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Social Credit
The Warring States of China’s
Emerging Data Empire
Vincent Brussee
Social Credit
Vincent Brussee
Social Credit
The Warring States of China’s Emerging Data
Empire
Vincent Brussee
Mercator Institute for China Studies
Berlin, Germany
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023
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To dad; your absence is everywhere but your love is everlasting
Acknowledgements
vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
1 Introduction 1
Wrapped Tableware, Train Announcements, and Shared Bikes 1
Getting Social Credit Right is Key to Understanding
Twenty-First-Century Surveillance 5
Making Sense of Social Credit 6
Outline of the Book 8
2 The Social Credit System’s Emergence and Global Roots 17
The Emergence of the Social Credit System 17
The Trifecta of “Credit” Problems 19
How the “West” Inspired China’s Social Credit System 24
A Warning Sign for China 28
Where the SCS Deviates from Established Credit Systems 30
3 The Policy Umbrella of Social Credit 39
Confused 39
Systems-Engineering China 40
Social Credit as a Mechanism 44
Merging Finance, Market Regulation, and “Morality” 46
Trust Everywhere, in Everyone, and Everything 50
The Relationship Between the Market and Government
Under the SCS 53
It’s Messy 59
ix
x CONTENTS
Index 197
Abbreviations
AI Artificial Intelligence
CAC Cyberspace Administration of China
CCP Chinese Communist Party
CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference
LSG Leading Small Group
MOFCOM Ministry of Commerce
NDRC National Development and Reform Commission
NECIPS National Enterprise Credit Information Publicity System
NPC National People’s Congress
NPCIC National Public Credit Information Centre
NPCSC National People’s Congress Standing Committee
PBOC People’s Bank of China
SAMR State Administration for Market Regulation
SCS Social Credit System
SPC Supreme People’s Court
xiii
List of Figures
Fig. 3.1 Overview of key “credit” issues of the Social Credit System 46
Fig. 3.2 The key reform areas of the Social Credit System 50
Fig. 3.3 Actors in the Social Credit System 54
Fig. 3.4 Basic overview of public credit information 57
Fig. 4.1 Annual number of published Social Credit policies,
categorised by administrative level of the issuing agency 76
Fig. 4.2 Geographic distribution of demonstration cities 82
Fig. 4.3 Evaluation criteria for the City Credit Status Monitoring
(2019 edition), grouped by category as a percentage
of the total possible score 83
Fig. 4.4 Newly published regulations and measures on the SCS
per year, categorised by their level of institutionalisation 85
Fig. 5.1 Flowchart of the blacklisting process 116
Fig. 5.2 Individuals added and removed from the blacklist
per month, May 2018 to September 2019 125
Fig. 6.1 The traffic-light system for social credit data 141
Fig. 6.2 Overview of indicators for credit risk classification
in Shandong 150
Fig. 7.1 Number of municipal scoring initiatives in demonstration
cities, per province 166
Fig. 7.2 Year of release for all known scoring pilots in demonstration
cities 167
Fig. 7.3 Number of registered users for social credit scoring
systems in demonstration cities as a percentage of the total
population 170
xv
List of Tables
xvii
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
public. For instance, the SCS enables food safety regulators in Beijing
to access information produced by their Shanghai counterparts. If they
find a company has violated hygiene regulations in Shanghai, they may
want to inspect this company’s application for a new permit in Beijing
more carefully. Or a company looking for a new supplier may be able to
look up information on their potential business partners to see if they
have a history of not delivering on their contracts. If transgressions are
severe, blacklists can restrict the individual or company from doing further
business in the sector altogether.
Perhaps boring in comparison with the myths, the SCS is deeply fasci-
nating in its own way. Its story is full of quirks, revealing remarkable
details of how China’s government struggles with itself, thinks about
technology, and confronts highly controversial topics like surveillance.
The system is profoundly messy—a fact even headlined by China’s state
media Xinhu4 —features a history of over twenty years of back-and-
forth tussle between different government agencies over direction, and
has repeatedly sparked a significant public backlash. It isn’t particularly
“social”, nor really about “credit”, and it certainly is not a “system”.
Remarkably, even the government appears uncertain about what to really
do with it. Hence the subtitle of this book, The Warring States of China’s
Emerging Data Empire. The ambitions and narratives are high-tech, while
the reality is full of conflicts and contradictions.
That the SCS is very different from commonly imagined does not
mean it is benign. The Warring States signify chaos, which affects the
people governed by it. In China, the law is not always just. The SCS is
used to enforce the law in China, which can also mean laws that harm
human rights or codify discriminatory treatment against foreign compa-
nies. Sometimes, the SCS can also clash with China’s law. And indeed,
there are myriad examples of violations of citizens’ constitutional rights
linked to the SCS. If we want to address human rights in China, we first
need to articulate where the problem lies: is it with the technology, with
the political system, or with the law?
As historian Melvin Kranzberg’s first famous law of technology goes:
“Technology is neither good nor bad, nor is it neutral”.5 A knife can be
used to cut a cake (good), but can also be used more violently (bad).
That is to say, the same technology can yield different results in different
contexts. Technology can also have inherent moral value: How the knife
is designed can make it more suitable for one purpose than the other
(not neutral). And as Kranzberg’s sixth law continues: “technology is a
1 INTRODUCTION 5