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Brief Principles
of Macroeconomics:
a Guided Tour
Introduction
1 Ten Principles of Economics The study of economics is guided by a few big ideas.
2 Thinking Like an Economist Economists view the world as both scientists and policymakers.
3 Interdependence and the Gains from Trade The theory of comparative advantage explains how people
benefit from economic interdependence.
How Markets Work

How does the economy coordinate interdependent economic
4 The Market Forces of Supply and Demand
actors? Through the market forces of supply and demand.
The Data of Macroeconomics
5 Measuring a Nation’s Income The overall quantity of production and the overall price level
6 Measuring the Cost of Living are used to monitor developments in the economy as a whole.
The Real Economy in the Long Run
7 Production and Growth
8 Saving, Investment, and the Financial System These chapters describe the forces that in the long run determine
key real variables, including GDP growth, saving, investment,
9 The Basic Tools of Finance real interest rates, and unemployment.
10 Unemployment
Copyright 2021 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
Money and Prices in the Long Run
11 The Monetary System The monetary system is crucial in determining the long-run
behavior of the price level, the inflation rate, and other
12 Money Growth and Inflation nominal variables.
The Macroeconomics of Open Economies
13 Open-Economy Macroeconomics: A nation’s economic interactions with other nations are described
Basic Concepts by its trade balance, net foreign investment, and exchange rate.
14 A Macroeconomic Theory of the A long-run model of the open economy explains the determinants
Open Economy of the trade balance, the real exchange rate, and other real variables.
Short-Run Economic Fluctuations
15 Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply

The model of aggregate demand and aggregate supply explains
16 The Influence of Monetary and Fiscal Policy short-run economic fluctuations, the short-run effects of
on Aggregate Demand monetary and fiscal policy, and the short-run linkage between
17 The Short-Run Trade-Off between real and nominal variables.
Inflation and Unemployment
Final Thoughts
A capstone chapter presents both sides of six major debates
18 Six Debates over Macroeconomic Policy
over economic policy.
Brief Principles of
MACRO
ECONOMICS Ninth Edition
N. Gregory Mankiw
Harvard University
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Printed in the United States of America

Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2019
To Catherine, Nicholas, and Peter,
my other contributions to the next generation
iii
About
the Author
N. Gregory Mankiw is the Robert M. Beren Professor of
Economics at Harvard University. As a student, he stud-
ied economics at Princeton University and MIT. As a
teacher, he has taught macroeconomics, m icroeconomics,
statistics, and principles of e conomics. He even spent
one summer long ago as a sailing instructor on Long
Beach Island.
Professor Mankiw is a prolific writer and a regular
participant in academic and policy debates. His work
has been published in scholarly journals, such as the
Jordi Cabré American Economic Review, Journal of Political Economy,
and Quarterly Journal of Economics, and in more popu-
lar forums, such as the New York Times and The Wall
Street Journal. He is also author of the best-selling
intermediate-level textbook Macroeconomics (Worth
Publishers).
In addition to his teaching, research, and writing,
Professor Mankiw has been a research associate of the
National Bureau of Economic Research, an adviser
to the Congressional Budget Office and the Federal
Reserve Banks of Boston and New York, a trustee of the
Urban Institute, and a member of the ETS test develop-
ment committee for the Advanced Placement exam in
economics. From 2003 to 2005, he served as chairman of
the President’s Council of Economic Advisers.
iv
Preface: To
the Instructor
D
uring my 20-year career as a student, the course that excited me most
was the two-semester sequence on the principles of economics that I took
during my freshman year in college. It is no exaggeration to say that it
changed my life.
I had grown up in a family that often discussed politics over the dinner table.
The pros and cons of various solutions to society’s problems generated fervent
debate. But in school, I had been drawn to the sciences. Whereas politics seemed
vague, rambling, and subjective, science was analytic, systematic, and objective.
While political debate continued without end, science made progress.
My freshman course on the principles of economics opened my eyes to a new
way of thinking. Economics combines the virtues of politics and science. It is, truly,
a social science. Its subject matter is society—how people choose to lead their lives
and how they interact with one another—but it approaches the subject with the
dispassion of a science. By bringing the methods of science to the questions of
politics, economics tries to make progress on the challenges that all societies face.
I was drawn to write this book in the hope that I could convey some of the
excitement about economics that I felt as a student in my first economics course.
Economics is a subject in which a little knowledge goes a long way. (The same
cannot be said, for instance, of the study of physics or the Chinese language.)
Economists have a unique way of viewing the world, much of which can be taught
in one or two semesters. My goal in this book is to transmit this way of thinking
to the widest possible audience and to convince readers that it illuminates much
about the world around them.
I believe that everyone should study the fundamental ideas that economics has
to offer. One purpose of general education is to inform people about the world and
thereby make them better citizens. The study of economics, as much as any disci-
pline, serves this goal. Writing an economics textbook is, therefore, a great honor
and a great responsibility. It is one way that economists can help promote better
government and a more prosperous future. As the great economist Paul Samuelson
put it, “I don’t care who writes a nation’s laws, or crafts its advanced treaties,
if I can write its economics textbooks.”
What’s New in the Ninth Edition?

Economics is fundamentally about understanding the world in which we live.
Most chapters of this book include Case Studies illustrating how the principles
of economics can be applied. In addition, In the News boxes offer excerpts from
newspapers, magazines, and online news sources showing how economic ideas
shed light on current issues facing society. After students finish their first course
in economics, they should think about news stories from a new perspective and
vi Preface: To the Instructor
with greater insight. To keep the study of economics fresh and relevant for each
new cohort of students, I update each edition of this text to keep pace with the
ever-changing world.
The new applications in this ninth edition are too numerous to list in their
entirety, but here is a sample of the topics covered (and the chapters in which they
appear):
• Technology companies are increasingly using economists to better run their

businesses. (Chapter 2)
• The theory of economic growth can help explain why so many of the world’s
poorest nations are in sub-Saharan Africa. (Chapter 7)
• Economist Martin Feldstein explains why the United States is so prosperous.
(Chapter 7)
• Cryptocurrencies may be the money of the future, or they may be a passing
fad. (Chapter 11)
• Living during a hyperinflation, such as the recent situation in Venezuela, is a
surreal experience. (Chapter 12)
• Recent discussion of trade deficits has included a lot of misinformation.
(Chapter 14)
• The Federal Reserve has started to reassess what it means to target an
inflation rate of 2 percent. (Chapter 18)
In addition to updating the book, I have refined its coverage and pedagogy with
input from many users of the previous edition. There are numerous changes, large
and small, aimed at making the book clearer and more student-friendly.
All the changes that I made, and the many others that I considered, were
evaluated in light of the benefits of brevity. Like most things that we study in
economics, a student’s time is a scarce resource. I always keep in mind a dictum
from the great novelist Robertson Davies: “One of the most important things about
writing is to boil it down and not bore the hell out of everybody.”
How Is This Book Organized?

