Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Full download Nonideal Social Ontology: The Power View Åsa Burman file pdf all chapter on 2024
Full download Nonideal Social Ontology: The Power View Åsa Burman file pdf all chapter on 2024
Full download Nonideal Social Ontology: The Power View Åsa Burman file pdf all chapter on 2024
https://ebookmass.com/product/nonideal-social-ontology-the-power-
view-asa-burman/
https://ebookmass.com/product/social-goodness-the-ontology-of-
social-norms-charlotte-witt/
https://ebookmass.com/product/we-together-the-social-ontology-of-
us-hans-bernhard-schmid/
https://ebookmass.com/product/we-together-the-social-ontology-of-
us-hans-bernhard-schmid-2/
The Language of Ontology J. T. M. Miller (Editor)
https://ebookmass.com/product/the-language-of-ontology-j-t-m-
miller-editor/
https://ebookmass.com/product/the-parliamentary-roots-of-
european-social-policy-turning-talk-into-power-1st-edition-roos/
https://ebookmass.com/product/ontology-and-oppression-race-
gender-and-social-reality-studies-in-feminist-philosophy-series-
katharine-jenkins/
https://ebookmass.com/product/narrative-ontology-axel-hutter/
https://ebookmass.com/product/the-genes-eye-view-of-
evolution-1st-edition-j-arvid-agren/
Nonideal Social Ontology
Nonideal Social
Ontology
The Power View
Å S A BU R M A N
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.
© Oxford University Press 2023
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Burman, Åsa, author.
Title: Nonideal social ontology : the power view /Åsa Burman.
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, [2023] |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2022030878 (print) | LCCN 2022030879 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780197509579 (hardback) | ISBN 9780197509593 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Social sciences—Philosophy. | Ontology. | Critical theory.
Classification: LCC H61.15 .B87 2023 (print) | LCC H61.15 (ebook) |
DDC 300.1—dc23/eng/20220715
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022030878
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022030879
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197509579.001.0001
1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by Integrated Books International, United States of America
Contents
Acknowledgments vii
Permissions ix
PA RT I . C R I T IQU E
Ideal Social Ontology
1. The Standard Model of Ideal Social Ontology 19
PA RT I I . R E C O N ST RU C T IO N
Nonideal Social Ontology
3. Nonideal Social Ontology 121
References 229
Index 235
Acknowledgments
Nonideal Social Ontology. Åsa Burman, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press 2023.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197509579.003.0001
2 Introduction
1 It is an anomaly that the inhabitants of this social world are class-blind in the sense
that a person’s class is not considered relevant. Other categories have been discussed at
great length, but class is still missing. I thus include the intersection of gender and class
as one of my central examples.
Introduction 3
2 The consensus-oriented view of society is also clearly visible on the front covers of
the main works in ideal social ontology. On the first edition of Searle’s The Construction
of Social Reality, people are literally holding hands while dancing. On Margaret Gilbert’s
recent book, Rights and Demands, a peaceful picture of a few people crossing a courtyard
is displayed on the front cover. Given the title, one might have expected less peaceful and
more violent historical images, perhaps of suffragettes or civil rights activists. Finally,
Raimo Tuomela’s The Philosophy of Sociality depicts small groups of white people eating
together at a café.
4 Introduction
nevertheless central in both worlds and it can thus help to bridge the
divide. More specifically, I offer an account of social power and the
various forms it takes, an account I call the “Power View.” In addition,
I suggest that the different forms of social power can be used as a basis
for a taxonomy of social facts. The key idea is that social power is the
central social concept and nearly all the social facts in which we are
interested contain one form of social power or another. Hence, I offer
a taxonomy of social facts in virtue of social power. Although the tax-
onomy might not be exhaustive, it expands on existing accounts of
social power in contemporary social ontology in significant ways.3
This book argues for the use of nonideal theory in social ontology.
It has three main aims. The first is to show that the key questions
and central dividing lines within contemporary social ontology can
be fruitfully reconstructed as a clash between the two worlds I refer
to as ideal and nonideal social ontology. The second is to show that,
when taken together, the objections to the “standard model” (the
dominant version of ideal social ontology) imply that this model
needs to be given up in favor of nonideal social ontology.4 In other
words, we should look to nonideal, rather than ideal, social on-
tology for core concepts. Third, I offer my own positive account,
called the power view, of nonideal social ontology. This account
places the concept of social power at the core and replaces the
flat and narrow conception of power in ideal social ontology with
3 I hope to return to the refinement of the power view in light of insights from related
fields. For instance, theories of power, domination, and oppression developed outside
contemporary social ontology, narrowly understood, could give us a more refined view
of what I refer to as “structural power,” among other things.
