Preparing for Brexit: Actors,

Negotiations and Consequences 1st

Edition Lee Mcgowan (Auth.)
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmass.com/product/preparing-for-brexit-actors-negotiations-and-consequ
ences-1st-edition-lee-mcgowan-auth/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...

Brexit and the Consequences for International

Competitiveness 1st ed. Edition Arkadiusz Micha■
Kowalski

https://ebookmass.com/product/brexit-and-the-consequences-for-
international-competitiveness-1st-ed-edition-arkadiusz-michal-
kowalski/

Intended Consequences Hemant Taneja

https://ebookmass.com/product/intended-consequences-hemant-
taneja/

Victims and Plea Negotiations: Overlooked and

Unimpressed 1st ed. Edition Arie Freiberg

https://ebookmass.com/product/victims-and-plea-negotiations-
overlooked-and-unimpressed-1st-ed-edition-arie-freiberg/

Neuroscience for Neurosurgeons (Feb 29,

2024)_(110883146X)_(Cambridge University Press) 1st
Edition Farhana Akter

https://ebookmass.com/product/neuroscience-for-neurosurgeons-
feb-29-2024_110883146x_cambridge-university-press-1st-edition-
farhana-akter/
The Interaction Between Local and International
Peacebuilding Actors : Partners for Peace 1st Edition
Sara Hellmüller (Auth.)

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-interaction-between-local-and-
international-peacebuilding-actors-partners-for-peace-1st-
edition-sara-hellmuller-auth/

The Ecological and Societal Consequences of

Biodiversity Loss 1st Edition Forest Isbell

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-ecological-and-societal-
consequences-of-biodiversity-loss-1st-edition-forest-isbell-2/

The Empathy Advantage: Leading the Empowered Workforce

1st Edition Heather E. Mcgowan

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-empathy-advantage-leading-the-
empowered-workforce-1st-edition-heather-e-mcgowan/

Go Programming Language For Dummies 1st Edition Wei-

Meng Lee

https://ebookmass.com/product/go-programming-language-for-
dummies-1st-edition-wei-meng-lee/

The Economics Of Brexit: Revisited 1st Edition Edition

Philip B. Whyman

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-economics-of-brexit-
revisited-1st-edition-edition-philip-b-whyman/
 PALGRAVE STUDIES IN
EUROPEAN UNION POLITICS
Series Editors: Michelle Egan, Neill Nugent and William E. Paterson

PREPARING
FOR BREXIT
Actors,
Negotiations and
Consequences
Lee McGowan
Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics

Series Editors
Michelle Egan
American University
Washington, DC
USA

Neill Nugent
Manchester Metropolitan University
Manchester, UK

William E. Paterson
Aston University
Birmingham, UK
Following on the sustained success of the acclaimed European Union
Series, which essentially publishes research-based textbooks, Palgrave
Studies in European Union Politics publishes cutting edge research-
driven monographs. The remit of the series is broadly defined, both in
terms of subject and academic discipline. All topics of significance con-
cerning the nature and operation of the European Union potentially fall
within the scope of the series. The series is multidisciplinary to reflect the
growing importance of the EU as a political, economic and social phe-
nomenon.

More information about this series at

http://www.springer.com/series/14629
 Lee McGowan

Preparing for Brexit

Actors, Negotiations and Consequences
Lee McGowan
Queen’s University Belfast
Belfast, UK

Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics

ISBN 978-3-319-64259-8 ISBN 978-3-319-64260-4 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64260-4

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017948262

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction
on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published
maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: Détail de la Tour Eiffel © nemesis2207/Fotolia.co.uk

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Preface

Never in my 20 year plus academic career have I been asked to address

as many non-academic audiences and have been requested to give inter-
views to literally dozens of reporters from the international press than
over the last two years. The reason was Brexit. The issue remains Brexit
and the immediate future will be determined by Brexit. The study of pol-
itics in the United Kingdom has rarely been as fascinating as now. On the
one hand the Brexit negotiations pit the UK government’s interests and
desires against those of the other 27 European Union member states. On
the other hand, the Brexit negotiations require the UK government in
London—at least in political terms—to include the devolved administra-
tions in Belfast, Cardiff and Edinburgh in the process. Inclusion and par-
ticipation does not necessarily translate into influence and power. Indeed,
the impact of the UK’s departure from the EU plays out differently
across the British state and different and divergent interests and priorities
will surface. For someone resident in, and a native of, Northern Ireland
the Brexit theme plays out very differently from not only London but
both Cardiff and Edinburgh. Northern Ireland possesses its own unique
characteristics and concerns that are addressed in this book.
I had thought like so many others that the United Kingdom’s ref-
erendum on EU membership would produce a victory, albeit a narrow
one for the ‘remain’ campaign. It seemed that David Cameron’s abil-
ity to secure ‘special status’ for the UK was probably sufficient to win
a majority. A narrow remain vote would have kept the theme of EU