The organization of this book was designed to make economics as student-friendly
as possible. What follows is a whirlwind tour of this text. The tour will, I hope, give
instructors some sense of how the pieces fit together.
Introductory Material
Chapter 1, “Ten Principles of Economics,” introduces students to the economist’s
view of the world. It previews some of the big ideas that recur throughout econom-
ics, such as opportunity cost, marginal decision making, the role of incentives, the
gains from trade, and the efficiency of market allocations. Throughout the book,
I refer regularly to the Ten Principles of Economics introduced in Chapter 1 to remind
students that these ideas are the foundation for all economics.
Chapter 2, “Thinking Like an Economist,” examines how economists approach
their field of study. It discusses the role of assumptions in developing a theory and
introduces the concept of an economic model. It also explores the role of economists
in making policy. This chapter’s appendix offers a brief refresher course on how
graphs are used, as well as how they can be abused.
Preface: To the Instructor vii
Chapter 3, “Interdependence and the Gains from Trade,” presents the theory
of comparative advantage. This theory explains why individuals trade with their
neighbors, as well as why nations trade with other nations. Much of economics is
about how market forces coordinate many individual production and consump-
tion decisions. As a starting point for this analysis, students see in this chapter why
specialization, interdependence, and trade can benefit everyone.
I next introduce the basic tools of supply and demand. Chapter 4, “The Market
Forces of Supply and Demand,” develops the supply curve, the demand curve, and
the notion of market equilibrium. This microeconomic model is the starting point
for much of macroeconomic theory.
Macroeconomics
My overall approach to teaching macroeconomics is to examine the economy in
the long run (when prices are flexible) before examining the economy in the short
run (when prices are sticky). I believe that this organization simplifies learning
macroeconomics for several reasons. First, the classical assumption of price
flexibility is more closely linked to the basic lessons of supply and demand, which
students have already mastered. Second, the classical dichotomy allows the study
of the long run to be broken up into several easily digested pieces. Third, because
the business cycle represents a transitory deviation from the economy’s long-run
growth path, studying the transitory deviations is more natural after the long-
run equilibrium is understood. Fourth, the macroeconomic theory of the long run
is less controversial among economists than is the macroeconomic theory of the
short run. For these reasons, most upper-level courses in macroeconomics now
follow this long-run-before-short-run approach; my goal is to offer introductory
students the same advantage.
I start the coverage of macroeconomics with issues of measurement. Chapter 5,
“Measuring a Nation’s Income,” discusses the meaning of gross domestic product
and related statistics from the national income accounts. Chapter 6, “Measuring the
Cost of Living,” examines the measurement and use of the consumer price index.
The next four chapters describe the behavior of the real economy in the long
run. Chapter 7, “Production and Growth,” examines the determinants of the large
variation in living standards over time and across countries. Chapter 8, “Saving,
Investment, and the Financial System,” discusses the types of financial institu-
tions in our economy and examines their role in allocating resources. Chapter 9,
“The Basic Tools of Finance,” introduces present value, risk management, and asset
pricing. Chapter 10, “Unemployment,” considers the long-run determinants of the
unemployment rate, including job search, minimum-wage laws, the market power
of unions, and efficiency wages.
Having described the long-run behavior of the real economy, the book then turns
to the long-run behavior of money and prices. Chapter 11, “The Monetary System,”
introduces the economist’s concept of money and the role of the central bank in
controlling the quantity of money. Chapter 12, “Money Growth and Inflation,”
develops the classical theory of inflation and discusses the costs that inflation
imposes on a society.
The next two chapters present the macroeconomics of open economies,
maintaining the long-run assumptions of price flexibility and full employment.
Chapter 13, “Open-Economy Macroeconomics: Basic Concepts,” explains the rela-
tionship among saving, investment, and the trade balance, the distinction between
viii Preface: To the Instructor
the nominal and real exchange rate, and the theory of purchasing-power parity.
Chapter 14, “A Macroeconomic Theory of the Open Economy,” presents a clas-
sical model of the international flow of goods and capital. The model sheds light
on various issues, including the link between budget deficits and trade deficits
and the macroeconomic effects of trade policies. Because instructors differ in their
emphasis on this material, these chapters are written so they can be used in different
ways. Some may choose to cover Chapter 13 but not Chapter 14; others may skip
both chapters; and still others may choose to defer the analysis of open-economy
macroeconomics until the end of their courses.
After developing the long-run theory of the economy in Chapters 7 through
14, the book turns to explaining short-run fluctuations around the long-run trend.
Chapter 15, “Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply,” begins with some facts
about the business cycle and then introduces the model of aggregate demand and
aggregate supply. Chapter 16, “The Influence of Monetary and Fiscal Policy on
Aggregate Demand,” explains how policymakers can use the tools at their dis-
posal to shift the aggregate-demand curve. Chapter 17, “The Short-Run Trade-Off
between Inflation and Unemployment,” explains why policymakers who control
aggregate demand face a trade-off between inflation and unemployment. It exam-
ines why this trade-off exists in the short run, why it shifts over time, and why it
does not exist in the long run.
The book concludes with Chapter 18, “Six Debates over Macroeconomic
Policy.” This capstone chapter considers six controversial issues facing policy-
makers: the proper degree of policy activism in response to the business cycle, the
relative efficacy of government spending hikes and tax cuts to fight recessions,
the choice between rules and discretion in the conduct of monetary policy, the
desirability of reaching zero inflation, the importance of balancing the govern-
ment’s budget, and the need for tax reform to encourage saving. For each issue,
the chapter presents both sides of the debate and encourages students to make
their own judgments.
Learning Tools
The purpose of this book is to help students learn the fundamental lessons of
economics and to show how they can apply these lessons to their lives and the
world in which they live. Toward that end, I have used various learning tools that
recur throughout the book.
Case Studies
Economic theory is useful and interesting only if it can be applied to understanding
actual events and policies. This book, therefore, contains numerous case studies
that apply the theory that has just been developed.
In the News Boxes

One benefit that students gain from studying economics is a new perspective and
greater understanding about news from around the world. To highlight this ben-
efit, I have included excerpts from many newspaper and magazine articles, some
of which are opinion columns written by prominent economists. These articles,
together with my brief introductions, show how basic economic theory can be
applied. Most of these boxes are new to this edition. And for the first time in this
Preface: To the Instructor ix
edition, each news article ends with “Questions to Discuss,” which can be used to
start a dialogue in the classroom.
FYI Boxes
These boxes provide additional material “for your information.” Some of them
offer a glimpse into the history of economic thought. Others clarify technical issues.
Still others discuss supplementary topics that instructors might choose either to
discuss or skip in their lectures.
Ask the Experts Boxes

This feature summarizes results from the IGM Economics Experts Panel, an
ongoing survey of several dozen prominent economists. Every few weeks, these
experts are offered a statement and then asked whether they agree with it, disagree
with it, or are uncertain about it. The survey results appear in the chapters near
the coverage of the relevant topic. They give students a sense of when econo-
mists are united, when they are divided, and when they just don’t know what
to think.
Definitions of Key Concepts

When key concepts are introduced in the chapter, they are presented in bold
typeface. In addition, their definitions are placed in the margins. This treatment
should aid students in learning and reviewing the material.
Quick Quizzes
After each major section in a chapter, students are offered a brief multiple-choice
Quick Quiz to check their comprehension of what they have just learned. If students
cannot readily answer these quizzes, they should stop and review material before
continuing. The answers to all Quick Quizzes are available at the end of each
chapter.
Chapter in a Nutshell
Each chapter concludes with a brief summary that reminds students of the most
important lessons that they have learned. Later in their study, it offers an efficient
way to review for exams.
List of Key Concepts

A list of key concepts at the end of each chapter offers students a way to test their
understanding of the new terms that have been introduced. Page references are
included so that students can review the terms they do not understand.
Questions for Review

Located at the end of each chapter, questions for review cover the chapter’s p
rimary
lessons. Students can use these questions to check their comprehension and prepare
for exams.
Problems and Applications

Each chapter also contains a variety of problems and applications asking students
to apply the material that they have learned. Some instructors may use these
questions for homework assignments. Others may use them as a starting point for
classroom discussions.
x Preface: To the Instructor
Alternative Versions of the Book

The book you are now holding is one of five versions of this text that are available
for introducing students to economics. Cengage and I offer this menu of books
because instructors differ in how much time they have and what topics they choose
to cover. Here is a brief description of each:
• Principles of Economics. This complete version of the book contains all

