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Non-Ideal Epistemology
Non-Ideal Epistemology
R OB I N MCK E N N A
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Robin McKenna 2023
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number: 2023930546
ISBN 978–0–19–288882–2
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192888822.001.0001
Printed and bound by
CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
To Sophie, Edie, and Henry
It wouldn’t be a family without them
Contents
Preface ix
1. What Is Non-Ideal Epistemology? 1
1.1 Three Aims 3
1.2 Three Faces of Non-Ideal Epistemology 5
1.3 Non-Ideal Epistemology and Feminist Epistemology 11
1.4 Overview 15
2. Ideal and Non-Ideal Theory 19
2.1 Ideal Theory in Ethics and Politics 22
2.2 Full vs. Partial Compliance Theory 28
2.3 Utopian vs. Realistic Theory 29
2.4 Mills and Ideal Epistemology 31
2.5 Objections 35
3. Anderson and Goldman on Identifying Experts 45
3.1 Goldman on Identifying Experts 46
3.2 Goldman and Ideal Theory 49
3.3 Anderson on Identifying Experts 50
3.4 Goldman vs. Anderson 56
3.5 Two Tasks for Anderson 59
4. Persuasion and Paternalism 61
4.1 Non-Ideal Institutional Epistemology 63
4.2 Gathering the Evidence 66
4.3 Epistemic Paternalism and Intellectual Autonomy 70
4.4 Riley on Nudging and Epistemic Injustice 74
4.5 Meehan on Nudging and Epistemic Vices 78
4.6 Tsai on Rational Persuasion and Paternalism 81
4.7 Intellectual Autonomy 85
5. Intellectual Autonomy 87
5.1 What Is Intellectual Autonomy? 88
5.2 Against Carter on Intellectual Autonomy 92
5.3 More on Motivated Reasoning 96
5.4 Against Roberts and Wood on Intellectual Autonomy 98
5.5 Intellectual Autonomy and Epistemic Paternalism 100
5.6 Becoming Intellectually Autonomous 102
viii
References 181
Index 195
Preface
This book has its origins in a class I taught on social epistemology at the
University of Vienna in 2016. While preparing the class I was struck by a divide
between two camps in social epistemology. One camp worked with idealized
models of human beings, the social interactions between them, and the social
spaces in which they interacted. This camp tended to focus on foundational issues
in the epistemology of testimony (under what conditions am I justified in accept-
ing what someone tells me?) and disagreement (what should I do when I learn that
someone whom I regard as my epistemic peer disagrees with me?). While they
acknowledged the importance of social interactions, this camp tended to view
social interactions as a means of transferring epistemic goods (knowledge, infor-
mation), and paid little attention to the ways in which social power differentials
coloured and shaped these interactions.
The other camp did not do these things. When they talked about the same
issues as the first camp, their interests seemed different. They were less concerned
with the foundational issues and more concerned with the ways in which social
power differentials shaped testimonial and other social interactions. More gener-
ally, they wanted to ask different questions. In what ways are our systems of
knowledge production and dissemination dysfunctional? How might we improve
these systems? How do our social identities and situations influence the evidence
to which we have access? Can epistemological frameworks and systems them-
selves be sources of oppression? Why is it that so many of us are ignorant of the
reality of oppression and injustice? What can epistemology do to help us answer
all these questions?
In teaching the class, I used this divide as a way of framing the material for the
students. The first camp did what I call ‘ideal epistemology’. The second camp did
what I call, for obvious reasons, ‘non-ideal epistemology’. I suggested to my
students that this divide was, in many ways, more useful than the divide between
‘traditional’ and ‘social’ epistemology. Whether or not they found this helpful,
I have been thinking about this divide ever since. This book is my attempt to set
out what I think about it. In the pages that follow I argue that the divide between
ideal and non-ideal epistemology is as—if not more—important as the divide
between traditional and social epistemology. However, this is not primarily a work
in philosophical methodology. My basic aim is to make the case for non-ideal
epistemology by doing it. I argue that some epistemological issues and problems
call for a non-ideal rather than an ideal approach. This book is therefore a defence
of non-ideal epistemology.