v
vi Preface

membership alive but would have allowed the government and wider
civil society to finally make a case for Europe. The vote to ‘leave’ was
unexpected and threw up many challenges, possible opportunities and
risks but also uncertainty about how to prepare for Brexit and the nature
of Brexit. This book charts developments from June 2016. It has, on
reflection, been a difficult one to write as statements, developments and
events have continually changed. The issue of the UK’s divorce from the
EU also coincided with my own divorce and many a time the similari-
ties have been striking as issues about money and the financial implica-
tions abound, uncertainty over the new settlement linger and questions
arise about the desirability of new relationships or going it alone. This
book was written in the first half of 2017. At times it has been a fran-
tic exercise given the speed of developments and I would like to take
this opportunity to thank a number of special colleagues for helping me
get through everything. I dedicate this work to my three sons, Oliver,
George and Tom as their generation is the one that has to confront and
successfully manage the implications of Brexit.

Belfast, UK Lee McGowan

June 2017
 Contents

1 Leaving Europe 1

2 Understanding Europe 17

3 Planning Brexit, July 2016–March 2017 33

4 Negotiating Brexit: The UK Position, Actors

and Objectives 49

5 Wrestling with Europe: Assessing the Response

and Positions of the European Union’s Actors 67

6 Maintaining Europe: The View from Northern Ireland 87

7 A Union in Crisis or a Union United After June 2017? 109

Index 127

vii
 List of Figures and Tables

Diagram 2.1 Europe, the European Union and the

United Kingdom in 2017  24
Table 3.1 Theresa May’s letter to European Council President
Donald Tusk on 29 March  44
Table 5.1 European Council draft resolution presented
by Donald Tusk on 31 March  72
Table 5.2 European Parliament resolution for debate
and adopted on 5 April  83
Table 6.1 The EU referendum result: dissecting the UK vote  90
Table 6.2 Elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly, March 2017  98
Table 7.1 Negotiating Brexit: the negotiators on day one  120

ix
 CHAPTER 1

Leaving Europe

Abstract McGowan presents the outcome of the referendum on the

UK’s membership of the European Union as a major point in the history
of modern Britain. The result for leave was so unexpected that the David
Cameron led government had not just not made any contingency plans,
but had even prevented Whitehall departments from contemplating such
a scenario. The vote for Brexit catapulted the UK government into a
period of uncertainty and doubt. Rarely has British politics been more
interesting, rarely has the nature of the British state looked so precarious.
‘Brexit means Brexit’ became the mantra of Theresa May’s government,
but this objective was much more complicated than the government
was even willing to concede in public. McGowan outlines many of the
truly fundamental questions that have arisen about the nature and type
of Brexit, the government’s Brexit strategy, the role of the Westminster
parliament and the devolved administrations in the process of exiting the
EU as well as stressing the point that Brexit threatens the very founda-
tions of the United Kingdom.

Keywords Brexit · United Kingdom

On the 25th March 2017 the leaders of the EU’s Member State gov-
ernments met in Rome to mark the 60th anniversary of the sign-
ing of the Treaty of Rome, establishing both the European Economic
Community and EURATOM. This original 1957 blueprint for Europe

© The Author(s) 2018 1

L. McGowan, Preparing for Brexit, Palgrave Studies in European Union
Politics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64260-4_1
2 L. McGOWAN

