighter and brighter with your texts and emoji (not to mention the occasional
dash of Anglophilia!), and for always cheering on my culinary pursuits. Suraj,
what would a conference in San Fran be without you and a Giants game?
And to all those whom I have undoubtedly missed: you know who you
are. The absence of your name here is no reflection of the importance of your
contribution to this work, or to me.
I’ll end with my deepest debts and most fulfilling debts. To my husband
William: who is lucky, and smart, enough to have married to their mentor,
their best friend, and the love of their life all rolled into the same person? Me.
And to my son Jai: you are my heart walking around outside my body. The
next one’s for you. Or perhaps you’ll write one and dedicate it to me first.
Introduction
Women, Political Parties, and Indian Democracy
On December 6, 1992, thousands of Hindu nationalist kar sevaks (militant

activist “volunteers”) converged on the Babri Masjid—a mosque built in
1527 in the northern Indian town of Ayodhya—and tore it down with crude
tools like shovels and pickaxes, even tearing at it with their bare hands. The
mosque’s destruction sparked weeks of religious rioting around the country
and shook the foundations of Indian secular democracy. Hindu nationalist
women played very particular roles in these events: some exhorted Hindu
men to violence against Muslim minorities to defend the faith and protect
Hindu women; others literally cleaned up in the streets after bloodletting had
occurred.
Less than a year after these events I arrived in India for dissertation field-
work.1 The destruction of the mosque is commonly marked as a turning
point that launched the political party of Hindu nationalism, the Bharatiya
Janata Party (“Indian People’s Party,” or BJP), to national political promi-
nence. Twenty years later—having returned specifically to study the role of
women in Hindu nationalist politics—I watched women, now shoulder to
shoulder with men, milling about in the crowd and speaking on the dais at
the BJP’s campaign kickoff rally in New Delhi for the 2014 election, which
the party won in a landslide that surprised even the most seasoned observers
of Indian politics.
These two moments in modern Indian politics frame the core questions of
this book: How has the participation of women in Hindu nationalist politics
changed over time? And what does their changing participation mean—for
women, for Hindu nationalism, and ultimately for Indian democracy?
The growing role of women in Hindu nationalist politics has corresponded
with Hindu nationalism’s rising political fortunes. But the benefits for women
are less clear, as the BJP has expanded the role of women without significantly
altering regressive gender ideologies that continue to tether women’s polit-
ical voices to their societal roles in the home and family. Access to the public
Marginalized, Mobilized, Incorporated. Rina Verma Williams, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press 2023.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197567210.003.0001
2 Marginalized, Mobilized, Incorporated
sphere has expanded for some women, and this is not a negligible benefit in
a society in which the public sphere remains heavily male dominated. But
women’s increasing participation has not led to notable advances on women’s
issues or women’s rights more broadly, and has corresponded instead with
an expansion of the radical right-wing agendas of the party that are under-
mining Indian democracy.
Hindu nationalism (or Hindutva, which translates roughly to “Hindu-
ness”) is at core an ethnic nationalism that holds that the only true Indians are
those for whom the Indian subcontinent is both the land of their birth and
the homeland of their religion: that is, followers of religions that originated in
the subcontinent. This would include Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, and Buddhists,2
while excluding Muslims and Christians as well as Jews and Parsis (also
known as Zoroastrians). In this way Hindutva virtually equates being Indian
with being Hindu. Despite Hindus being an overwhelming majority in India
(around 80 percent since independence in 1947, and about 75 percent in
prepartition, preindependence India), Hindutva constructs Hindus as under
perpetual demographic threat from minority religious groups.
This book focuses on the political parties of Hindu nationalism in India—
including the All-India Hindu Mahasabha (or simply Hindu Mahasabha)
and the BJP, its contemporary successor—to show how women have be-
come increasingly involved in Hindu nationalist politics over time.3 I place
women’s participation in religious politics in India into historical perspec-
tive by comparing three critical time periods: before, during, and since the
party’s initial rise to national political power during the 1980s and 1990s. In
its formative years in the early 1900s, before it initially rose to power, Hindu
nationalist politics marginalized women. In the 1980s and 1990s, during its
initial rise to power, the BJP began to mobilize them; and in the contempo-
rary period, since its initial rise to power, it has institutionalized ways to in-
corporate women into its structures and activities. I argue that incorporating
women into Hindu nationalist politics has significantly advanced the BJP’s
electoral success compared to prior periods when women were marginalized
or mobilized in more limited ways. For the BJP, women’s incorporation works
to normalize religious nationalism in Indian democracy; however, incorpo-
ration has not been emancipatory for women, whose participation in BJP
politics is still predicated on traditional gender ideologies that tether women
to their social roles in the home and family.
To make this argument, I draw on significant new data sources gathered
over almost a decade of fieldwork in India. I discovered new archival
Introduction 3
documents, never before examined, on a women’s wing of the Hindu

Mahasabha in the formative years of Hindu nationalism. In 2013 and 2015–
16 I conducted interviews with key BJP leaders, gathered visual campaign
materials, and attended major campaign events to construct an unmatched
before-and-after view of India’s watershed 2014 elections.4 I deploy these new
data in methodologically innovative ways, combining textual analysis and
interpretation of primary and secondary sources for the historical periods
with mixed-method analysis of qualitative and quantitative data—including
interviews, ethnographic observation, visual analysis, and voting data—for
the contemporary periods.
This is not a causal or generalizable argument in the narrow positivist
sense: I do not argue that increasing participation of women “caused” the BJP
to succeed politically. Subsequent chapters will show that the correlation is
undeniable and revealing: the Hindu Mahasabha historically marginalized
women and was a political failure. As the BJP began to mobilize women in
the 1980s and 1990s, it attained increasing political success, culminating in
its first stint in power at the center, heading a coalition government, from
1999 to 2004. This was the first non–Congress Party–led government to com-
plete a full term in power since independence. Since that initial rise to power,
the BJP achieved an overwhelming and largely unpredicted political victory
in the 2014 elections with the incorporation of women into its structures
and activities. But as an interpretive case study, this study is not meant, nor
should it be read, as a primer for political success for the forces of Hindu
nationalism. Rather, I have taken women’s participation as a lens through
which to trace, analyze, and illuminate the changing political fortunes of
Hindu nationalism in Indian democracy. This study thus examines Hindu
nationalist politics through multiple lenses of women, political parties, and
India as a case study.
Why Women?
Activists and academics began documenting the participation of women in