36 chapters. It is designed for two-semester introductory courses that cover
both microeconomics and macroeconomics.
• Principles of Microeconomics. This version contains 22 chapters and is designed
for one-semester courses in introductory microeconomics.
• Principles of Macroeconomics. This version contains 23 chapters and is
designed for one-semester courses in introductory macroeconomics.
It contains a full development of the theory of supply and demand.
• Brief Principles of Macroeconomics. This shortened macro version of 18 chapters
contains only one chapter on the basics of supply and demand. It is designed
for instructors who want to jump to the core topics of macroeconomics more
quickly.
• Essentials of Economics. This version of the book contains 24 chapters.
It is designed for one-semester survey courses that cover the basics of
both microeconomics and macroeconomics.
The accompanying table shows precisely which chapters are included in each
book. Instructors who want more information about these alternative versions
should contact their local Cengage representative.
Preface: To the Instructor xi
Table 1
The Five Versions of This Book
Brief
Principles of Principles of Principles of Essentials of
Principles of Economics Microeconomics Macroeconomics Macroeconomics Economics
1 Ten Principles of Economics X X X X
2 hinking Like an Economist
T X X X X
3 Interdependence and the Gains from Trade X X X X
4 The Market Forces of Supply and Demand X X X X
5 Elasticity and Its Application X X X
6 Supply, Demand, and Government Policies X X X
7 Consumers, Producers, and the Efficiency of X X X
Markets
8 Application: The Costs of Taxation X X X
9 Application: International Trade X X X
10 Externalities X X
11 Public Goods and Common Resources X X
12 The Design of the Tax System X
13 The Costs of Production X X
14 Firms in Competitive Markets X X
15 Monopoly X X
16 Monopolistic Competition X
17 Oligopoly X
18 The Markets for the Factors of Production X
19 Earnings and Discrimination X
20 Income Inequality and Poverty X
21 The Theory of Consumer Choice X
22 Frontiers of Microeconomics X
23 Measuring a Nation’s Income X X X
24 Measuring the Cost of Living X X X
25 Production and Growth X X X
26 Saving, Investment, and the Financial System X X X
27 The Basic Tools of Finance X X X
28 Unemployment X X X
29 The Monetary System X X X
30 Money Growth and Inflation X X X
31 Open-Economy Macroeconomics: Basic Concepts X X
32 A Macroeconomic Theory of the Open Economy X X
33 Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply X X X
34 The Influence of Monetary and Fiscal Policy on X X X
Aggregate Demand
35 The Short-Run Trade-Off between Inflation and X X
Unemployment
36 Six Debates over Macroeconomic Policy X X
xii Preface: To the Instructor
Supplements
Cengage offers various supplements for instructors and students who use this
book. These resources make teaching the principles of economics easy for the
instructor and learning them easy for the student. David R. Hakes of the University
of Northern Iowa, a dedicated teacher and economist, supervised the development
of the supplements for this edition. A complete list of available supplements fol-
lows this Preface.
Modules
I have written four modules, or mini-chapters, with optional material that instruc-
tors can include in their courses. For instructors using the digital version of the
book, these modules can be added with a few mouse clicks. As of now, there are
modules on The Economics of Healthcare, The European Union, The Keynesian
Cross, and How Economists Use Data. I expect to add more modules to the library
available to instructors in the years to come.
Translations and Adaptations

I am delighted that versions of this book are (or will soon be) available in many of
the world’s languages. Currently scheduled translations include Azeri, Chinese (in
both standard and simplified characters), Croatian, Czech, Dutch, French, Georgian,
German, Greek, Indonesian, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Macedonian, Montenegrin,
Portuguese, Romanian, Russian, Serbian, and Spanish. In addition, adaptations of
the book for Australian, Canadian, European, and New Zealand students are also
available. Instructors who would like more information about these books should
contact Cengage.
Acknowledgments
In writing this book, I benefited from the input of many talented people. Indeed, the
list of people who have contributed to this project is so long, and their contributions
so valuable, that it seems an injustice that only a single name appears on the cover.
Let me begin with my colleagues in the economics profession. The many editions
of this text and its supplemental materials have benefited enormously from their
input. In reviews and surveys, they have offered suggestions, identified challenges,
and shared ideas from their own classroom experience. I am indebted to them for
the perspectives they have brought to the text. Unfortunately, the list has become
too long to thank those who contributed to previous editions, even though students
reading the current edition are still benefiting from their insights.
Most important in this process has been David Hakes (University of Northern
Iowa). David has served as a reliable sounding board for ideas and a hardworking
partner with me in putting together the superb package of supplements. I am also
grateful to Stephanie Thomas (Cornell University), who helped in the planning
process for this new edition.
Preface: To the Instructor xiii
The following reviewers of the eighth edition provided suggestions for refining
the content, organization, and approach in the ninth.
Anil Aba, University of Utah Miren Ivankovic, Anderson Scott Niederjohn, Lakeland
Mark Abajian, San Diego Mesa University University
College Justin Jarvis, Truman State Carla Nietfeld, Francis Marion
Dorian Abreu, Hunter College University University
Goncalo Alves Pina, Santa Clara Aaron Johnson, Albany State John Nyhoff, Oakton Community
University University College
Bob Barnes, Loyola University Bonnie Johnson, Wayne State Andrew Paizis, New York
Chicago University University
James Bathgate, Western Nevada Rutherford Johnson, University of Jason Patalinghug,
College Minnesota Crookston Southern Connecticut State
Nicole Bissessar, Southern New Venoo Kakar, San Francisco State University
Hampshire University University Jodi Pelkowski, Wichita State
Joseph Brignone, Brigham Young Jennifer Klein, University of University
University Colorado Boulder Sougata Poddar, Chapman
William Byrd, Troy University Audrey Kline, University of University
Samantha Cakir, Macalester College Louisville Lana Podolak, Community
John Carter, Modesto Junior College Fred Kolb, University of College of Beaver County
Avik Chakrabarti, University of Wisconsin–Eau Claire Gyan Pradhan, Eastern Kentucky
Wisconsin–Milwaukee Janet Koscianski, Shippensburg University
Yong Chao, University of Louisville University Elena Prado, San Diego State
David Chaplin, Northwest Mikhail Kouliavtsev, University
Nazarene University Stephen F. Austin State John Reardon, Hamline
Mitch Charkiewicz, Central University University
Connecticut State University Nakul Kumar, Bloomsburg Ty Robbins, Manchester
LaPorchia Collins, Tulane University University
University Jim Leggette, Belhaven University Jason Rudbeck, University of
Andrew Crawley, University of David Lewis, Oregon State Georgia
Maine University Anthony Scardino, Felician
Maria DaCosta, University of Hank Lewis, Houston Community University
Wisconsin–Eau Claire College Helen Schneider, University of
Dennis Debrecht, Carroll Yan Li, University of Texas at Austin
University Wisconsin–Eau Claire Alex Shiu, McLennan Community
Amrita Dhar, University of Mary Zhen Li, Albion College College
Washington Dan Marburger, Arizona State Harmeet Singh, Texas A&M
Lynne Elkes, Loyola University University University–Kingsville
Maryland Jim McGibany, Marquette Catherine Skura, Sandhills
Elena Ermolenko, Oakton University Community College
Community College Steven McMullen, Hope College Gordon Smith, Anderson
Sarah Estelle, Hope College Meghan Mihal, St. Thomas University
John Flanders, Central Methodist Aquinas College Nathan Smith, University of
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The team of editors who worked on this book improved it tremendously.