x
out Martin Kusch for special thanks here. Martin employed me for four years, but
he also helped shape my thinking about epistemology and philosophy a lot more
than might be apparent from reading this book. While I did not start drafting the
book until after I left Vienna, once I started it quickly become clear that I had been
writing whole parts of it in my head while I was in Vienna. I expect long
conversations with Martin about epistemology and its tendency to idealize were
the impetus. (I also expect he will complain: where is the sociology of scientific
knowledge in all this?) In Vienna, I also benefitted from long conversations with
Natalie Alana Ashton, Delia Belleri, David Bloor, Dirk Kindermann, Katherina
Kinzel, Anne-Kathrin Koch, Carlos Núñez, Lydia Patton, Katherina Sodoma,
Johannes Steizinger, Niels Wildschut, and Dan Zeman. Thanks also to (this is a
very incomplete list) Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij, Cameron Boult, J. Adam Carter,
Quassim Cassam, Katherine Furman, Mikkel Gerken, Sandy Goldberg, Michael
Hannon, Allan Hazlett, Jonathan Jenkins Ichikawa, Ian James Kidd, Aidan
McGlynn, Alessandra Tanesini, Vid Simoniti, and to the members of the Social
Epistemology Network and Board-Certified Epistemologists Facebook groups.
Finally, this book makes use of previously published material, though with
several changes, and sometimes to ends quite different to those originally
intended. Chapter 4 incorporates two book chapters: ‘Persuasion and Epistemic
Paternalism’, published in Guy Axtell and Amiel Bernal (eds), Epistemic
Paternalism: Conceptions, Justifications and Implications (pp. 89–104), Lanham:
Rowman & Littlefield, 2020, used with kind permission from Rowman &
Littlefield, and ‘Persuasion and Intellectual Autonomy’, published in Kirk
Lougheed and Jon Matheson (eds), Epistemic Autonomy (pp. 113–31),
Abingdon: Routledge, 2021, used with kind permission from Taylor and
Francis. Chapter 8 incorporates two journal articles: ‘Irrelevant Cultural
Influences on Belief ’, published in Journal of Applied Philosophy 36 (5), (2019)
755–68, used with kind permission from John Wiley and Sons, and ‘Skepticism
Motivated: On the Skeptical Import of Motivated Reasoning’, published in
Canadian Journal of Philosophy 50 (6), (2021) 702–18 (co-written with J. Adam
Carter), used with kind permission from Cambridge University Press. I would like
to express my gratitude to my co-author and these journals and publishers for
allowing me to borrow from this previously published work.
1
What Is Non-Ideal Epistemology?
What is epistemology? If you have taken an epistemology class, you were likely
told that epistemology is the ‘theory of knowledge’. (If you have taught an
epistemology class, you perhaps told your students it is the theory of knowledge.)
So understood, epistemology is concerned with the nature of knowledge, which
for many epistemologists really means the conditions under which someone
knows something (‘S knows that p if and only if . . .’).
If your epistemology class (I am assuming you had an epistemology class) was
about this, you might have had the nagging feeling that there was something odd
about the whole thing. You were probably asked to consider what you would say
about imagined scenarios where someone believed something to be true on what
seemed to them like good evidence but, unbeknownst to them, something odd was
going on. Perhaps our imagined individual—let us call them Smith—was in a field.
Smith, you were told, sees something that looks a lot like a sheep. Surely, you
thought, that means Smith knows there is a sheep in the field. But then your
teacher told you the twist. The thing Smith is looking at is really a rock that looks
like a sheep but behind the rock is an actual sheep obscured from view. What now?
Does Smith know that there is a sheep in the field?
It may be that you figured out how epistemologists usually answered these
questions. Maybe you even got good at concocting your own examples to test the
plausibility of this-or-that theory of knowledge. On the other hand, it may be that
you decided the whole thing was not for you. Either way, it was probably clear to
you that, whatever epistemology is, it is an extremely abstract and theoretical
enterprise. You might have asked what relevance it has to your life. You might
have wondered whether it has any applications to ‘real world’ issues and problems.
If you were fortunate enough to have taken your introductory epistemology
class recently, your teacher might have said that things are different now.
Epistemologists do not just talk about lone individuals (or people called Smith).
They also do not just talk about the theory of knowledge. One exciting develop-
ment is that they now talk about social interactions. You might have been asked
what you think about examples featuring two individuals—let us call them Smith
and Jones—who tell each other things. Perhaps Smith tells Jones that the train
leaves in ten minutes. Is Jones justified in believing what Smith has told him
without checking whether Smith is trustworthy first? Maybe you were also asked
to consider scenarios where Smith and Jones disagree with each other. Perhaps
Smith says that the restaurant bill works out at £20 each whereas Jones says it is £21.
Non-Ideal Epistemology. Robin McKenna, Oxford University Press. © Robin McKenna 2023.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192888822.003.0001
2 -
Should Smith and Jones redo their sums until they come to an agreement, or should
they each conclude that the other has made an arithmetical mistake?