Hindu nationalist politics in India in the 1980s and 1990s, during the BJP’s
initial rise to power. An early wave of scholarship provided critically in-
sightful analysis in and of that time period (Jeffery and Basu 1998; Sarkar
2001). Scholarly studies sometimes saw such participation as both novel and
counterintuitive; they focused on understanding why women participate in
such movements, and whether such participation can be empowering for

women. I shift the analytical lens to first trace how women participate, how
their participation changes over time, and what their changing participation
means. In this I build on Charles Tilly’s argument “that how things happen
is why they happen” (2006, 410)5 to suggest that we cannot understand why
women participate in Hindu nationalist politics until we first understand how
they participate, and how their participation has changed over time. And we
cannot evaluate whether their participation can be empowering unless we
understand what their participation means, for them, for the party, and ulti-
mately for Indian democracy. Foundational studies of women’s participation
in Hindu nationalist politics proliferated during the BJP’s initial rise to power
in the 1980s and 1990s; the passage of time since then allows a systematic and
temporal comparison of women’s involvement in Hindu nationalist politics
before and since that critical time period. This enables a contextualization of
the 1980s and 1990s, dispelling any sense that such participation appeared
suddenly and seemingly inexplicably during that period.
Focusing on the role of women in Hindu nationalism over time offers
an important lens into how Hindu nationalism mobilizes political support.
Hinduism as a religion does not provide an obvious basis for political mo-
bilization. The fragmented characteristics of Hinduism as a religion—the
lack of a single authoritative text or ecclesiastical hierarchy, the multisited
nature of Hindu religious practice, and even the proliferation of deities, in
addition to caste, regional, and linguistic differences—mean that nothing
like a “Hindu identity” in a political sense exists a priori (Williams and
Moktan 2019). Rather, Hinduism as a basis for political mobilization must
be constructed, and mobilizing women became a primary way to do so in the
1980s and 1990s.
Rooted in both religion and nationalism, Hindu nationalism does not es-
pouse a gender-forward ideology or gender-progressive agenda. Nandini
Deo (2014) has argued convincingly that Hindu nationalism does not have
a consistent gender ideology but instead tacks to whatever gender rhetoric
suits their political purposes at any given time. For this very reason, studying
women in the movement and how their roles have evolved can provide
unique insight into how Hindu nationalism mobilizes political support.
The political science literature on women’s political participation has
cycled through multiple phases (Whetstone and Williams 2019). After in-
itially ignoring women, then blaming them for their own lack of polit-
ical participation (Duverger 1955), early attempts to account for women’s
Introduction 5
political participation adopted an “add women and stir” approach: this

meant studying women’s political participation in the same frames within
which scholars had long been studying participation, without fundamentally
altering those frames (Sapiro 1998, 67). Political science did finally move to
considering structural and institutional aspects of women’s participation
(Peterson 1992; Randall and Waylen 1998) and has in some ways returned
to the idea that women’s representation or presence in the public, political
sphere matters for women’s political participation. This is evidenced by the
large and still-growing literature on gender quotas (Krook and Zetterberg
2014; Franceschet et al. 2012) as well as work on symbolic, descriptive, and
substantive representation of women (Schwindt-Bayer and Mishler 2005;
Celis and Mugge 2018).
Mainstream studies focus on specific political activities to measure
women’s political participation. These include voting, donating to polit-
ical causes, volunteering in political campaigns, running for office, making
and signing petitions, participating in civil society organizations, and par-
ticipating in demonstrations and boycotts. These standard ways to measure
women’s political participation tend to derive from Western contexts and are
largely quantitative. Such measures do describe the participation of women
in the BJP—and are covered in Chapter 1—but only as a first cut. To rely
on such measures alone as a means to understand women’s participation
in the BJP is to miss deeper levels of meaning and impact. For example, by
standard measures, we can quantify the extent of BJP and Hindu nationalist
women’s participation in demonstrations, but that does not capture the use
of gendered language to incite men to violence against Muslim minorities
before and during such demonstrations. Even in an established democracy
like India, voting data alone cannot capture the deeper ways women’s issues
were deployed to make the BJP a viable national political party. This study, as
an interpretive case study and temporal comparison, captures those deeper
meanings.
Why Political Parties?
In addition to focusing on women, this book focuses on political parties