had envisaged its member states working closely together to bolster

economic prosperity, promote democratic values and secure areas of
joint policy cooperation. Few then might have dared to imagine just
how these treaties would transform the continent’s political landscape
by building a new and innovative European institutional architecture,
agreeing on new areas of policy cooperation and laying the foundations
for the European Union. This new ‘Roman’ order would create its own
currency and be responsible for the longest period of peace between
the members of EU Europe since the fall of the Roman Empire. The
popularity of this vision of Europe was evident in the rise of mem-
bership from the 6 founding states in 1957 (Belgium, France, Italy,
Luxembourg, the Netherlands and West Germany) to the arrival of
Croatia as the 28th member state in 2013. The EU’s territorial expan-
sion was not the result of war and subjugation, but driven by the desire
of liberal democratic states to create a new form of political cooperation.
The EU has been an incredible example of voluntary cooperation
between states. Its efforts at promoting greater understanding and rec-
onciliation within Europe even secured the EU the Nobel Peace prize
in 2012. The construction of EU Europe has on occasions been difficult
and at the start of the twenty-first century it faces a range of new chal-
lenges. There has indeed been a sense of the EU in crisis (Dinan et al.
2017). Three particular issues will dominate the EU agenda over the
next five years; efforts to strengthen the euro, a much needed determina-
tion and cohesive approach to resolving the migration crisis and reaching
agreement on the UK’s departure from the European Union (Brexit).
The decision by the British public to vote in a referendum on 23rd June
2016 for the UK to leave the European Union marks a decisive moment
in EU history. No member state has previously ever left the European
Union and there are many issues to be resolved about the nature of
the UK’s divorce, the financial settlement and the future relationship
between both parties.
Amidst the celebrations in Rome there was sadness and regret that
the United Kingdom government, now intent on leaving the EU, had
absented herself from the summit. It is so important not to lose sight of
the wider context. Politics is in a state of flux across the western world
and a strong popular disaffection and dissatisfaction with the political
class and their priorities is being expressed by many people from par-
ticularly although not exclusively traditional blue collar backgrounds
who feel increasingly left behind and forgotten. Many have used the
 1 LEAVING EUROPE 3

opportunity of recent referendums and elections to vent their frustra-

tions and ‘anger’ (Garry 2017) by opting for populist outsiders offer-
ing new promises of hope and prosperity. The advance of these populist
forces have impacted most on the fortunes of the traditional centre left
parties. The vote for Brexit provides an apt illustration as much of the
highest recorded support for leave was expressed by former supporters
of the Labour party in the Midlands and North East of England who
found their living conditions difficult, possessed few educational attain-
ment levels and were worried for the future of their children. These same
anxieties propelled Donald Trump into the White House as President of
the United States in November 2016 and fed into the rejection of the
referenda in the Netherlands on the EU-Ukrainian accord and in Italy
on the government’s attempt to reform the senate.
In retrospect, the vote for ‘leave’ must in part be understood as a
backlash against the establishment and the liberal elites from many vot-
ers who felt disadvantaged and let down by successive governments.
The lure of life outside the EU, presented by leave supporters, offered
a seemingly better alternative. The emergence of such an anti-establish-
ment sentiment has unnerved the political elites who now find them-
selves trying to respect the desires of the electorate.
By 2016 political manifestations of euroscepticism were not only
evident in most EU member states but formed a core feature in the
party programmes of a number of parties on both the left and right of
the political spectrum. It had been the steady growth of euroscepti-
cism in Great Britain primarily in the form of the United Kingdom
Independence Party (UKIP) and the electoral risk UKIP posed for the
Conservative Party that had actually propelled David Cameron’s gov-
ernment to hold a referendum on the country EU’s membership. The
task of convincing the public to support Cameron’s desire for contin-
ued EU membership was always going to be difficult given the very
low levels of knowledge about the EU in the UK and public attitudes
that had been shaped, misshaped and reshaped by a largely euroscep-
tic press and a surge in ‘fake news’ reports. The first substantive analy-
sis of media coverage has illustrated how the referendum campaign was
ambushed and how the politics of fear not just pervaded the campaign
but was also marked by mutual accusations of lying, concerns over health
and repeated and extensive reports on immigration (Moore and Ramsey
2017). Migrant blaming certainly made for sensational headlines but it
did not aid understanding of the issues at stake.
4 L. McGOWAN

On the eve of the March 2017 summit in Rome Pope Francis had
warned against the ‘false forms of security’ promised by populists and
made a plea for greater European solidarity. Jean Claude Juncker, the
President of the European Commission, described Europe as a ‘conti-
nent of stability and peace, but that the EU is not in the best form and
shape we could be in’ (BBC interview with Juncker, 24 March 2017
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-39375966). There was an
ever growing realisation that the EU needed to be able to connect more
with the public and demonstrate why the European project still mat-
tered. The EU’s room for manoeuvre here has always been limited,
and support from both Member State governments and the media have
always been essential as information providers and opinion formers. In
March 2017 the leaders of the 27 EU member state governments agreed
on a new Declaration of Rome. This recognised ‘these times of change
and aware of the concerns of citizens, we ….pledge to work towards a
safe and secure Europe, a prosperous and sustainable Europe, a social
Europe and a stronger Europe…..we as leaders working together within
the European Council and among our institutions, will ensure that
today’s agenda is implemented, so as to become tomorrow’s reality. We
have united for the better. Europe is our common future’ (European
Council, Rome Declaration, 25 March 2017). The declaration empha-
sises the need to listen and respond to citizens’ concerns while reaffirm-
ing commitment to further developing the European integration project.
Agreement on this text and the latter goal might have been impossible
had the UK attended the summit.
The win for ‘leave’ was certainly neither the outcome wanted nor
expected by David Cameron’s government. Few observers of the politi-
cal scene had predicted this result. Had Cameron realised that leave was a
real possibility, it is very unlikely that he would have called the referendum
in the first place. The significance of this decision to leave the EU can-
not be underestimated. It truly represents a seismic moment in post war
British politics. David Cameron fell on his sword and quickly resigned as
Prime Minister. The British political scene of late June/early July was in
some turmoil as the realities of the decision dawned. A new Conservative
administration led by Theresa May wasted little time in following the
guidance of the referendum result. She had declared her intention dur-
ing her campaign to lead the Conservative party when she stated that
‘Brexit means Brexit’. She added that ‘there will be no attempts to remain
inside the EU, no attempts to rejoin it by the back door, and no second
 1 LEAVING EUROPE 5