It may be that these developments satisfied you. You might have said that at
least you can see why these questions might matter. We have all been in situations
where we had to decide whether to believe what someone has told us and are not
able to check whether they are trustworthy or not. We have also all had disagree-
ments over the bill. Alternatively, it may be that these developments did not satisfy
you at all. You might have objected that these sorts of scenarios are too simplified
to be of any practical relevance. You might have got frustrated about the lack of
detail. Why would Jones approach a stranger to ask when the train leaves when he
could just use an app on his phone? How does Smith know that Jones is not just
trying to trick him into paying more than he needs to? Why can’t they just
calculate their shares of the bill using an app on their phones?
Let us continue our story. Imagine that, despite your misgivings, you ended up
doing more advanced courses in epistemology. Perhaps you even ended up doing
a PhD on the subject and teach it yourself. If nothing else, this gave you the
vocabulary to articulate the misgivings you had always had about epistemology.
Your first exposure to epistemology was to what epistemologists now often
derisively refer to as ‘Gettierology’, which is a central topic in ‘traditional epis-
temology’. Gettierology—so called because it was sparked by Edmund Gettier’s
1963 paper ‘Is Justified True Belief Knowledge?’—is the project of trying to find
necessary and sufficient conditions for a subject S to know some proposition p. It
turns out that, at least nowadays, many professional epistemologists do not like
Gettierology either.
You were then exposed to what is called ‘social epistemology’, which considers
the epistemological implications of social interaction (Goldman and O’Connor
2021). However, as you now recognize, the problem with social epistemology is
that you can consider the epistemological implications of social interaction while
working with highly idealized pictures of what social interaction, and the creatures
who do the interacting, are like. Any dissatisfaction with your initial exposure to
social epistemology was really with these highly idealized models. Your complaint
was that these idealized models do not tell us much about social interactions and
so, despite its promise, social epistemology is of far less ‘real world’ relevance than
it might initially appear to be.
Before this veers (too far) into autobiography, let me get to the point. This book
is about the idealized models of human beings and the social interactions between
them favoured by many social epistemologists. My central aim is to argue that
serious problems can result from working with these idealized models. This book
is therefore at least in part a defence of the bemused reaction of our imagined
student (ok, me) to their first exposures to epistemology.
I say ‘in part’ because it is not a complete defence. Frustratingly for our
imagined student, I am not going to come down entirely on their side. My basic
- ? 3
claim is that what we can call ‘ideal epistemology’—the kind of epistemology that
works with these idealized models—goes wrong in that we sometimes need to
work with less idealized models of human beings and of the social interactions
between them. There is, therefore, a need for what we can call ‘non-ideal epis-
temology’. Where ideal epistemology works with idealized models of humans and
social interaction, non-ideal epistemology works with less idealized, more realistic
models.
But let me be clear. I do not claim that ideal epistemology is fundamentally
misguided, or that it is always a mistake to work with idealized models of
epistemic agents and the interactions between them. Idealization can be a valuable
tool, and it would be a grave mistake to object to idealization per se, both in
general and in epistemology. Two sorts of problems can, however, arise when you
engage in idealization. The first is that you might end up ignoring phenomena that
are of real interest because you work at a level of idealization from which they are
rendered invisible. The second problem arises when you forget that idealization is
a tool or—still worse—when you forget that you are engaging in idealization in the
first place.
Let me get into the specifics. In this book, I set out to achieve three things. First,
I demonstrate the importance of distinguishing between ideal and non-ideal
epistemology. The main obstacle to recognizing the importance of this distinction
is the existing distinction between traditional and social epistemology. What, you
might ask, does the distinction between ideal and non-ideal epistemology give us
that we do not already get from the distinction between traditional and social
epistemology? My answer is that it is possible—indeed common—to pursue social
epistemology in a way that is highly idealized. In the following chapters I argue
that problems can result when we pursue social epistemology in an overly
idealized fashion.
My claim is not that the distinction between ideal and non-ideal epistemology
should replace the distinction between traditional and social epistemology. My
claim is that we need to complicate this distinction by recognizing the differences
between ideal and non-ideal approaches to social epistemology. More generally,
my contention is that we should pause to consider what ties together the various
approaches adopted, and issues considered, within the umbrella of ‘social epis-
temology’. What does the debate between reductionists and anti-reductionists in
the epistemology of testimony have in common with the literature on epistemic
injustice and oppression? What does the debate between conciliationism and the
steadfast view in the epistemology of disagreement have in common with the
(epistemological) literature on group polarization? To say that they are all
4 -
(1) Solving the problem of public ignorance about consequential political and
scientific issues like global warming requires creating a better epistemic
environment and better social institutions (Chapter 3, Chapter 4).