as distinct from the social movement organizations of Hindu nation-
alism. Hindu nationalism in India comprises three national organizations,
along with numerous regional and local parties and organizations. The
BJP, a political party, is the political wing of the movement. It was founded
in 1980; its predecessor parties were the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (from 1951
to 1980) and the Hindu Mahasabha (from 1915 to 1951).6 The Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (“National Volunteer Organization,” or RSS) is a do-
mestic social movement organization and the anchor organization of Hindu
nationalism. Founded in 1925, the RSS seeks to regenerate and strengthen
the Indian nation (defined as a Hindu nation) individually, person by person,
from the ground up. The RSS explicitly disavows direct political activity in
that it doesn’t run candidates for office—that is the job of its political wing/
party, the BJP—but it is a deeply politicized organization in every other sense
of the word. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (“World Hindu Council” or VHP),
founded in 1964, is primarily the religious and international wing of the
movement. Together these three organizations, along with local and regional
counterparts, are known as, and often call themselves, the Sangh Parivar, or
“Family of Organizations.”
Much work on Hindu nationalism in India tends to collapse these organ-
izations together, treating them as essentially interchangeable. Indeed, they
can be difficult to disentangle in practice. The organizations work closely
with each other, and their membership overlaps significantly. For example,
many if not most BJP leaders have belonged or do belong to the RSS; and the
RSS and VHP provide critical mobilizational support for BJP campaigns and
candidates.
Yet despite the complexities of doing so, this study builds on the pio-
neering work of others who have productively drawn a distinction between
the BJP and the political parties of Hindu nationalism, on the one hand,
and the social movement organizations of Hindu nationalism on the other
(Heimsath 1964; Jones 1989; Basu 2015). Focusing on political parties lets
me address a critically important question about how a right-wing, gender-
regressive, religious nationalist political party negotiates an inherent tension
between its own ideological roots in religion and nationalism (which tend
to confine women to the private sphere) and its need, as a political party in
a democracy, to involve and engage women in the political sphere in order
to win elections. This study explores how Hindu nationalism has negotiated
this tension over time.
In this sense religious nationalist political parties pose a unique theoret-
ical puzzle. A religious nationalist political party in a competitive democ-
racy, and one tightly linked with a powerful social movement organization
(Schlozman 2015), faces competing incentives. Unlike the social movement
Introduction 7
organizations of Hindu nationalism, the BJP has to increase its vote count
and win votes and elections—and to do so it has an incentive to appeal more
broadly across sectors of society than the RSS or VHP may have to. But un-
like other political parties, the BJP espouses a gender-regressive, religious
nationalist ideology. Amrita Basu (2015) captures this “rock and a hard
place” dilemma perfectly when she argues that political parties and social
movement organizations face competing incentives: the latter need to keep
their members engaged and mobilized—and thus are incentivized to keep
radicalizing—while political parties (especially in established, competitive
democracies) need to moderate their rhetoric and agendas to widen their
base of support.
Indeed, many of my interviewees clearly differentiated between the
party and the social movement organizations of Hindu nationalism.
Several women BJP leaders emphasized that they had never belonged to
the RSS or the social wings of the movement, while others, of course, had
belonged to both and in fact had moved into the BJP via their activism in
the RSS. Notably, it was national-level leaders in New Delhi who affirmed
they were never involved with the RSS, while the state-level leaders
in Lucknow were more likely to have come to the BJP via the RSS and
their husbands, brothers, or other male relatives (interviews are listed in
Appendix A).
An important and growing body of literature focused on religious (or “re-
ligiously oriented”; Ozzano 2013) political parties advances the “inclusion-
moderation hypothesis,” which holds that the participation of more radical
religious parties in electoral democracy tends to lead such parties to mod-
erate their rhetoric and agendas (Brocker and Kunkler 2013). This hypoth
esis originated and was tested largely in the context of European countries;
scholars of Indian politics have rightly noted that the case of the BJP does
not clearly support the hypothesis (Ruparelia 2006; Basu 2015; Jaffrelot 2013;
Flåten 2019). When the BJP governed from 1999 to 2004, the broad consensus
among scholars of Indian politics was that ruling in a coalition government
kept the BJP from implementing its more radical agendas—thus resulting
in some tension with the RSS and its more radical social movement support
base (Chakrabarty 2014, 2006; Adeney and Saez 2005). Since 2014, the BJP
has held an outright majority in the Lok Sabha (the lower house of India’s
parliament), so no such constraints existed. Since 2019, if anything, the BJP
has turned the inclusion-moderation hypothesis on its head: the BJP’s partic-
ipation in Indian democracy has not led it to moderate its agendas, but rather
to consolidate power and undermine democracy itself (Tepe 2019; Varshney

2021)—a point I return to and expand on in Chapter 6.
Recently, Chhibber and Verma (2018) argued that the BJP’s dominant
electoral victory in 2014 might signal a turning point beyond which the
BJP may be hegemonic in Indian politics for some time to come. Events
since 2019 certainly seem to confirm this prediction (Vaishnav and
Hintson 2019). This makes it all the more important to understand the
role of women in the party and how it has evolved over time: how women
have helped the party to success, and how the party may (or may not)
help women.
Most of the work on women in political parties has focused histor-
ically on women in left political parties (Banaszak et al. 2003), arguing
that parties of the left have been more likely, and quicker, than parties of
the right to include women and integrate gender issues as part of their
platform—at least in rhetoric. Other studies find a pattern of women en-
tering political parties primarily through a family link (Freeman 2000).
The case of the BJP in India partly supports and partly refutes these
arguments. On the surface, BJP leaders explicitly disavow what they call
“dynastic” politics, as associated with the Congress Party under—and ab-
jectly reliant on—the ongoing leadership of the Nehru-Gandhi lineage.
While it is true that many BJP women did not come into the party through
a family link, many others did—through the RSS or the involvement of
their husbands and sons.
More recently, scholars of women and politics have turned their at-
tention to religious, conservative, and right-wing parties. This includes
a growing literature on women in Islamic political parties (Jamal and
Langohr 2014; Yadav 2012; Arat 2005; Clark and Schwedler 2003). A con-
sensus has emerged in the scholarship that the participation of women
works to normalize right-wing movements and parties, making them
more acceptable in mainstream politics (Blee and Deutsch 2012; Celis
and Childs 2018; Och and Shames 2018; Schreiber 2008; Bacchetta and
Power 2002). It is in fact a central task of this book to document how the
increasing participation of women in the BJP correlates with the party’s
growing electoral success and institutionalization over time. Yet I argue
that in the case of BJP women, while their growing participation (via mobi-
lization and incorporation) may have softened or mainstreamed the public
image of the party—itself a debatable issue—it has not corresponded to
any moderation of the party’s radical agendas.
Introduction 9
Why India?
India is a critical case to study religious nationalist politics in a Global South