referendum…. The country voted to leave the European Union and as

prime minister I will make sure that we leave the European Union’ (14
July, Birmingham speech). She was suggesting a trajectory of action
that was to overturn the European policy of all successive governments
since Harold MacMillan’s first formal bid for British membership of the
European Economic Community in 1961. It was a policy choice, however,
that further crystallised throughout the second half of 2017.
On 29th March 2017 Theresa May, formally submitted some nine
months after the UK referendum on EU membership the UK govern-
ment’s intention of withdrawing from the EU (including EURATOM)
to the European Council. After 44 years of membership the UK was
declaring her intent of seeking a divorce from the EU. The process as
laid down under Article 50 TEU involved negotiations between the UK
and the EU and within a fixed two year timetable to complete the exact
terms, costs and meaning of the separation. The institutional interplay
was laid out in Article 218.
On the face of it the goal of securing the UK’s exit from the European
Union (the so-called ‘Brexit’) may have seemed to the electorate as a
binary decision of ‘either’ in or ‘out’. Winning a vote to leave was one
thing, but the process of disentangling the UK from the EU was never
ever going to be as straightforward as many Brexiteers had alluded to
during the campaign. What did an exit actually look like? The dual tasks
of both exiting the European Union and establishing a new partnership
with Brussels were always going to require skilful and careful navigation
to secure the best result for the UK, and especially given the strict timeta-
ble ahead. Both sides were always going to have to be realistic about their
expectations and be prepared for compromise. There was little sign of this
and after a supposedly frosty evening dinner reception in 10 Downing
Street between May and Juncker on 26 April 2017 the Commission presi-
dent stated that he felt ten times more sceptical about reaching a special
deal (Frankkfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung, 30 April 2017). The fol-
lowing day Juncker informed the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel that
Theresa May was living in ‘another galaxy’, prompting Merkel to add later
that the UK was experiencing ‘Brexit delusions’. May dismissed the story
as Brussels gossip (Telegraph, 1 May 2017) but the episode aptly illus-
trated the tensions at the outset.
Few people had fully comprehended just how difficult the tasks of
exiting and negotiating were going to be. Some excellent reports from
bodies such as the House of Lords clearly did (House of Lords 2016),
6 L. McGOWAN

but received little coverage in the tabloid press. Ahead lay real differ-
ences over the exact nature of ‘leave’ and over the attitudes of the EU27.
There is also an internal angle to the negotiations and the May govern-
ment found itself facing demands from the devolved administrations to be
much more actively involved in the process. The Prime Minister needs to
ensure that the very process of negotiating withdrawal does not unsettle
the constitutional fabric of the British state itself. May’s hopes of unit-
ing the United Kingdom are a well-intended response to a general unease
which s more likely to intensify. Already there are signs that the ‘remain’
activists and voters are being demonised in the press and bullied at work.
Brexit leaves the country more divided than ever. It has become the pre-
eminent issue in modern day British politics. It will overshadow every
other policy and it looks set to divert the government’s attention away
from a raft of other issues.
Theresa May’s decision to call a snap General Election on 8th June
2017 caught political commentators by surprise. This unexpected
move, and one that she had ruled out previously on several occasions,
was determined directly by the uncertainty surrounding the Brexit pro-
cess. The Prime Minister stated that the holding of a general election
originally (scheduled for May 2020) while the government was locked
in the final stages of negotiations with the EU would prove an unnec-
essary distraction. Three other and more salient reasons for holding an
election three years ahead of schedule are suggested here: Firstly, the
Prime Minister was seeking a larger government majority in the House
of Commons to strengthen her hand in the negotiations with the EU27,
secondly, May needed to have sufficient support on the Conservative
backbenches should the negotiations prove tougher than expected and
lead to compromise solutions that some of the hard Brexiteers such as
Iain Duncan Smith, Bill Cash and John Redwood will find objectiona-
ble and thirdly, some argued that with worsening economic conditions
in 2018/2019 and manifest in rising inflation, lower economic growth,
high levels of personal debt and growing food prices, bringing the elec-
tion forward made much more sense. Her every public utterance referred
to the need for a strong and stable Britain. May remains wedded to the
Brexit cause. Sound-bites such as creating a strong and stable Britain
were never followed up with any discussions on further details.
The Conservative Party manifesto for the June 2017 General Election
identified responding to Brexit and a changing world as one of the five
great challenges facing the country. May stated at its launch that ‘every
 1 LEAVING EUROPE 7