4 Francesco Guala coined the term “the standard model of social ontology” and listed
5 It is interesting to note that the anomaly I have pointed out—that class is almost
entirely missing from view in nonideal social ontology—is also a concern in related
fields. For example, Sherry B. Ortner writes: “I question the basically classless notion of
identities operating in contemporary politics, both out in the world and within contem-
porary social and cultural analysis. Instead, I try to bring to light several aspects of what
I call ‘the hidden life of class’ in the United States” (1998, 1).
6 Introduction
6 For an illuminating overview with respect to the question, “Which are the so-
cial phenomena?” see Ásta’s “Social Kinds” in which she shows that one of the main
disagreements about social kinds is “What makes a social kind social?” (2017, 290, em-
phasis in original).
7 Brian Epstein notes this disagreement and argues for choosing social facts as the on-
tological category: “Among the various candidates, social facts turn out to be a practical
category for inquiry, because they are fine-grained enough to make the distinctions we
want and general purpose enough to accommodate the other categories as special cases”
(2016, 150, emphasis in original). I follow Epstein in using social facts as the ontological
category in my power view.
Introduction 7
the very purpose and aims of theorizing, translated into the ques-
tion, “What conditions of adequacy should a theory in social
ontology fulfill?” In a related concern, “Is the role of the social on-
tologist primarily to describe the fundamental structure and nature
of social reality (or at least some of its parts) or primarily to change
it?” The third disagreement involves the philosophical method to
be used in answering the research questions, especially the use or
non-use of empirical case studies against which to test the theories
in social ontology. These fundamental disagreements need to be
resolved, or at least explicitly addressed, to make further progress
and, continuing with the paradigm analogy, to move to a state of
what Thomas Kuhn (1962) called “normal science.”
Let me briefly return to the first disagreement that concerns
the question, “Which are the social phenomena?” There is dis-
agreement about what the paradigmatic social phenomena are
with respect to both content (gender, race, or money) and form,
or kind. Regarding the latter, consider Muhammad Ali Khalidi’s
(2015) classification of social kinds. He starts from the familiar
idea that social properties depend on our propositional attitudes
in different ways and then he asks us to consider two questions
to clarify those differences (Khalidi 2015, 103, emphasis in
original):
(i) Does the existence of the kind depend upon our having cer-
tain propositional attitudes towards it?
(ii) Does the existence of instances of the kind depend on our
having propositional attitudes towards them, namely that
they are instances of that kind?
(i) (ii)
8 For a clear overview of the different debates about ideal and nonideal theory in po-
litical philosophy, see Laura Valentini (2012). For illumination discussions in social on-
tology, see, for example, Johan Brännmark (2019b), Sally Haslanger (2018), and Mari
Mikkola (2018).
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
perhaps a people that can dance may dispense with them. They
impart a pensive, wayward pleasure to the mind, and are a kind of
chronology of happy events, often serious in the retrospect—births,
marriages, and so forth. Coleridge calls them ‘the poor man’s only
music.’ A village-spire in England peeping from its cluster of trees is
always associated in imagination with this cheerful accompaniment,
and may be expected to pour its joyous tidings on the gale. In
Catholic countries, you are stunned with the everlasting tolling of
bells to prayers or for the dead. In the Apennines, and other wild and
mountainous districts of Italy, the little chapel-bell with its simple
tinkling sound has a romantic and charming effect. The Monks in
former times appear to have taken a pride in the construction of bells
as well as churches; and some of those of the great cathedrals abroad
(as at Cologne and Rouen) may be fairly said to be hoarse with
counting the flight of ages. The chimes in Holland are a nuisance.