democracy. As two of the most salient forces of modern political life, democ-
racy and religion must find ways to coexist in the modern international po-
litical order; both exist in abundance in India. Through the lens of gender,
my study explores multiple ways that Indian democracy has accommodated
religious politics—from conflicts over Islamic law to the rise and spread of
majoritarian Hindu nationalism.
I define religious politics as “the mobilization of religious symbols,
discourses, and narratives for political gain—in the case of democracy, for
electoral gain” (Williams and Deo 2018, 549). In a word, the BJP has suc-
cessfully incorporated markers of Hindu nationalism in the everyday fabric
of Indian politics. This claim does not assume that the BJP represents or
advocates Hinduism as a religion per se, but rather that the BJP represents
Hindu nationalism as an aspirational form of Indian national identity
that centers Hinduism in the national imaginary; subsumes other South
Asian–origin religions under the mantle of Hinduism (Buddhism, Sikhism,
Jainism); marks followers of all other religions as second-class citizens,
outsiders, or actively subversive of Hindu nationalism; and virtually equates
being Indian with being Hindu.
Studying religion and democracy in India (through the lens of gender)
serves to correct multiple imbalances in multiple literatures. Scholars of reli-
gion and politics have often focused largely on Abrahamic religions (Judaism,
Christianity, Islam) and the Western world; and occasionally they do so ex-
plicitly (Grzymała-Busse 2012; Lynch 2020).7 Recent important works in the
field grapple with concepts of religious freedom, religious tolerance, and re-
ligious rights, as well as secularism/secularization and the political role of
evangelicals and the Christian church (Lewis 2017; Grzymała-Busse 2015;
Hurd 2015; Norris and Inglehart 2011).
But Hinduism as a religion has several unique characteristics with im-
portant political implications that set it apart from the Abrahamic religions.
These include its polytheistic character and the lack of a single, authoritative
text; its widely varying practice across region, locality, and caste; and its in-
formal, multisited practice wherein core aspects of worship take place outside
of formal institutional settings such as temples. As a result of these various
characteristics, Hinduism as a religion poses unique obstacles as a basis of
political mobilization. People must be convinced that their unity as Hindus
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Standard Table of Weights and Measures
All measurements are made level.
A teaspoon of regulation size holds sixty drops.
Three teaspoons of liquid equal one tablespoon.
Four tablespoons of liquid equal one-half gill or one-quarter cup.
Two gills equal one cup.
Two cups equal one pint.
Two pints (four cups) equal one quart.
Four cups of liquid equal one quart.
Four cups of flour equal one pound or one quart.
Two cups of butter packed solidly equal one pound.
One-half cup of butter packed solidly equals one-quarter pound, or
four ounces.
Two cups granulated sugar equal one pound.
Two and one-half cups powdered sugar equal one pound.
Two cups of milk or water equal one pound.
Two cups chopped meat packed solidly equal one pound.
Nine to ten eggs (without shells) equal one pound.
Two tablespoons butter (solid and level) equal one ounce.
Four tablespoons butter (solid and level) equal two ounces, or
one-quarter cup.
Two tablespoons granulated sugar equal one ounce.
Four tablespoons flour equal one ounce.
Four tablespoons coffee equal one ounce.
One tablespoon liquid equals one-half ounce.
Tbsp.—Tablespoon.
Tsp.—Teaspoon.
F. G.—Few grains.
The Refrigerator
For the preservation of food before cooking, and for the left-overs
after a meal, there is no appliance placed in the home that is of so
much importance as the refrigerator. It should be a McCray
Refrigerator, a perfectly beautiful, practical, convenient and entirely
sanitary accession to the needs of the kitchen, the chief essential of
its furnishings. It should be large and well adapted to the wants and
necessities of the household, with an ice capacity of at least one
hundred pounds. It is the best made refrigerator, offered for sale and
for the consumers comfort, in the world to-day. When planning your
kitchen, be sure you have a place, well-selected, for one of these
refrigerators. Its drain pipes should never be connected directly with
the sewer, and if possible locate it so that the ice compartment may
be reached from the outside from a rear porch—that is opening out
of doors. This will save much annoyance from the iceman, with
soiled shoes, trailing dripping ice across the clean kitchen floor. The
refrigerator should be easy of access for the cook, for plain as well
as fancy cooking, demands many steps. Much time and energy is
saved by a little judicious planning in locating the kitchen appliances.
Remember the old adage, “Let your head save your heels.”
Care of the Refrigerator

In giving the proper attention to the care of the refrigerator, there
are three very essential points to observe; the first, and most
important, the location of the refrigerator, then the waste pipe, and
last but not least a full supply of ice. If economy is an item in the
management of the house, then special attention will be given the
place in which refrigerator is placed—a cool, dry, well ventilated
room, conveniently near the kitchen that steps may be saved and
where the direct rays of the sun do not fall on it, and where the
iceman can gain access to it without “tracking up” the
kitchen with his soiled shoes.
The compartments in which the food is kept
should be wiped out carefully once a week. If
anything is spilled within the refrigerator it should be
removed immediately. All crumbs, drops of liquid or
small particles of food should be carefully and
instantly removed.
Once a week the supply of ice may be allowed to
run low; the ice may then be removed and the ice
chamber thoroughly washed, the rack upon which
the ice stands washed and rinsed with a solution of
sal soda, the drain pipe and the trap also thoroughly
swabbed out with a brush attached to a long wire
handle, made for this purpose. Pour the solution
through the drain pipe as far as it can be reached
and then rinse with clear boiling water.
The ice compartment should be kept filled with
ice. A large piece of ice keeps better than a small
one and insures much better circulation of air. The
door to the ice compartment should be kept tightly
closed at all times save when it is being filled with
BRUSH FOR
REFRIGERATOR
ice. The fact is that all the doors should be opened
DRAIN PIPE and closed as quickly as possible.
The most scrupulous cleanliness in all its parts
should be found in the refrigerator. Food such as meat, potatoes,
etc. should never be laid on the shelves of the refrigerator, and the
habit of filling the ice chamber with meat, fish, fowl and vegetables is
most unsanitary and unhealthful.
The Care of Food in the Refrigerator