vote for me and my team will strengthen my hand in the negotiations to

come. Every vote for me and my team will be a vote for a stronger more
prosperous Britain’ (BBC News, 18th May 2017 and at http://www.bbc.
co.uk/news/live/election-2017-39945597). Those who may have been
seeking further clarification about the content and priorities of the nego-
tiations were once again disappointed.
Two core points should be made at the start of this book. Even
though the poll lead for remain had narrowed between March and June
2016 and had ‘leave’ with a small majority a week between the referen-
dum, it was assumed that some of those who have favoured Brexit, being
risk averse, would vote to remain and tip the vote in Cameron’s favour.
The vote for Brexit, therefore came as more than a surprise. The mar-
gin of victory for ‘leave’ was rather narrow (with some 51.9 opting for
exit and 48.1%. One of the most striking facts about voting in this refer-
endum was overall turnout. Some 2.9 million more people voted in the
EU referendum in June 2016 than in the general election the previous
year. Turnout was most pronounced in England where turnout was at its
highest since the 1992 general election. Turnout in Wales was likewise
stronger than at any time since 1997. Both England and Wales opted
for ‘leave’. Did these ‘new’ voters use the referendum to voice their
frustration and anger towards the EU, the government or the elites?
Discussions on turnout should also reference the fact that only some
37% of the actual eligible electorate voted for exiting the EU, while 35%
voted to remain. The rest abstained.
There were many questions to ask. An analysis of the referendum
result reveals just how far Brexit had divided the country. The result
pitched younger pro-remain voters against older Brexit minded peo-
ple, showed clear demarcations between high educational attainment
and those holding professional jobs who advocated remain while those
with the fewer or no qualifications and in blue collar/manual employ-
ment were drawn more heavily to support leave. Voting patterns differed
markedly across the constituent parts of the UK with England and Wales
returning majorities to leave but Northern Ireland and Scotland voting
in even stronger terms to remain.
Whoever had inherited the keys to 10 Downing Street following
David Cameron’s swift departure was always going to find the triple
pressures of actually realising Brexit, uniting the Conservative Party and
healing divisions across the country extremely difficult. Much was going
to depend on how the government came to visualise Brexit. While the
8 L. McGOWAN

Cameron government had urged the electorate to support its line of the
UK remaining in the EU, the advocates of Brexit had never indicated a
clear vision for the UK outside the EU and simply castigated as scare-
mongerers all those who demanded greater clarity on such issues as tar-
iffs, free trade agreements and customs unions. The leave campaign had
presented ‘leave’ as relatively simple and straightforward and means to
allow the UK to regain control and sign its own trade deals with the
outside world. No serious consideration was ever given to the policy
domain and how much Brexit could impact on a range of public pol-
icy issues such as agriculture, the environment, energy and trade. It was
assumed that the UK had sufficient civil servants and experts in place to
secure a Brexit. The frustration among David Cameron’s strategists at
the antics and half-truths of the leave campaign over the UK’s contribu-
tions to the EU budget, immigration control and sovereignty were real
as the leave campaign tapped much more successfully into emotions and
came to trump the remain campaign’s focus on the economic benefits of
membership.
Immediate questions arose in July 2016: Should advisory refer-
enda dictate government policy? Was the referendum result too close?
Does it matter that the vote was fractured and both Northern Ireland
and Scotland voted to remain in the EU? Why did England and Wales
vote for ‘Leave’. What does the UK’s departure from the EU to look
like and can such expectations be delivered. Ultimately, the task of meet-
ing Brexiteers expectations while recognising political sensitivities in
Westminster and across the four constituent nations while simultaneously
trying to work out a deal with the EU meant that the process was always
going to be fraught. With very little preparation done, with little agree-
ment or explanation on what Brexit looks like (e.g. access to single mar-
ket, customs union or better outside under WTO rules) and labouring
under strict time pressures to initiate a process to quell internal dissent,
the challenges posed by Brexit are going to be enormous. In fact, the
more researchers began to scratch under the surface of public policy spe-
cifics, the more issues arose.
The ten months after the vote for Brexit in the United Kingdom
were marked by considerable uncertainty about the objectives and pos-
sible forms that Brexit could take. There was less political turmoil on the
floor of the House of Commons where ultimately power lay, than might
have been expected given the narrow victory. Indeed, with the Labour
 1 LEAVING EUROPE 9