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As always, I must thank my “in-house” editor Deborah Mankiw. As the first
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N. Gregory Mankiw
May 2019
Brief Contents
Part I Introduction 1 Part v Money and Prices in the Long Run 209
1 Ten Principles of Economics 1 11 The Monetary System 209
2 Thinking Like an Economist 17 12 Money Growth and Inflation 233
3 Interdependence and the Gains from Trade 45
Part vI The Macroeconomics of Open Economies 259

Part II How Markets Work 61 13 Open-Economy Macroeconomics: Basic
Concepts 259
4 The Market Forces of Supply and Demand 61
14 A Macroeconomic Theory of the
Open Economy 281
Part III The Data of Macroeconomics 87

5 Measuring a Nation’s Income 87 Part VII Short-Run Economic Fluctuations 303
6 Measuring the Cost of Living 107 15 Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply 303
16 The Influence of Monetary and Fiscal Policy on
Aggregate Demand 339
Part IV The Real Economy in the Long Run 125 17 The Short-Run Trade-Off between Inflation and
Unemployment 365
7 Production and Growth 125
8 Saving, Investment, and the Financial
System 149
9 The Basic Tools of Finance 171 Part VIII Final Thoughts 389
10 Unemployment 187 18 Six Debates over Macroeconomic Policy 389
xv
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the settlement.[620] But the friends of Cortés were not idle. They
caused representations to be secretly made to the audiencia[621]
that a fratricidal war was about to be opened in the new region,
ruinous to the interests of God and the king, and legal steps were at
once taken by the promotor fiscal.[622] The policy of Cortés in
sending procuradores to Spain, with presents and messages to the
king, had its effect on the audiencia, which considered not only that
his case had passed beyond them, but that he was rendering, and
likely to render, greater service to the royal interest than was his
rival. By no means predisposed in favor of Velazquez, they moreover
sent to Cuba the prudent licentiate Lucas Vazquez de Aillon, a
member of their body, with instructions to prevent the threatened
danger.
Accompanied by Pedro de Ledesma, secretary to the audiencia,
and the alguacil mayor, Aillon met Narvaez at Yagua,[623] preparing
with a portion of the fleet to join the rest at Guaniguanico. Placing the
captain under injunction not to leave Cuba, he proceeded to the
rendezvous and represented to Velazquez the evil which must result
from his project, urging that his duty as governor and loyal subject
demanded him to forego personal vengeance and interest, and
finally forbidding the expedition without express permission from the
king. The governor, who appears to have obtained more definite
news from Spain regarding the wealth and promises of New Spain,
was more determined than ever to carry out his scheme. Relying
upon the grant of the country to himself, he considered that he had
every right to claim his own and to treat Cortés as an interloper. At
first he refused to recognize the jurisdiction of the audiencia in the
matter, but pretended finally to fall in with Aillon’s views.
It was accordingly agreed that, in order to promote the interests
both of king and governor, by rendering available the costly
preparations made, the fleet should proceed to its destination, but
without Indians, and with a less number of settlers than had
volunteered. Narvaez might present the claims of his principal upon
Cortés, but only in a peaceable manner, without landing any forces.
If they were not entertained, he must sail onward in quest of new
discoveries.[624]
In the presence of Aillon instructions were given to Narvaez in
accordance with the agreement, but the former nevertheless
resolved to accompany the expedition and watch over their
observance, for he suspected the sincerity of both parties.[625]
The expedition was the largest which had as yet been fitted out
in the New World, and consisted of eleven large and seven small
vessels, with somewhat over nine hundred soldiers, including eighty
men with fire-arms, one hundred and twenty with cross-bows, and
eighty horsemen. There were also several hundred Indians, a large
force of sailors, and a park of artillery, together with ample stores of
all kinds.[626]
Sail was set early in March, 1520, and after touching at Cozumel
Island to pick up the party which had been left there[627] some time
before, they entered Rio de Tabasco to obtain water and provisions.
The inhabitants fled from the town on seeing so large a force, but
with the aid of an interpreter found there they were reassured, and
brought maize and fowl, together with three women, as presents for
the captain. Four days after leaving the river the fleet was dispersed
by a storm, with the loss of six vessels and a number of soldiers and
sailors.[628] The rest of the vessels arrived at San Juan de Ulua in
the latter part of April.[629]
Three soldiers, deserters from the exploring expedition[630] of