When the food is placed on the table in the kitchen by the
tradesman, the care of it at once falls upon the one who is in charge
of the household and she must know just how to take care of each
article.
All meat should be removed from the paper at once; wiped with a
piece of cheese cloth wrung from cold water, placed on a plate,
another plate turned over it and placed in the position indicated, in
frontispiece, on page 2. The butter should be put in a jar, covered
and placed on the shelf of the refrigerator immediately under the ice
chamber. A space should be left on this shelf for eggs, milk and
cream. Cheese should be removed from the manilla paper leaving it
wrapped in the wax paper, and placed in a covered vessel in the
refrigerator. The care of vegetables, fruits, meats, fish, etc., follows
hereinafter.
Left-Over Meats
Beef Croquettes
1¾ cups finely chopped left-over roast beef or steak.
¾ teaspoon salt.
¼ teaspoon pepper.
1 tablespoon Worcestershire Sauce.
Few drops onion juice.
1 teaspoon finely chopped parsley.
Brown sauce.
Process: Remove all fat and gristle from cold roast beef or steak.
Chop fine and add ingredients in the order given, moisten with thick
Brown Sauce (made by increasing the quantity of flour called for in
the recipe for Brown Sauce to half cup). Shape in cones, drip in
crumbs, egg and crumbs and fry in deep hot fat. Serve with Brown,
Tomato, or Creole Sauce.
Left-Over Roast Beef—Mexican Style

1 onion finely chopped.
2 tablespoons butter.
1 red pepper shredded.
1 green pepper shredded.
1 clove garlic finely chopped.
1 cup tomato pulp.
¼ teaspoon celery salt.
Few drops Tobasco Sauce.
Thinly sliced cold roast beef.
Process: Cook onion in butter five minutes; cut peppers in thin
shreds with the shears. Add to onion. Add garlic and tomato pulp.
Simmer fifteen minutes. Add Worcestershire Sauce, celery salt and
Tobasco. Salt to taste. Cut cold roast beef in thin slices and re-heat
in sauce. Serve with baked potatoes on the half-shell.
Delicious Beef Pie

Line the bottom and sides of a well buttered baking dish with hot,
highly seasoned mashed potatoes, to which add two tablespoons
finely chopped onion or chives; over this, place a thick layer of left-
over roast beef cut in small pieces; season with salt, pepper, onion
juice, one tablespoon Worcestershire Sauce, moisten with Brown
Sauce and cover with a layer of potato mixture, ornament rim of dish
with some of the mixture forced through a pastry bag and star tube.
Brush over lightly with beaten egg. Bake in a hot oven until mixture is
thoroughly heated and potato is delicately browned.
Cecils with Brown Sauce

1 cup left-over roast beef or finely chopped rare steak.
2 tablespoons fine bread crumbs.
1 tablespoon cream or melted butter.
Yolk one egg, slightly beaten.
Salt, pepper and onion juice.
Process: Add seasonings to beef; add bread crumbs, cream or

butter and beaten egg yolks; shape in small balls the size of an
English walnut, roll in flour, egg and crumbs, and fry in deep hot fat,
drain on brown paper. Arrange in a pyramid on a hot platter and
serve with Brown or Tomato Sauce.
Beef Cutlets
Chop the flank end of the
porterhouse steak very fine, first
removing superfluous fat. Season
meat with salt, two or three drops
Tobasco Sauce, onion piece and
Worcestershire Sauce to taste.
Shape into cutlets about three-
Beef Cutlets fourths of an inch thick; dip in egg,
then in crumbs and fry in deep hot
fat five minutes. Do not brown them too quickly. Dispose them
around a mound of hot riced potato or well seasoned boiled rice.
Beef-Steak Pie
Cut left-over cold broiled steak or remnants of cold roast beef in
one-half inch pieces. Cover with hot stock or water, add one small
onion and simmer slowly until meat is tender. (About one hour).
Remove onion and thicken stock with flour diluted with cold water.
Season highly with salt and pepper. Add potatoes cut in one inch
cubes and previously parboil ten minutes in boiling salted water. Put
into a buttered baking-dish and cool; cover with a crust made of
biscuit dough, rolled one-fourth inch thick. Make three incisions in
top of pie. Bake twenty-five minutes in a hot oven. The top may be
brushed over with the white of an egg diluted with two tablespoons
milk five minutes before removing from oven.
Creole Croquettes
Chop the flank ends of the porter-house steak fine (there should
be one cup packed solidly). Add one-fourth cup uncooked rice,
season highly with salt, pepper and a few grains of cayenne. Wrap
one rounded tablespoon of this mixture in cabbage leaves which
have been previously parboiled two minutes. Simmer one hour in
Tomato Sauce, basting three or four times. Cover closely while
cooking.
Corned Beef au Gratin
2 cups cold left-over corned beef cut in small dice.
2 slices onion.
1 cup celery, coarse stalks and leaves cut in pieces.
4 tablespoons flour.
2 cups milk.
¼ teaspoon paprika.
¾ cup buttered crumbs.
Process: Scald milk with onions and celery. Melt butter in sauce-
pan, add flour and stir to a smooth paste. Strain celery and onion
from milk; add milk to butter, and flour gradually while stirring
constantly, season with salt if necessary, add paprika and bring to
boiling point. Add corned beef; mix well and turn into a buttered
baking dish. Cover with buttered crumbs. Bake in hot oven until
mixture is heated through and crumbs are browned.
Corned Beef Hash