They dance in the hours and the quarters. They leave no respite to
the imagination. Before one set has done ringing in your ears,
another begins. You do not know whether the hours move or stand
still, go backwards or forwards, so fantastical and perplexing are
their accompaniments. Time is a more staid personage, and not so
full of gambols. It puts you in mind of a tune with variations, or of an
embroidered dress. Surely, nothing is more simple than time. His
march is straightforward; but we should have leisure allowed us to
look back upon the distance we have come, and not be counting his
steps every moment. Time in Holland is a foolish old fellow with all
the antics of a youth, who ‘goes to church in a coranto, and lights his
pipe in a cinque-pace.’ The chimes with us, on the contrary, as they
come in every three or four hours, are like stages in the journey of
the day. They give a fillip to the lazy, creeping hours, and relieve the
lassitude of country places. At noon, their desultory, trivial song is
diffused through the hamlet with the odour of rashers of bacon; at
the close of day they send the toil-worn sleepers to their beds. Their
discontinuance would be a great loss to the thinking or unthinking
public. Mr. Wordsworth has painted their effect on the mind when
he makes his friend Matthew, in a fit of inspired dotage,
‘Sing those witty rhymes
About the crazy old church-clock
And the bewilder’d chimes.’
The tolling of the bell for deaths and executions is a fearful
summons, though, as it announces, not the advance of time but the
approach of fate, it happily makes no part of our subject. Otherwise,
the ‘sound of the bell’ for Macheath’s execution in the ‘Beggar’s
Opera,’ or for that of the Conspirators in ‘Venice Preserved,’ with the
roll of the drum at a soldier’s funeral, and a digression to that of my
Uncle Toby, as it is so finely described by Sterne, would furnish
ample topics to descant upon. If I were a moralist, I might
disapprove the ringing in the new and ringing out the old year.
‘Why dance ye, mortals, o’er the grave of Time?’
St Paul’s bell tolls only for the death of our English kings, or a
distinguished personage or two, with long intervals between.[15]
Those who have no artificial means of ascertaining the progress of
time, are in general the most acute in discerning its immediate signs,
and are most retentive of individual dates. The mechanical aids to
knowledge are not sharpeners of the wits. The understanding of a
savage is a kind of natural almanac, and more true in its
prognostication of the future. In his mind’s eye he sees what has
happened or what is likely to happen to him, ‘as in a map the voyager
his course.’ Those who read the times and seasons in the aspect of
the heavens and the configurations of the stars, who count by moons
and know when the sun rises and sets, are by no means ignorant of
their own affairs or of the common concatenation of events. People
in such situations have not their faculties distracted by any
multiplicity of inquiries beyond what befalls themselves, and the
outward appearances that mark the change. There is, therefore, a
simplicity and clearness in the knowledge they possess, which often
puzzles the more learned. I am sometimes surprised at a shepherd-
boy by the road-side, who sees nothing but the earth and sky, asking
me the time of day—he ought to know so much better than any one
how far the sun is above the horizon. I suppose he wants to ask a
question of a passenger, or to see if he has a watch. Robinson Crusoe
lost his reckoning in the monotony of his life and that bewildering
dream of solitude, and was fain to have recourse to the notches in a
piece of wood. What a diary was his! And how time must have spread
its circuit round him, vast and pathless as the ocean!
For myself, I have never had a watch nor any other mode of
keeping time in my possession, nor ever wish to learn how time goes.
It is a sign I have had little to do, few avocations, few engagements.
When I am in a town, I can hear the clock; and when I am in the
country, I can listen to the silence. What I like best is to lie whole
mornings on a sunny bank on Salisbury Plain, without any object
before me, neither knowing nor caring how time passes, and thus
‘with light-winged toys of feathered Idleness’ to melt down hours to
moments. Perhaps some such thoughts as I have here set down float
before me like motes before my half-shut eyes, or some vivid image
of the past by forcible contrast rushes by me—‘Diana and her fawn,
and all the glories of the antique world;’ then I start away to prevent
the iron from entering my soul, and let fall some tears into that
stream of time which separates me farther and farther from all I once
loved! At length I rouse myself from my reverie, and home to dinner,
proud of killing time with thought, nay even without thinking.
Somewhat of this idle humour I inherit from my father, though he
had not the same freedom from ennui, for he was not a
metaphysician; and there were stops and vacant intervals in his
being which he did not know how to fill up. He used in these cases,
and as an obvious resource, carefully to wind up his watch at night,
and ‘with lack-lustre eye’ more than once in the course of the day
look to see what o’clock it was. Yet he had nothing else in his
character in common with the elder Mr. Shandy. Were I to attempt a
sketch of him, for my own or the reader’s satisfaction, it would be
after the following manner:——but now I recollect, I have done
something of the kind once before, and were I to resume the subject
here, some bat or owl of a critic, with spectacled gravity, might swear
I had stolen the whole of this Essay from myself—or (what is worse)
from him! So I had better let it go as it is.
WHY THE HEROES OF ROMANCE ARE
INSIPID