party facing continued issues internally over its own leader, Jeremy
Corbyn and the Liberal Democrats providing a much weaker presence in
parliament after the 2015 general election, Theresa May had a relatively
free hand to determine her Brexit strategy and much more than her mere
parliamentary majority of 14 would have suggested.
Significant concerns existed in the House towards the ‘Brexit’ trajec-
tory but it was put on hold within the Labour Party to respect the ref-
erendum result, but also reflected the fact that public opinion had not
noticeably shifted in the ten months following the result. Conservative
Brexiteers on the backbenches remained largely compliant as Brexit
developments were seemingly moving in their favoured direction. This
truce was merely temporary and opposition from the Labour and Liberal
Democrat parties is expected to really ignite in the course of 2018 if
the negotiations on exiting begin to run into serious obstacles. In April
2017 Sir Kier Starmer, the Labour Party’s Shadow Secretary of State for
Exiting the European Union outlined Labour’s opposition to the gov-
ernment’s form of Brexit when he strongly suggested the party’s inten-
tion to vote against the final agreement if the final deal was deemed
too problematic for Britain’s interests (Standard, 25th April 2017,
http://www.standard.co.uk/news/politics/shadow-brexit-secretary-
sir-keir-starmer-sets-out-labours-vision-amid-claims-the-party-is-con-
fused-a3523011.html.). In doing so, he would send Theresa May and
her team back to the negotiating table.
The immediate aftermath of the referendum posed a number of
immediate questions for resolution. These included:
Can the royal prerogative be used to invoke Article 50 or does parlia-
ment need to give its approval?
Do the devolved assemblies have to give their legislative consent to
the triggering of Article 50?
Should there be a referendum on the terms agreed in any new deal?
What does a British position look like and how is it to be determined?
Do the devolved administrations have a substantive or minor role?
Are all other EU member states sympathetic to the UK’s case or will
any special deal risk the spread of contagion across the EU?
What will the cost of the divorce settlement be for the UK?
What happens if a deal does not occur within the two year timetable?
Will the European Parliament be ready to endorse a deal or block a
deal?
10 L. McGOWAN

Many hurdles still remain about the cost of the UK’s divorce from the
EU, the exact terms of a new relationship with the EU and an ongoing
search for new trade deals with other parts of the world. There is also a
longer term problem ahead and it centres on how far the aspirations of
the Brexiteers can be met. Could the populist slogans that for so many
had sounded convincing be secured and what happens if these expected
benefits of a Brexit do not materialise.
This book is neither concerned with revisiting the UK’s history as
an EU Member State nor discussing the road to a referendum. These
have been covered in detail elsewhere (Daddow 2004; Geddes 2013;
McGowan and Phinnemore 2017). Also issues such as establishing a
winning threshold in terms of percentages, and the view of the UK as
a single constituency (thus not contemplating the nature of a fractured
vote across the UK’s constituent parts and the absence of a quadruple
lock) should have been considered when the referendum bill was making
its way through parliament. This book accepts the outcome and focuses
on the Brexit process and primarily developments after the referendum
result in June 2016, and under Theresa May’s government. At its core
this work identifies the key political actors and analyses their efforts
to explain and develop what ‘Brexit means Brexit’ actually means. It
explores the possible options and negotiations ahead as the UK govern-
ment embarks on finding a new relationship with the EU.
Much uncertainty lies ahead as we are in unknown territory. There
will be a steep learning curve for all. No EU Member State has ever left
the EU and the drafters of Article 50 never truly expected it to be trig-
gered at any time. This interpretation goes to explain the inclusion of a
rather unrealistic two year timetable once the process has formally com-
menced. There are three issues to resolve; the UK’s divorce from the
EU; a new settlement with the EU and a series of new trade deals with
third countries. There are multiple actors at play in all three sets of nego-
tiations and as such the energies involved from all players will be con-
siderable throughout and the final positions will be coloured by political
considerations, Member State preferences and what the Council, the
Commission and the European Parliament are willing to concede to the
UK. In short, the entire process of ensuring that Brexit is achieved will
embroil the government from start to finish traversing its way through a
minefield containing many legal and political explosives.
From the moment May assumed the premiership, the British gov-
ernment’s resolve was to be tested time and time again in both the UK
and within the EU. Legal challenges were taken to the courts. Political
 1 LEAVING EUROPE 11