2 cups cooked corned beef, chopped moderately.
2 cups cold cooked potatoes, chopped moderately.
Salt, pepper and clove garlic.
Cream, milk or stock.
Process: Remove all gristle, fat and stringy parts from meat.
Chop with chopping knife in bowl. Mix well with chopped potatoes,
season highly with salt, pepper, and moisten with milk, cream or
stock. Melt butter in spider, when hot turn in mixture and spread
evenly. Place clove of garlic in centre; let cook slowly until well-
browned underneath, remove garlic and fold as an omelet on to a
hot serving platter. Serve with Hollandaise Sauce. Garlic may be
omitted.
Breaded Tongue with Tomato Sauce
Cut the tip end of the cold boiled tongue in one-fourth inch slices,
sprinkle them with salt and pepper, dip them in egg, then in fine
bread crumbs; repeat, saute them in butter and arrange them on a
hot serving platter, pour over Tomato Sauce.
Casserole Rice with Veal

Butter a two-quart brick-shape mould, line it with hot boiled rice to
three-fourth inch thickness. It would require one and one-half to two
cups of rice boiled, to line and cover the mold. To one cup of cold,
cooked veal finely chopped and packed solidly, add one egg, slightly
beaten, two tablespoons cracker-meal and sufficient Sauce Veloute
to moisten mixture. Season highly with salt, pepper, lemon-juice, and
one-half teaspoon parsley, finely chopped. Pack meat mixture in
centre of lined mold, cover with rice, place cover well-buttered on
mold and steam thirty-five minutes. Unmold on hot serving platter,
sprinkle with paprika and pour around Tomato or Creole Sauce.
Veal Croquettes.
2 cups cooked veal finely chopped.
½ teaspoon salt.
⅛ teaspoon pepper.
Few grains cayenne.
Yolk of one egg.
1 cup thick Veloute Sauce.
Process: Mix the ingredients in the order given; moisten with

sauce. Spread mixture on a plate to cool. Shape, crumb and fry as
other croquettes. Serve with Creole Sauce.
Blanquette of Veal
Cut cold roast veal in small strips. (There should be two cups).
Prepare one and one-half cups of Sauce Veloute, add meat, bring to
boiling point and serve in a potato or rice border, sprinkle with finely
chopped chives or parsley.
Minced Veal
Prepare same as Minced Lamb and serve on toast; garnish with
half a broiled tomato placed on each portion.
Ragout of Veal
Prepare a Brown Mushroom Sauce, omit the lemon juice and add
one tablespoon Worcestershire Sauce, a few drops onion juice and
one-fourth teaspoon paprika. Re-heat thoroughly two cups cold roast
veal, cut in one inch cubes, in sauce; serve in a rice or hot mashed
potato border. If the latter is used, pass the potato mixture through
the pastry bag and star tube. Sprinkle border with paprika.
Mutton with Currant Jelly Sauce

2½ tablespoons flour.
¼ teaspoon salt.
1 cup Brown Stock.
5½ tablespoons currant or wild plum jelly.
2 tablespoons sherry wine.
8 slices cold cooked mutton.
Process: Melt butter and brown richly in a sauce-pan, add flour

and continue browning, add seasoning and stock slowly, stirring
constantly; beat the jelly with a fork and add to sauce; when melted
add mutton, simmer gently until mutton is heated thoroughly, add
wine. Dispose mutton on a platter and pour over sauce. Left-over
gravy may be used instead of making Brown Sauce.
Minced Mutton on Toast

2 cups minced left-over mutton.
6 yolks hard boiled eggs.
½ teaspoon mustard.
½ teaspoon salt.
Few grains cayenne.
1 tablespoon butter.
1 cup thin cream or milk.
4 tablespoons sherry wine.
Process: Rub the yolks through a sieve and add seasoning. Add
mutton, finely minced, and cream. Melt butter in a sauce-pan, add
mixture and when thoroughly heated add wine. Serve on toast. Lamb
may be used in place of mutton.
Salmi of Mutton
Cut cold roast mutton in thin uniform slices. Cook two tablespoons
butter with one slice onion, finely chopped, five minutes. Add mutton,
sprinkle with salt, pepper, and pour over Brown Mushroom Sauce, to
which add one tablespoon Worcestershire Sauce. Simmer until
heated throughout. Arrange slices of meat over-lapping one another
around a pyramid of fried potato balls; pour around sauce; garnish
with toast tri-angles. Lamb, veal, duck or game may be served in this
manner.
Lamb Croquettes
1 cup cold cooked lamb finely chopped.
¼ cup cold boiled potatoes finely chopped.
1 slice onion finely chopped.
1 cup stock.
1 teaspoon parsley finely chopped.
Salt and pepper.
Left-over peas.
Process: Cook onion in butter five minutes; remove onion. Add

flour and stir to a smooth paste, add stock gradually, stirring
constantly; add meat, potato, salt and pepper; simmer gently until
meat and potato is blended with sauce. Spread mixture on a plate to
cool. Divide the mixture into equal parts (this mixture will make about
seven croquettes).
Take up a portion of the mixture and make a depression in centre,
put in a teaspoon of left-over cream peas, enclose peas carefully,
shape, dip in crumbs, eggs and crumbs again. Fry in deep hot fat.
Drain on brown paper and serve with Sauce Bearnaise.
Left-over Roast Pork Croquettes

Prepare a thick White Sauce and season it delicately with a very
little sage. Add one and one-half cups of finely chopped cold roast
pork. Season with salt, pepper and a few drops onion juice. Add one-
half teaspoon finely chopped parsley. Spread mixture on plate to
cool. Shape; roll in crumbs, egg and crumbs, and fry in deep hot fat.
Arrange in a pyramid on hot serving platter, surround with baked
apples. Pass “Sauce Soubise.”
Left-Over Poultry
Chicken Croquettes
2 cups cold cooked fowl chopped fine.
½ cup English walnut meats chopped
moderately.
½ teaspoon salt.
Few grains cayenne.
Slight grating nutmeg.
1 teaspoon lemon juice.
¾ cup thick White Sauce.
Bread crumbs.
Process: Mix the ingredients

in the order given; after adding the
sauce let mixture cool. Mold in
cork shape croquettes, roll in fine
bread crumbs, dip in egg (diluted
with cold water in the proportion of
two tablespoons water to each
egg slightly beaten), then in
Chicken Croquettes crumbs again. Fry in deep hot fat.
Drain on brown paper and serve
with Supreme Sauce.
Chicken and Mushroom Croquettes