Cortés, came on board, and after declaring allegiance to Narvaez,
poured into the ears of their wondering countrymen the story of their
general’s brilliant achievements. They told of the vast extent and
resources of the country, of the wealth accumulated, the unfairness
of Cortés in dividing, and the consequent discontent of the soldiers
and the danger of their position.[631] This tended to render the
conceited Narvaez over-confident, so that his rival was rather
benefited than injured by the story of the deserters. He now told
Aillon that he would land, since Cortés was so far in the interior and
the vessels in a bad condition. He was also determined to form a
settlement, and regardless of the oidor’s protest a town was founded
for a second time upon the site of the present Vera Cruz.[632] The
governor of Cuetlachtlan hastened to send presents of supplies, as
an act of courtesy to a captain whom he supposed to be the friend of
Cortés. He was undeceived, however, and told by the deserters that
Narvaez was the real envoy and captain sent by the king, while
Cortés and his men were fugitive adventurers whom Narvaez would
punish. His king had heard of the outrage on the emperor, and had
sent him to procure his release, to restore order, and thereupon to
return. The governor reported this to Montezuma, who, thinking no
doubt that it would be prudent to secure the friendship of so powerful
a commander, whether he came as liberator or oppressor, sent him a
number of valuable presents, and gave orders to provide his army
with supplies. Narvaez kept the valuables for himself, a course which
did not tend to increase his popularity, and transmitted in return a
few trinkets to the monarch, with assurances of his good-will.[633]
Hearing that Velazquez de Leon was leading a large force not far
off, Narvaez sent a message, appealing to him as a relative and old
friend to join him with his men; but Velazquez, who was still in the
region in and above Chinantla, looking for tribute and gold, deigned
not even to reply, but forwarded the letter to his general and asked
for orders. Meanwhile he and his lieutenant, Rangel, assembled their
men and made them swear allegiance to Cortés, a few suspected of
sympathy with the Cuban governor being placed under surveillance.
[634] The next step of Narvaez was to demand the surrender of Villa
Rica, which the deserters represented as held by less than four
score men. This task was intrusted to the clergyman Juan Ruiz de
Guevara, accompanied by Notary Vergara, Amaya a relative of
Velazquez, and three witnesses,[635] and letters were given them for
distribution among Cortés’ soldiers, with a view to gain their
allegiance.[636]
Sandoval had been advised concerning the fleet, and suspecting
the object he sent to warn Cortés, despatching at the same time two
dark-complexioned soldiers, disguised as Indian fruit vendors, to
learn further particulars. The spies remained in Narvaez’ camp a
whole day, and by mingling with the leaders they picked up valuable
information, escaping during the night with two horses.[637] Sandoval
now sent off the old and infirm soldiers to a town called Papalote, in
the hills, and obtained the promise of the remainder to hold the fort
with him, a gallows being erected in a conspicuous site as a warning
to the faint-hearted. About this time Guevara appeared before the
quarters of Sandoval. No one came to receive him, and he had to
find his way to the commander’s house. The priest had been led to
believe that little or no objection would be made by the adherents of
Cortés to his demands, and confidently he began his harangue,
speaking of the claims of Velazquez and the treason of Cortés. The
word treason fired Sandoval. His party were the better servants of
the king, he said, and were it not for Guevara’s character as a
clergyman he would have him chastised for his impudence. As it
was, he referred him to Cortés as captain-general and justicia mayor
of New Spain. Guevara likewise grew warm,[638] and a war of words
followed, which the commander cut short by ordering some Indians
to bundle the three principals into net hammocks. In these they were
carried to Mexico, under a Spanish guard, to be delivered to the
general.[639]
When Montezuma first received news from the coast governor of
the arrival of the great fleet, he supposed that these were the
vessels which Cortés had said that he expected, and by which it was
hoped he would depart. Montezuma at once sent for Cortés to impart
the tidings.[640] The Spanish general was not a little surprised at this
second unusual summons, and still more when told that his vessels
had arrived, and that new ones need not be built. While he was yet
puzzling over the words, the emperor produced the painted message
showing a fleet at anchor off Chalchiuhcuecan. “You can now leave
in safety, and all will be well,” continued the monarch, overjoyed at
the thought of release.[641] “Thanks be to God, who provides all
things!” was the fervent utterance of the general, while the soldiers
sent up shouts of joy mingled with discharges of fire-arms. “Surely,”
they said, “Puertocarrero and Montejo have returned in good time.”
Further consideration of the matter, however, convinced Cortés that
these were not the ships of his friends, but that they belonged to his
archenemy of Cuba. His captains thought the same, and talked with
calculated effect to the men of the great wrong to them if the
hirelings of Velazquez were to step in and reap the results of their
hardships.
Anxious to learn something definite, Cortés sent two
messengers by different routes to bring news about the expedition, a
third being instructed to follow Velazquez de Leon with instructions to
await orders before proceeding to Goazacoalco; a fourth messenger
was despatched to Villa Rica.[642] Learning meanwhile from
Sandoval that the expedition was inimical to him, Cortés sent letters
from himself and his regidores to the commander, stating the
progress of conquest on behalf of the Spanish king, and demanding
his object. If he needed no succor, and came not provided with royal
authority, he must at once depart; otherwise Cortés would march
against him, supported by the vast forces of the empire.[643] The
letters were made the subject of jest among the officers of Narvaez,
the veedor Salvatierra declaring that the messages of traitors should
receive no attention. He urged the expediency of marching upon
them without loss of time, and swore that he would broil and eat the
ears of Cortés.
Shortly after the letters had been sent, the approach of Guevara
and his companions was announced. And now for more of that deep
diplomacy in which Cortés was so skilled. Perceiving the importance
of conciliating men of their standing, he despatched an escort with
horses to bring them with all honor into the city, and he himself went
to meet them, expressing regret at the rude treatment they had
received. With smooth tongue and promises he wove his web round
them, and “oiled their hands with gold,” as Bernal Diaz expresses it.
He showed them the greatness and wealth of the country, and
explained to them how it was all in his power; and he sought to
convince them of the injury dissension must occasion to God, to the
king, and to themselves. Ah, rare talent, the talent of tongue!
Guevara, at least, was won over, and went back delighted with his
courtesy and liberality, and in full sympathy with his cause.[644] On
reaching the camp he told of what he had seen, the great extent of
country, its vast population, and the number of well built towns on
every side. Nor did he fail to sing the praises of Cortés, and speak of
his treasures, of which he displayed specimens. Every captain and
soldier under him, he said, could boast of heavy gold ornaments and
well filled purses, of numerous servants and beautiful women; and
they lived on the fat of the land, having the country and all its
inhabitants at their disposal. The general had taken care to exhibit
only the attractive features of his position, which as now detailed by
the priest captivated the hearts of the listeners, who longed to be
with so fortunate and liberal a leader. Even before this many were
disaffected, and despised the arrogant and narrow-minded Narvaez;
others took an impartial view, and recognized the evil of dissension
in a country only half subdued, while yet others were intent only on
securing treasures.
The priest brought a letter to Narvaez, wherein Cortés expressed
delight at finding his old friend commander of the expedition,
although he regretted that hostile measures had been taken against
him, who as a loyal servant held the country for the king. If Narvaez
carried a royal commission, it had only to be presented to be
obeyed; otherwise he was willing to come to a friendly agreement,
since hostilities must be prejudicial not only to them both, but to the
crown.[645] Guevara supported these expressions by recommending
a peaceful arrangement and withdrawal to new territory, for Cortés
was evidently loyal, and had hosts of Indians to aid him in
maintaining his position. Narvaez not only refused to listen to any
overtures, but became indignant with the clergyman and his
companions for advocating them. He knew that the forces of Cortés
were inferior to his own, and of Indians he had no fear.
Cortés had elicited from Guevara a number of facts regarding
the expedition, among them that the arrogance and parsimony of
Narvaez had alienated a large proportion of his followers, and that a
little gold would have a wonderful effect.[646] Indeed, they had come
for gold, and had no desire to raise the sword against their brethren
if it could be avoided. This information was not lost on the astute
conqueror.
Shortly after the departure of the clergyman, Cortés took counsel
with Father Olmedo, that most admirable of friars, whose knowledge
of the world, calm judgment, and clear foresight had more than once
saved Cortés from himself. Olmedo now undertook the conversion of
Narvaez and his men. Laden with instructions and jewels, he
proceeded to their camp and endeavored to win Narvaez to peaceful
measures. Special letters and presents were given Duero, Aillon,
and others, who were supposed to be friendly, with a view of
obtaining their active coöperation. Cortés wished especially that
Narvaez should understand that he was friendly to him. Dissension
would react on both, particularly on Narvaez; unity of action could
alone promote their common aim and preserve the country to the
king. Cortés had fewer soldiers, but was nevertheless stronger, from
possessing interpreters, knowledge of the country, and control of its
forces and resources. Were not the kings already his servants?
But Narvaez was stubborn. Olmedo, however, overcame the
scruples of a number of his counsellors, who advised him to
negotiate with a man so strongly established. Narvaez called them
all traitors, and told Olmedo that he ought to be ashamed of himself
for promulgating such base sentiments; whereat the priest became
indignant, and devoted himself all the more assiduously to the
subordinates, among whom he found the way well prepared by
Guevara. His arguments found willing ears, and his gold confirmed
the arguments. Among his companions from Mexico was one
Usagre, an artillerist, whose brother occupied a similar position
under Narvaez. This man also did Cortés good service. These
doings could not escape notice, and, warned by Salvatierra, the
commander would have arrested the friar had not Duero and others
interfered. They called attention to his diplomatic and religious
character, and the courteous treatment Cortés had given his own
messengers. Narvaez hurried him away, however, with a letter for his
general, wherein he claimed authority to take possession of the
country for Velazquez. If Cortés resisted, it would fare ill with him.
[647]
It was an easy escape for Olmedo, for Narvaez had not scrupled
shortly before to deal with the royal oidor in a most peremptory
manner. Aillon had remonstrated with him about his proceedings,
such as forming a settlement, threatening to enter the country,
spreading harsh reports among the natives against Cortés, and
neglecting to restrain his men from taking property and otherwise
abusing the inhabitants. No attention being paid to this, he formally
called upon Narvaez to make a peaceful demand for the surrender of
the country, and, if refused, to go elsewhere to settle. He intimated
publicly that the measures of Narvaez were actuated by malice,
rather than by loyal wisdom. This the vain and arrogant commander
could not endure. It was to the oidor, he said, that the present
growing disaffection among his men was due. He was becoming
dangerous, and the municipal officers were directed to seize and
carry him on board the same vessel in which he had arrived. His
secretary and alguacil were placed on board another, and a day or
two after sail was set for Cuba, the captains and crews having been
sworn to deliver them to Velazquez.[648] During the voyage,
however, Aillon persuaded his jailers to take him to Española, which
he reached in the last days of August, after a long and dangerous
trip of three months and a half. The consort vessel was separated
from him during a storm shortly after leaving Ulua, and the secretary
and alguacil did not rejoin the oidor till October. A report of the
outrage was promptly forwarded to the king, signed by the whole
audiencia, with a request that severe chastisement be inflicted, in
order to maintain respect for that august tribunal.[649]
Among others falling under the wrath of Narvaez was Gonzalo
de Oblanco, whose advocacy of Cortés and condemnation of Aillon’s
arrest brought imprisonment, which so wrought upon him that he
died within a few days.[650] These harsh and foolish measures
engendered further discontent, and half a dozen of Aillon’s
supporters, including Pedro de Villalobos, deserted to Sandoval, who
received them with open arms. Others sent to signify their
willingness to join Cortés.[651]
After Aillon’s arrest Narvaez had been persuaded to move his
camp to Cempoala, as a healthier place, more suitable for head-
quarters, and better provided with supplies. The cacique was
intimidated to surrender some effects belonging to Cortés and to
accord the new-comers a welcome, which seemed to stamp his
conduct as desertion. “Oh, well!” said Cortés when told of it, “long
live the last victor.”[652] But he could hardly blame the natives for
yielding, when even Sandoval himself, on hearing of this approach,
abandoned Villa Rica and took refuge in the mountains, where he
remained till the general bade him join his forces.[653]
FOOTNOTES
[605] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 136-7; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 85-6. ‘El diablo q̄
muchas vezes le hablaua, le amenazaua.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. vi. ‘Hiço
Monteçuma aperçebir çient mill hombres de pelea.’ Oviedo, iii. 507. Others make
the number less. To this Clavigero objects: ‘Mi persuado che vi sia stata in fatti
qualche truppa allestita, non però per ordine del Re, ma soltanto d’alcuni Nobili.’
Storia Mess., iii. 112.
[606] Solis sees in this determination only a proof of his supposition that the offer
of vassalage and tribute was but a bribe to satiate the Spaniards, since he now
bids them go. Hist. Mex., ii. 35-6.
[607] ‘Yo os daré para vos dos cargas de oro, é una para cada chripstiano.’
Oviedo, iii. 507; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 138. Herrera increases this to four loads for
Cortés and two loads for each horseman. dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. vi. And Duran heard
that a ship-load of treasures was offered; but the pious Cortés was too intent on
converting souls to accept the bribe. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 91;
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 86. Montezuma had become attached to many of the
Spaniards, including the courteous general, and really wished them well.
[608] ‘Dixo a vn Español de los doze, q̄ fuesse a auisar a los compañeros q̄ se