challenges surfaced in parliament and the devolved administrations

in Scotland and Wales regularly sought clarifications and purpose. The
government was to be embarrassed with the sudden resignation of Sir
Ivan Rogers, the UK’s most senior diplomat in the EU citing his fears
of a ‘disorderly Brexit’ and continually pressured by the EU27 and the
European Commission about the UK’s intentions.
This introductory chapter wishes to highlight the seismic nature of
the referendum result to leave the EU. It leaves two unions in a state of
shock and crisis; firstly the EU but also the UK. The decision was unex-
pected and with very little deliberately done in the way of contingency
planning the challenges ahead for the UK government are immense. The
world of British politics fundamentally changed following the vote and
ushered in a new Conservative administration that gave the key roles
on negotiating the UK’s exit from the EU to three leading Brexiteers;
David Davis, Liam Fox and Boris Johnson. Prior to the referendum the
‘remain’ campaign had raised concerns over the potential implications of
a no vote. The real significance of the result, however, took a matter of
months to be truly appreciated by interested observers. It was going to
be both messy and extremely complicated involving an array of actors
and competing interests. The government’s intention of securing Brexit
involves negotiations on four separate levels: the national level between
the three key departments and the prime minister; the sub national level
as it engages with the devolved administrations; the European level
where it is seeking to secure support for its post-Brexit aspirations and
on a global level where it aims to secure new trading relationships with
third states.
If the negotiations are handled well there may indeed be opportu-
nities ahead. Ten years from now the UK could be reaping substantial
economic benefits if she can secure preferential access to the single mar-
ket and can secure beneficial trade deals, but how does the UK govern-
ment get there? There are also considerable economic risks involved
and a real potential that the constitutional fabric and very foundations
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland itself will
be sorely tested and the possibility of territorial fragmentation cannot be
discounted. Ultimately, the economic and political implications of the
Brexit process will play out differently across the four constituent nations
that comprise the UK and impact on the other EU member states and
the wider world. Theresa May has talked of creating a truly Global
Britain on the world stage, but events could be reinterpreted more like
a retreat to isolation and disengagement from the European mainstream,
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 “I have warned them to be very careful of their movements while
they remain at the school,” answered Sam Rover. “We would prefer
to have them go home, but they wish to finish the term.”
“They ought not to go out at all unless they have a man or one of
us with them,” remarked Jack. “It wouldn’t be safe.”
“Wonder who the man was in the runabout with Davenport?” came
from Andy.
“He was a stranger to me,” replied his twin, and the other boys
said the same.
Sam Rover took his departure that evening and on the following
morning the boys went to their classes for their final tests. Jack did
not finish until after three o’clock and his cousins were even later in
appearing.
“Gee, I don’t know whether I squeezed through or not,” remarked
Andy. “Some of the questions were stiffer than I expected.”
“Don’t say a word! I know I flunked on two or three questions,”
answered his twin.
“I know I didn’t answer everything correctly,” came from the young
major.
“Neither did I,” added Fred.
One by one the cadets assembled on the campus and along the
lake front. A few went out to row, but most of them hung around,
wanting to know how others had made out.
That day Phil Franklin received another letter from his father in
which his parent stated that he intended to take a trip to the oil fields
of Oklahoma.
“And he wants me to remain here until the school opens again this
fall,” said Phil. “What do you know about that?”
“You don’t mean at the Hall!” exclaimed Fred. “Why, Colonel Colby
just about shuts the place up during July and August.”
 “No, my father wants to know if I can’t find some suitable boarding
house at Haven Point, or some other place in this vicinity. He thinks
I’d be better off here than down home during his absence.”
“What about boarding with Barry Logan?” suggested Randy,
mentioning a boy of the town whose mother kept a boarding house.
The cadets had often met young Logan on the lake where he earned
his living by fishing and by taking people out in his boat.
“That’s just what I was thinking I might do,” answered Phil. “I’ve
met Barry’s mother, and she is a real nice lady, and I could have
dandy times out on the lake with Barry.”
“If you stay here, Phil, I know what I’d like you to do!” cried Randy.
“What is that?”