Prepare mixture as for Chicken Croquettes No. 1. Add one-half
cup finely chopped mushrooms. Shape, egg and crumb, and fry as
other croquettes. Serve with a Brown Mushroom Sauce.
Cream Chicken with Green Peppers and

Mushrooms
Add to one and one-half cups of white Bechamel Sauce one and
one-half cups of cold cooked chicken cut in one-third inch cubes,
one-half cup mushrooms and one green bell pepper, previously
cooked ten minutes, the seeds removed and the pepper cut in
shreds with the shears. Serve in croustades of bread.
Scalloped Chicken
Butter a baking dish well. Arrange alternate layers of cold, cooked
chicken or turkey cut in small thin slices and boiled rice or spaghetti.
Pour over giblet, White, Brown or Tomato Sauce. Cover with
buttered crumbs, garnish with toast-points and bake in the oven until
mixture is thoroughly heated and crumbs are brown.
Chicken Chartreuse
Follow recipe for Casserole of rice with Veal, using chicken
instead of veal. Season chicken highly with salt, pepper, celery-salt,
onion juice and one teaspoon finely chopped parsley. Moisten
mixture with Cream Sauce, using half cup chicken stock and half cup
hot thin cream. Unmold on hot platter and serve with Cream Sauce.
Chicken Timbales
¼ cup stale bread crumbs.
⅔ cup milk.
1 cup finely minced cooked chicken.
½ tablespoon finely chopped parsley.
2 eggs.
Few drops onion-juice.
Salt and pepper.
Process: Melt butter in a sauce-pan, add bread crumbs and milk,

cook five minutes. Add chicken, parsley, and eggs slightly beaten,
season with salt, pepper and onion juice. Turn mixture into buttered
timbale molds, set molds in a pan of hot water and cover them with a
buttered paper. Bake twenty minutes. Turn from molds on serving
platter and serve with Celery Sauce.
Chicken a la Bechamel
1½ cups cold cooked chicken cut in
one-third inch cubes.
1 cup Sauce Bechamel.
⅛ teaspoon celery salt.
½ teaspoon finely chopped parsley.
Process: Add parsley and celery salt to sauce; add chicken and
simmer gently until chicken is thoroughly heated. Omit the yolks of
eggs when making the sauce for this purpose.
Chicken Souffle
2 cups scalded milk.
½ teaspoon salt.
½ teaspoon celery salt.
⅓ cup fine soft bread crumbs.
2 cups left-over cooked fowl or
chicken, chopped very fine.
Yolks of four eggs well beaten.
2 teaspoons finely chopped parsley.
Whites four eggs beaten stiff and dry.
Process: Melt butter in sauce-pan, add flour mixed with

seasonings, stir to a smooth paste; add milk gradually, beating
constantly, add bread crumbs and cook three minutes; remove from
range; add chicken, yolks of eggs and parsley, cut and fold in the
whites of eggs. Turn mixture into a well-buttered baking dish and
bake thirty-five minutes in a moderate oven. Serve with Cream,
Bechamel or Supreme Sauce. Left-over turkey or veal may be used
instead of chicken.
Salmi of Duck with Green Peas

Cut four slices of bacon crosswise in shreds, with shears. Saute
in spider, add one tablespoon finely chopped onion; when lightly
browned add four and one-half tablespoons flour, continue browning;
add slowly one and one-half cups brown stock, add sprig of mint and
let simmer five minutes; then add one and one-half cups cold roast
duck, cut in small pieces, and one-half cup left-over peas (if there is
a cup of peas add them), let simmer gently until ingredients are
heated through. Remove the mint and season with salt and pepper.
Serve on toast.
Chicken and Oysters a la Seville

½ teaspoon salt.
1 cup hot milk.
¾ cup oyster liquor.
2 cups cold cooked chicken cut in one-half inch cubes.
2 cups oysters.
Patty shells.
Process: Melt butter in a sauce-pan, add flour and seasonings;

stir to a smooth past. Pour on slowly, while stirring briskly, hot milk
and strained oyster liquor. Re-heat chicken in sauce. Plump oysters
in their own liquor; drain and add oysters to chicken. Serve in patty
shells or croustades of bread.
Mock Terrapin
2 cups cold cooked chicken cut in small cubes.
1 cup White Sauce No. 2.
2 hard-boiled eggs.
Few grains nutmeg.
¼ cup sherry wine.
Salt, pepper and a few grains cayenne.
Process: Add chicken to sauce, rub the yolks of eggs through a

sieve; add to first mixture. Add whites of eggs finely chopped.
Season with salt, pepper and cayenne, simmer four minutes and add
sherry. Turn into deep dish, garnish with triangles of toast or puff
paste points.
Left-Over Chicken with Poached Eggs

2 cups cold cooked chicken chopped moderately.
1 slice carrot.
1 slice onion.
1 spray parsley.
1 cup chicken stock or milk.
Salt, pepper and celery salt.
5 eggs.
¾ cup buttered cracker crumbs.
Process: Melt butter in a sauce-pan, add vegetables and cook
five minutes, add flour and stock or milk slowly, stirring constantly.
Strain sauce and add chicken and seasonings. Spread mixture on a
buttered platter and sprinkle with cracker crumbs. Make five small
nests in mixture and into each slip an egg; cover eggs with cracker
crumbs and bake in a moderate oven until eggs are cooked.
Minced Turkey with Poached Eggs