aparejassen por quanto se trataua cõ el de sus vidas.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 137-8.
This author and others state that Cortés gives thanks for the warning, and offers to
go whenever he is bidden. Montezuma, equally polite, tells him to select his own
time. When ready to leave he will give a load of gold to each man, and two for
himself. Cortés thereupon brings up the question of vessels.
[609] ‘Cortes le dixo ... q̄ por fuerça auia de ir el Mõteçuma con nosotros, para que
le vea nuestro gran Emperador.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 86. It is not probable
that this was said on the present occasion, however, and it would only have
irritated the emperor.
[610] ‘Yd con essos indios, é córtese la madera, y entretanto Dios nos proveerá
de gente é socorro: por tanto, poned tal dilaçion que parezca que haçeys algo.’
Oviedo, iii. 507-8; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 138. Bernal Diaz considers this wrong. He
knows not what Cortés told Lopez, ‘mas muy secretamente me dixo el Martin
Lopez, que de hecho, y apriessa los labrava.’ Montezuma had demanded that ‘no
huviesse mas palabras, sino obras.’ Hist. Verdad., 86. Perhaps Lopez did hurry,
from personal fear of remaining in the country; or he may have been instructed by
Cortés to say so to the soldiers, in order to calm them.
[611] ‘Comenzó á faltar todo lo necessario para comer y beber.’ To remedy this,
strict orders had to be issued to purveyors, and the Tlascaltecs were sent on
foraging expeditions, which led to much abuse. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 25 (ed.
1840), 90.
[612] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 138. In speaking of this, Bernal Diaz says that he
became so used to sleeping in his clothes, and enduring hardships generally, that
he almost discarded the bed during his later encomendero life, and could take only
short naps. ‘Esto he dicho, por que sepã de que arte andamos los verdaderos
Conquistadores, y como estavamos tan acostũbrados a las armas, y a velar.’ Hist.
Verdad., 86.
[613] This was dated Saragossa, November 13, 1518, within a week of Cortés’
usurpation of the fleet, as Las Casas observes, and conceded to Velazquez the
position of adelantado not only over Yucatan, Cozumel, and ‘other islands’
discovered by his expeditions, but over any further lands that he might find. In
connection with this title was granted, to him and one heir, one fifteenth of the
revenue accruing to the king from these lands; and after their conquest and
settlement one twentieth of the same revenue, in perpetuity for himself and heirs,
from any one island that he might select—the discoveries were supposed to be all
islands. All supplies of food, clothes, and arms, introduced by him during his life,
were to be free of duty. In support of his expenses a royal plantation near Habana
was transferred to him, and an annual salary conferred of 300,000 maravedís. A
number of other provisions were made for the promotion of economic, politic, and
spiritual welfare in the new region. A synopsis of the commission is given in Las
Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 2-5. Prescott misunderstands the Carta de Velazquez of
October 12, 1519, in supposing that the governor had not received notice of his
appointment by that time, and is therefore wrong in taking Gomara to task for
saying: ‘Estando pues en aqueste pensamiẽto [to thwart Cortés], auino que llego a
Santiago ... cartas del Emperador, y el titulo de Adelantado, y cedula de la
gouernacion ... de Yucatã.’ Hist. Mex., 140.
[614] Carta de Velazquez, October 12,1519, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc.,
xii. 246-51. Solis assumes that the preparations of Velazquez were influenced by
the news of the reception accorded in Spain to the procuradores of Cortés. Hist.
Mex., ii. 42-4. But this supposition, based partly on a vague expression of Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xviii., is wrong, for the procuradores reached Spain only in
October, and were detained for some time before they saw the emperor.
[615] ‘Conociendo que la gẽte, de vna manera o de otra, se auia de yr, acordò de
recogerla.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xviii.
[616] Letter to Figueroa, Nov. 17, 1519, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 400.
[617] It appears that Velazquez’ suspicious nature had led him to cast reflections
upon Porcallo, who resented them by throwing up the appointment. Herrera tells
the story, which is not very interesting. dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xviii.
[618] Bernal Diaz says also ‘Ualladolid, ó de Tudela de Duero.’ Hist. Verdad., 246,
38.
[619] ‘A este Narvaez hizo Diego Velazquez su Capitan principal, siempre

honrándolo, de manera que despues dél tuvo en aquella isla el primer lugar.’ Las
Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 4-6; Oviedo, i. 496. ‘Dezian que era muy escaco.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 247.
[620] In a letter to Judge Figueroa, of the Española audiencia, dated November

17, 1519, he gives notice of this appointment, and states that the object of the
expedition is to prevent injury to the royal interest and outrages upon the natives.
That very day he was leaving for Trinidad and other parts to aid Narvaez in the
preparations. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 399-403. Narvaez’ appointment is
mentioned already in the letter of October 12th, addressed to a Spanish dignitary,
wherein he is spoken of as contador for the new countries. Pacheco and
Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 250.
[621] ‘Auiso y relacion dellos les embió desde Cuba el licenciado Zuaço, que auia
venido ... a tomar residencia.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 87. But we are safe in
saying that Duero gave the impulse.
[622] This official, Juan Carrillo, laid the case before the audiencia, December
24th, representing that Cortés had without superior permission made war on the
natives of the new lands and conquered them. He had also appropriated
Velazquez’ fleet and captured men from Garay’s party, greatly to the injury of both.
Velazquez was now preparing an expedition against him. The two parties would
meet and fight, giving the natives the opportunity to rise and recover the country.
Both Cortés and Velazquez being guilty in undertaking such expeditions without
authority, the fiscal prays that they be punished in person and estate. An oidor or
his proxy should at once be sent to investigate the case and prevent such war.
During the following weeks Carrillo presented letters and witnesses in support of
his petition. Proceso por Real Audiencia de la Española, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc.,
i. 404-10.
[623] Fourteen leagues west of Trinidad.
[624] ‘Todo lo qual se asentó desta manera, y lo dió por instruccion en mi