(2) An ‘epistemic’ form of paternalism is (sometimes) justified (Chapter 4,
Chapter 5).
(3) We often should not strive to be intellectually autonomous (Chapter 5).
(4) Some (e.g. John Stuart Mill) think we should all engage with challenges to
our views. But, contra Mill, some of us are under no obligation to engage
with (certain) challenges to our views. Indeed, sometimes we can dismiss
- ? 5
I expand on these brief remarks in Chapter 2 but for now let me say two further
things. First, it may often be the case that ideal and non-ideal epistemology deal
with different issues and questions. This a consequence of the fact that there is a
connection between the sorts of idealizations we engage in and the issues and
questions that seem most pressing. If you work with a highly idealized picture of
epistemic agents on which you abstract away from aspects of their social situation
such as their social identity or role, you are hardly going to consider whether there
are interesting epistemological differences between differently situated agents (e.g.
do they have access to different bodies of evidence, as feminist standpoint theorists
suggest?). If you ignore the fact that there are power differentials between epi-
stemic agents, you are hardly going to consider the epistemological consequences
of social power differentials between epistemic agents (e.g. do we afford more
credibility to agents with more social power?). What this tells us is that one way in
which non-ideal epistemology might improve on ideal epistemology is by identi-
fying issues and questions that are of epistemological interest but obscured by the
idealizations that are typical of ideal epistemology.
Second, the reader might find it uninformative to be told that ideal epistemol-
ogy is an approach to epistemology that deals in idealizations while non-ideal
epistemology is an approach that avoids idealizations. But this is no less inform-
ative than standard ways of distinguishing between traditional (or individual)
epistemology and social epistemology. On one way of drawing the distinction,
traditional and social epistemology differ in that traditional epistemology focuses
on socially isolated individuals while social epistemology focuses on individuals
embedded in a social context. This is all very well, but it is not terribly informative.
If you want to better understand the distinction between traditional and social
epistemology, you are best advised to look at concrete examples of social epis-
temological projects and compare them with concrete examples of more trad-
itional epistemological projects. Similarly, if you want to better understand the
distinction between ideal and non-ideal epistemology, you need to look at con-
crete examples of non-ideal epistemology. The chapters that follow supply several
such examples.
Over and above offering a characterization of ideal and non-ideal epistemology,
this book identifies three key aspects or ‘faces’ of non-ideal epistemology. The first
key aspect or face of non-ideal epistemology is a focus on systems of knowledge
production and the social institutions that play a crucial role in these systems.
Now, a focus on systems and institutions is of course also a key aspect of
social epistemology. Consider, for example, what Alvin Goldman (2010a) calls
- ? 7
• What sorts of knowledge reside within our social institutions, and what sorts
of problems is this knowledge needed to solve?
• What problems should we assign to these institutions?
• How can these institutions be (re)designed to improve their epistemic
powers?
Spiraculis solitariis.
Lophius.
Acipenser.
Cyclopterus.
Balistes.
Ostracion.
Tetrodon.
Diodon.
Centriscus.
Syngnathus.
Pegasus.
Pisces Apodes.
Muræna.
Gymnotus.
Trichiurus.
Anarhichas.
Ammodytes.
Ophidium.
Stromateus.
Xiphias.
Pisces Jugulares.
Callionymus.
Uranoscopus.
Trachinus.
Gadus.
Blennius.
Pisces Thoracici.
Cepola.
Echeneis.
Coryphæna.
Gobius.
Cottus.
Scorpæna.
Zeus.
Pleuronectes.
Chæetodon.
Sparus.
Labrus.
Sciæna.
Perca.
Gasterosteus.
Scomber.
Mullus.
Trigla.
Pisces Abdominales.
Cobitis.
Amia.
Silurus.
Teuthis.
Loricaria.
Salmo.
Fistularia.
Esox.
Elops.
Argentina.
Atherina.
Mugil.
Mormyrus.
Exocœtus.
Polynemus.
Clupea.
Cyprinus.
b. Malacoptérygiens.
Abdominaux.
Cyprinoïdes.
Siluroïdes.
Salmonoïdes.
Clupeoïdes.
Lucioïdes.
Subbrachiens.
Sparoïdes.
Pleuronectes.
Discoboles.
Apodes.
Murenoïdes.
B. Cartilagineux ou Chondroptérygiens.
Sturioniens.
Plagiostomes.
Cyclostomes.