To one cup of cold roast turkey, chopped moderately, add one-half
cup of stuffing finely chopped. Moisten with a sauce made by melting
two tablespoons butter in a sauce-pan, brown well, add two and one-
half teaspoons flour, continue browning. Add one cup of stock (made
by cooking skin and bones of a roast turkey), season with salt,
pepper and onion juice. Re-heat turkey and stuffing in sauce. Serve
on circles of toast with a poached egg placed in centre of each;
garnish with sprays of parsley.
Left-Over Fish
A Simple Luncheon Dish

Mix one cup of left-over flaked fish with three “hard boiled” eggs,
chopped fine, and one-half teaspoon finely chopped parsley. Re-heat
in one and one-half cups, thin White Sauce. Serve in a border of hot
riced potato or steamed rice. Sprinkle all with paprika.
Fish Hash
Mix well two cups each of cold cooked fish, flaked, and cold
boiled potatoes, finely chopped. Season well with salt, pepper and
one teaspoon finely chopped parsley. Fry out salt pork cut in small
dice. (There should be about four tablespoons fat.) Remove scraps,
add fish and potatoes. Stir until mixture is well mixed with fat and
thoroughly heated through. Cook until hash is well browned
underneath; fold as an omelet and turn on a hot platter. Serve with
Cream or Tomato Sauce. Garnish with parsley and slices of lemon.
Fish Cakes
(Made of Remnants of any Fresh Fish)
Press hot boiled potatoes through a ricer. (There should be two

cups). Season with salt, pepper, two tablespoons butter and one egg
beaten light. Beat mixture thoroughly and add an equal quantity left-
over cooked fish, flaked. Moisten slightly with Cream Sauce. Shape
into round flat cakes. Saute in hot bacon fat. Drain cakes on brown
paper, first on one side, then on the other; a poached egg may be
served on top of each cake. Garnish with crisp bacon and parsley.
Left-over Fish en Casserole
Line a brick-shaped mold with well seasoned hot steamed rice, to
the depth of three-fourth inch. Fill centre with remnants of cold boiled
or baked fish, flaked, and seasoned with salt, pepper and slightly
moistened with thin White Sauce. Cover with rice, place cover on
mold and steam thirty-five minutes. Turn on a hot platter and serve
with Egg Sauce. Sprinkle all with finely chopped parsley. A granite
brick-shape bread pan may be used as a substitute for covered
mold, covered with a buttered paper, butter side next to rice; tie the
paper on with twine.
Fish Croquettes
2 cups cold cooked fish.
¾ cup thick White Sauce.
½ teaspoon salt.
½ teaspoon finely chopped parsley.
1 teaspoon lemon juice.
Process: Flake fish with a silver fork. Add seasonings and

sauce; spread on plate to cool. Shape, and roll in cracker crumbs,
egg and crumbs, and fry in deep hot fat; drain on brown paper. Serve
with Egg, Hollandaise, or Tartare Sauce. Garnish with sliced lemon
and parsley.
Turban of Fish
2½ cups cold baked or boiled fish.
1½ cups scalded milk.
1 slice onion.
1 blade mace or a few grains nutmeg.
1 spray parsley.

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Marginalized, Mobilized, Incorporated.

Women and Religious Nationalism in

G■hastha: The Householder in Ancient Indian Religious

Master Tara Singh in Indian History: Colonialism,

Performing Representation: Women Members in the Indian

Women, Religion and Leadership in Zimbabwe, Volume 2:

Waiting for the People: The Idea of Democracy in Indian

The Flag and the Cross: White Christian Nationalism and

The Political Outsider: Indian Democracy and the

At Home with Democracy : A Theory of Indian Politics

Kaushik Basu (Cornell University)

The Other One Percent Farewell to Arms

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

© Oxford University Press 2023

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

You must not circulate this work in any other form

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data

Paperback printed by Marquis Book Printing, Canada

Introduction: Women, Political Parties, and Indian Democracy  1

Appendix A: Interviews  161

On December 6, 1992, thousands of Hindu nationalist kar sevaks (militant

documents, never before examined, on a women’s wing of the Hindu

Activists and academics began documenting the participation of women in

such movements, and whether such participation can be empowering for

political participation adopted an “add women and stir” approach: this

Why Political Parties?

In addition to focusing on women, this book focuses on political parties

to consolidate power and undermine democracy itself (Tepe 2019; Varshney

India is a critical case to study religious nationalist politics in a Global South

Care of the Refrigerator

The Care of Food in the Refrigerator

Left-Over Roast Beef—Mexican Style

Delicious Beef Pie

Cecils with Brown Sauce

Process: Add seasonings to beef; add bread crumbs, cream or

Corned Beef Hash

Casserole Rice with Veal

Process: Mix the ingredients in the order given; moisten with

Mutton with Currant Jelly Sauce

Process: Melt butter and brown richly in a sauce-pan, add flour

Minced Mutton on Toast

Process: Cook onion in butter five minutes; remove onion. Add

Left-over Roast Pork Croquettes

Process: Mix the ingredients

Chicken and Mushroom Croquettes

Cream Chicken with Green Peppers and

Process: Melt butter in a sauce-pan, add bread crumbs and milk,

Process: Melt butter in sauce-pan, add flour mixed with

Salmi of Duck with Green Peas

Chicken and Oysters a la Seville

Process: Melt butter in a sauce-pan, add flour and seasonings;

Process: Add chicken to sauce, rub the yolks of eggs through a

Left-Over Chicken with Poached Eggs

Minced Turkey with Poached Eggs

A Simple Luncheon Dish

Press hot boiled potatoes through a ricer. (There should be two

Process: Flake fish with a silver fork. Add seasonings and

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Introduction: Women, Political Parties, and Indian Democracy 1

Appendix A: Interviews 161