presencia al dicho Pánfilo de Narvaez.’ Ayllon, in Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco
and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 337. For fuller text of this agreement see Ayllon,
Parecer, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 476-9. By the time the discovery voyage was
concluded the king would have decided the case.
[625] This creeps out in his report, to which he adds: ‘Parecióme que, pues yo
principalmente habia ido á estorbar que no oviesen debates y escándalos, que
debia seguir mi camino hasta los dexar pacíficos.’ Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col.
Doc., xiii. 337. The account of his efforts in Cuba is also given in a special letter to
the king, written by him at Guaniguanico March 4th, on the eve of departure for
New Spain. This letter was detained in Cuba till August. Pacheco and Cárdenas,
Col. Doc., xi. 439-42; Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 481-6. Herrera, who is not aware of the
agreement with Aillon, assumes that Velazquez and Narvaez answer his protests
by mere assurances that they intend no harm, but will take care of the king’s
interest, Narvaez ending the discussion by saying: ‘de qualquiera manera se
pensaua embarcar dentro de dos horas.’ dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xviii. Bernal Diaz also
states that Velazquez relied so much on the favor of the bishop that he totally
ignored the protests of Aillon. ‘Soldados dixeron, que venia con intencion de
ayudarnos, y si no lo pudiesse hazer, tomar la tierra en si por su Magestad, como
Oidor.’ Hist. Verdad., 87. Solis supposes that Aillon hoped to prevail on Narvaez
when once out of Velazquez’ reach. Hist. Mex., ii. 47; Cortés, Cartas, 117;
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 140. The governor evidently feared to oppose Aillon’s
distasteful resolution to embark, lest he should induce the audiencia to adopt a
more forcible interference; and perhaps he thought that his protests could be more
safely disregarded the farther he was removed from the centre of government.
[626] At the review in Cempoala, New Spain, were found 80 musketeers, 120
archers, 600 infantry, and 80 horsemen. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 146. Cortés was told
by Guevara that there were 800 infantry, including 80 archers and 120
musketeers. Cartas, 116. Oviedo has only 800 men, but with 200 horses, iii. 508,
while Bernal Diaz raises the totals to 19 vessels, with 1300 to 1400 soldiers,
including 80 horsemen, 90 archers, and 70 musketeers, but not counting the
sailors. The artillery of guns was in charge of Captain Rodrigo Martin. Hist.
Verdad., 86-7. Clavigero adopts 18 vessels, 800 infantry, 85 cavalry, over 500
sailors, and 12 guns. Storia Mess., iii. 113. Aillon vaguely mentions ‘over 600
Spaniards in sixteen vessels.’ ‘Sin que yo lo supiese, llevaron hasta mil indios.’
Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 337; and Tapia says 1000 and
odd men. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 587. The figures from the review in
New Spain must be increased by the number lost with six of the vessels off that
coast, and this may be what Bernal Diaz attempts to do, although he evidently
makes the estimate too high. Agustin Bermudez was alguacil mayor, and Cortés’
old friend, Duero, managed to join as contador. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. i.
[627] Eighty Spaniards had been landed, and a number of Indians, but most of the
latter, together with a large proportion of the natives, had died of small-pox
introduced by the Cubans. To judge from Aillon’s report he appears to have
allowed a number of Spaniards to remain, with a view to make there a calling-
place for ships, and which might serve as a base for operations tending to the
conquest of Yucatan. He refers to the latter country as an island adjoining Ulua,
which he believes is a continent, lying near the land discovered by Solís and
Yañez. Carta de Audiencia, Aug. 30, 1520, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc.,
xiii. 338.
[628] ‘Se ahogaron cinqüenta ombres é los demas escapamos con harto riesgo.’
Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 338-9. Montezuma
informed Cortés of this shipwreck, ‘é le mostró en una manta pintados diez y ocho
navíos, é los cinco dellos á la costa quebrados é trastornados en el arena.’ Tapia,
Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 586. ‘Tuuo vn viento de Norte ... y de noche se le
perdio vn nauio de poco porte, que dio al traues; Capitan ... Christoval de Morante
... y se ahogó cierta gente.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 87.
[629] Aillon was among the first to arrive, Narvaez and the other captains coming
in during the following two days. Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cárdenas,
Col. Doc., xiii. 339. Hence Prescott’s date of April 23d is somewhat too accurate.
Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that a landing is effected on April 20th. Hist. Nat.
Civ., iv. 276. Cortés states that the news reached him in the beginning of May.
Cartas, 113. Taking four days to travel to Mexico, the fleet arrived eight days after
the ship-building party had left the capital. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 138; Alaman,
Disert., i. 109. Narvaez’ agent in Spain states that the fleet numbered eleven
vessels on arrival. Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 437.
[630] Three of the men left in Chinantla, ‘que se dezian Ceruantes el chocarrero, y
Escalana, y ... Alonso Hernandez Carretero.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 87;
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xviii. Porras gives several and different names. Cortés,
Residencia, ii. 500. Cortés appears to say that they were the men sent by him to
bring news of Narvaez and who deserted. Cartas, 115. Aillon speaks of one man
who came on board of his vessel. Finding that Cortés had instructed the Indians to
regard any foreign arrivals as inimical, this man was sent to reassure them. Carta
de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 339. It appears probable,
however, that Cortés’ expectation of messengers from his king was known to the
Indians.
[631] ‘Alçauan las manos a Dios, que los librò del poder de Cortés, y de salir de ...
Mexico, donde cada dia esperauan la muerte ... y aũ dezia el Cervantes, ... O
Narvaez, Narvaez, que bien avẽturado que eres ... que tiene esse traidor de
Cortes allegados mas de seteciẽtos mil pesos de oro, y todos los soldados estan
mui mal con el.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 87.
[632] This was speedily abandoned for a camp at Cempoala. Aillon wanted merely
a camp to be formed near a well supplied town. The municipal officers were:
‘Alcaldes hordinarios á Francisco Verdugo, cuñado del dicho Diego Velazquez,
casado con una hermana suya, é un Juan Yuste, su cuñado é mayordomo, é
regidores á Diego Velazquez é Pero Velazquez, sus sobrinos, é á Gonzalo Martin
de Salvatierra é Juan de Gamarra.’ Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and
Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 342.
[633] ‘Conocian en el Narvaez ser la pura miseria, y el oro, y ropa ... todo se lo
guardaua.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 89, 87. According to Oviedo’s version
Montezuma held a council, wherein some members favored the plan of attacking
and killing the Spaniards then in Mexico, so as to prevent a junction of forces. This
might frighten the rest into departing. Others, who were more confident, urged that
the new arrivals should be allowed to come to Mexico, so as to swell the list of
victims for the sacrifices, and this proposition was carried, iii. 509. Oviedo’s
informant evidently ignores the declared object of Narvaez; or, like Solis, Hist.
Mex., ii. 64-6, he does not believe that any communication could have taken
place, for want of an interpreter. But Solis forgets the three deserters, and Indian
mediums, perhaps. Prescott takes the peculiar ground that for Montezuma to
‘have entered into a secret communication, hostile to the general’s interests, is too
repugnant to the whole tenor of his conduct.’ Mex., ii. 236. Cortés states that
Father Olmedo had evidence of communication and interchange of presents
between Montezuma and Narvaez. Cartas, 120-1. Others confirm this, as: Tapia,
Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 587; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 141-2; Carta del
Ejército de Cortés, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 428-30. The position of the emperor
as prisoner, and the speedy succession of events, did not permit the relationship
between the two to develop.
[634] Francisco de Lugo being actually secured with shackles. Tirado, in Cortés,
Residencia, ii. 6; Cortés, Cartas, 118; Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and
Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 342. Oviedo reviews Velazquez’ conduct in this instance,
and concludes that, since Cortés gave him the men and appointed him captain, he
was bound to obey this his immediate principal, unless royal orders to the contrary
had been exhibited. ‘Si aquel capitan, Johan Velazquez de Leon, no estoviera mal
con su pariente Diego Velazquez, é se passara con los çiento é çinqüenta
hombres, que avia llevado à Guaçacalco, á la parte de Pámphilo de Narvaez, su
cuñado, acabado oviera Cortés su offiçio.’ iii. 316-17.
[635] ‘Alonso de Vergara, escribano, é con Antonio de Maya.’ Demanda de

Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 439; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 88, writes
Amaya; Cortés, Residencia, ii. 168, 412.
[636] ‘Me trajeron mas de cien cartas,’ wherein the soldiers were told to give credit
to the statements of Guevara and his companions, and to rest assured that they
would be rewarded on joining. Cortés, Cartas, 116.
[637] While selling cherries to Captain Salvatierra they heard him refer to the
treasures of Cortés as a magnificent prize. The designs of Cortés against
Montezuma and his subjects were painted in dark colors. One of the stolen horses
belonged to this captain, whose raving against the spies afforded great
amusement to the camp. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 92; Tapia, Rel., in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 587.
[638] He ordered Vergara to read the provisions. Sandoval declared that none but
a royal notary should do so, and threatened him with 100 lashes unless he
desisted. Guevara interfered, and was told that he lied, and was a low clergyman.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 88.
[639] Alguacil Pedro de Solis was in charge. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 88,
describes how they wondered at the succession of great cities, etc. The guard
consisted of twenty men. Cortés, Cartas, 115.
[640] Gomara describes somewhat minutely the apprehension created among the
soldiers by this summons, in face of the threatening aspect of affairs. Hist. Mex.,
138-9. Bernal Diaz states that Montezuma kept the news back for three days,
while he communicated with Narvaez. He might have delayed longer, but feared
that Cortés would suspect something. Hist. Verdad., 87.
[641] While still talking, they received another message, saying that troops,
horses, and guns had been landed. In his joy Montezuma embraced Cortés,
exclaiming that he loved him more than ever, and saying that he would dine with
him. While at table both were in good humor, the emperor thinking of the
departure, the general of renewed conquests. After this Montezuma gave daily
feasts, in the belief that the task of entertaining would soon be over. Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 139. It is more likely that apprehensions prevailed on both sides. Brasseur
de Bourbourg calls attention to the fact that no stranger had till then been so far
honored as to sit at the same table with the monarch. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 277.
[642] Monjaras gives their names. ‘Fuesen ... tiznados como los yndios,’ et seq.
Cortés, Residencia, i. 442-3; ii. 47-49, 134-5. Andrés de Tapia, who had just
returned from Cholula, after settling a boundary dispute with Tlascala, was the
fourth messenger. He followed by-paths, walking by day and being carried by
Indians at night, so that he reached his destination in three days and a half.
Finding that Sandoval had already sent messages, he remained with him. Rel., in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 586-7. Cortés writes that after being informed by
Montezuma he received a letter, by a Cuban Indian, from a Spaniard who had
been stationed on the coast to watch for vessels. This announced that a vessel
had anchored at San Juan de Ulua, which was supposed to be that of the
returning procuradores. The general now despatched his four messengers. Fifteen
days passed without further news—this is probably a misprint—after which native
paintings were received showing the number of men landed, and with them the
report that the messengers from Mexico were detained by the new arrivals.
Cartas, 114-15. A man named Pinedo, who fled from the capital, was overtaken by
Aztecs, at Cortés’ order, and brought back dead. Demanda de Ceballos, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 440.
[643] Cortés intimates that a friar carried this message, and that one of the
questions was the nationality of the expedition. Cartas, 115. The friar appears to
have carried a later message. Gomara assumes that Cortés already knew who the
commander was, and offered his friendship. Hist. Mex., 142.
[644] ‘A cabo de dos dias ... donde venian muy bravosos leones, bolvieron muy
mansos, y se le ofrecieron por servidores.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 88; Cortés,
Residencia, ii. 168, 465, 500.
[645] Cortés said that he could not leave Mexico, where his presence was
necessary for the preservation of peace and treasures. Cartas, 117-18. ‘Y q̄ se
viessen solos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 142. According to Bernal Diaz a letter of
similar tenor had been sent on before, by a swift messenger, to clear the way for
Guevara’s recommendations, and Cortés therein intimated that the hostile
utterances attributed to Narvaez must be due to the interpreters, for he was sure
that so wise and brave a captain would not utter anything to the prejudice of king
and comrades. Hist. Verdad., 89.
[646] ‘Porq̄ dadivas quebrantan peñas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 89.
[647] According to Bernal Diaz, Duero persuaded Narvaez, at the instigation of the
friar, to invite the latter, and to seek by friendly efforts to win him over. Pretending
to yield to his persuasions, Olmedo told him that if the proper persons were sent to
confer with Cortés, he could no doubt be brought to terms. It was then agreed that
Duero and others should arrange a private interview between the two generals.
Hist. Verdad., 93; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xxi.
[648] The reason for this separation of oidor and officers was to prevent the former
from issuing authoritative orders. This seizure had been effected just as Guevara
returned from Mexico. Cortés, Cartas, 118. Hence, Cortés’ letter failed to reach
him; yet Bernal Diaz assumes that he received it, and coöperated accordingly.
Hist. Verdad., 89.
[649] This report, embodying Aillon’s, is dated August 30, 1520. A formal
statement of the case, prepared on the arrival of the secretary, was forwarded on
November 10th. Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii.
332-48; Ayllon, Relacion, in Id., xii. 251-2; Carta al Rey de los Oidores, in Col.
Doc. Inéd., i. 495-511. The report proved a heavy argument against Velazquez’
case, although Bishop Fonseca at first sought to keep it back. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 90; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. v.
[650] Two soldiers were also imprisoned for speaking favorably of Cortés. One of
them was Sancho de Barahona who settled in Guatemala. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 89, 100. To Bernardino de Santa Clara, who had aided Aillon in the
formal demands upon Narvaez, nothing was done, owing to his many friends in
the camp. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xx.-xxi. This man was not actuated by
friendship for Cortés, however. He had been treasurer of Española, where his
prodigality nearly made him a defaulter. Cortés, Residencia, ii. 166-8.
[651] ‘Villalobos, y vn Portugues, y otros seys o siete se passaron a Cortes. Y

otros le escriuieron, a lo que algunos dizen ofreciendosele, si venia para ellos y
que Cortes leyo las cartas, callando la firma ... y que publicaua tener en
Zempoallã dozientos Españoles.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 143. Bernal Diaz says five
deserters, relatives and friends of Aillon. Hist. Verdad., 90, 92.
[652] Herrera assumes that he was deceived by Narvaez, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xix.,
but intimidation was no doubt the leading motive, for he could not possibly relish
the prospect of Montezuma’s release by the new-comers, nor the licentiousness
and greed of the soldiers. ‘This conduct of the men drove the inhabitants to flight,’
says Cortés, Cartas, 119, 125. When the jewels and other effects belonging to
Cortés’ party were seized, together with the Indian wives of the conquerors, the
cacique became seriously alarmed, exclaiming that he would surely be killed for
permitting the outrage. This excited only derision, Salvatierra remarking: ‘Aueys
visto que miedo que tienen todos estos Caciques desta nonada de Cortesillo.’
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 90.
[653] Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 587. ‘Ellos dejaban la villa sola por
no pelear con ellos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 119.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE COUP DE MAÎTRE OF CORTÉS.
May, 1520.
Dismal Prospects—Empire to Hold, Invasion to Repel—The Army Divides

—Alvarado Guards Montezuma, while Cortés Looks after Narvaez—
The March Seaward—The Rendezvous—The Chinantecs and their Pikes
—Cortés Sows Alluring Words in the Camp of the Enemy—Proposals
of Peace—Defiance—Night Attack—Cortés Captures Narvaez and his
Army.
It now behooved Cortés to look well to himself. He might win a

score of Marathons, but one Paros would ruin all. When embarking
in this enterprise, he was to all appearance little above the common
adventurer. But rare talents were constantly appearing as required
by occasion. Though sometimes carried away by excess of zeal, he
had proved himself an adept in diplomacy. And for one hitherto so
sportive and pleasure-loving, his temper was now grave, particularly
in times of peril, when his calm self-mastery increased with
increasing danger. The rhythm of battle was the sweetest harmony
that could stir his soul, and yet he never fought but for a purpose. On
gaining an advantage he indulged in no holiday of retrospect or
repose; so long as anything remained to be done no time was
wasted in self-gratulations. He never turned from danger, but
hastened to seek it out, perceiving it even in the darkness, intuitively,
and always looking it full in the face. It was while preparing to strike

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Three soldiers, deserters from the exploring expedition[630] of

[608] ‘Dixo a vn Español de los doze, q̄ fuesse a auisar a los compañeros q̄ se

[619] ‘A este Narvaez hizo Diego Velazquez su Capitan principal, siempre

[620] In a letter to Judge Figueroa, of the Española audiencia, dated November

[623] Fourteen leagues west of Trinidad.

[624] ‘Todo lo qual se asentó desta manera, y lo dió por instruccion en mi

[635] ‘Alonso de Vergara, escribano, é con Antonio de Maya.’ Demanda de

[651] ‘Villalobos, y vn Portugues, y otros seys o siete se passaron a Cortes. Y

Dismal Prospects—Empire to Hold, Invasion to Repel—The Army Divides

It now behooved Cortés to look well to himself. He might win a

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