“I’d like you to hire Barry to go on a hunt for that silver trophy. He
might get some kind of a trawl and bring the vase up.”
“That’s the talk! If I stay here I certainly will go on a hunt for that
trophy!” exclaimed Phil. “It will help fill in the time.”
On the following Friday afternoon there was a special session of
the school, and the cadets were acquainted with the results of the
examinations. It was found that Fred had received 96 per cent., Jack
94 per cent., Andy and Randy 89 and 88 per cent., respectively. Gif
had 92 per cent. to his credit, Phil 91 per cent., while Spouter was
overjoyed to learn that he had reached 98 per cent., the highest
record made that year.
“Hurrah, Spouter! You’re sure the king pin when it comes to
studying!” cried Jack, and shook hands warmly.
“Well, you and Fred did pretty well,” answered Spouter modestly.
“Gee, but I’m glad I passed!” murmured Randy. “I got about ten
more points than I thought I’d have.”
All of the cadets who were to graduate that year had passed, and
they were, of course, correspondingly elated.
“We’ll have to celebrate,” said Gif.
 “Let’s have a farewell dinner,” suggested Jack. “And it will be a
real farewell, too—farewell to Colby Hall, farewell to our offices, and
farewell to baseball, football, and everything else connected with the
Hall.”
From that minute on the boys to leave Colby Hall forever were
kept more than busy. The Rovers helped to arrange for a final formal
dinner, and then lost no time in sending telegrams home, telling the
glad news of their having passed the final tests.
“Now I think we deserve a real good vacation,” said Fred.
“What do you suppose it ought to be?” questioned the young
major. He had started to polish his sword for the last time,
preparatory to making the best showing possible during the military
maneuvers which would help to mark the closing of the term.
“Oh, I’d like to take a long trip somewhere,” answered Fred.
“Maybe you’d like to be shipwrecked again?” observed Andy. “We
might fall in with another Ira Small and go after another pirates’
treasure,” he added, with a grin.
“If it’s all the same with you fellows, I’ll stay on land this summer,”
said Randy. “I got all the ocean I wanted when we drifted down to the
West Indies.”
The girls at Clearwater Hall did not finish their examinations until
the plans for the final dinner at Colby Hall were well under way. Then
it was learned that both Martha and Mary, as well as Ruth
Stevenson, had passed with flying colors and that May Powell had
been only slightly behind. This news came to the lads over the
telephone.
“We ought to go over and congratulate them,” said Jack.
“I know what you want to do,” came from Andy, as he winked one
eye suggestively. “You want to congratulate Ruth Stevenson.”
“Well, don’t you want to congratulate the girls?” demanded the
young major, his face reddening.
“Of course he does! We all do!” burst in Fred.
 “That’s right,” said Andy, nodding sagely. “Just the same, I’ll bet
most of Fred’s congratulations go to May Powell,” and then he had to
duck quickly in order to avoid a book which the youngest Rover
aimed at his head.
The boys did not get a chance to go over to Clearwater Hall until
the following day. In the meanwhile they received congratulatory
messages from home which pleased them greatly. Then came a
letter for Randy marked “personal” which filled that lad with curiosity.
“Randy’s best girl must be writing to him,” suggested Fred, as he
turned the missive over. “Why don’t you let us know who she is,
Randy?”
“Humph! I haven’t any best girl. And, anyway, this letter is
postmarked ‘New York.’ I haven’t the least idea what’s in it.”
He tore the communication open and glanced at the heading.
Then he glanced at the signature.
“Why, it’s for Andy as well as for me! And it’s from——” He
stopped short. “Well, what in the world can this be, anyhow?” And
then, as all of the other Rovers crowded closer, he pushed Jack and
Fred back. “Excuse me, boys, but this is marked private and is for
nobody but Andy and myself.”
“Well, of all things!” murmured Fred.
“What’s the big secret?” came blankly from Jack.
“I’ve got to find out myself,” answered Randy, and thereupon he
and Andy retreated to a corner where they read the somewhat
lengthy communication from their father with keen interest.
“Gee, what do you know about that!”
“Isn’t that the best ever!”
“Say, it took dad to think up something worth while, didn’t it?”
“Hush now, or you’ll give it away. It’s to be a secret, you know.”
“Sure, it’s a secret.”
 So the talk ran on between the twins while Fred and Jack looked
on in silent amazement.
“Say, is this a game?” demanded the youthful major, at last.
“I’ll bet it’s a joke,” said Fred dryly.
“It isn’t a joke. It’s the best news I’ve heard since Noah gave up
ship building,” cried Andy. Then he added quickly to his brother:
“Shall we tell them anything at all?”
“Sure, we’ll have to tell them something, but not the thing,” was the
quick reply.
“We’re going to take a trip this summer, and you two fellows are to
go along.”
“Where are you going?” questioned Jack and Fred simultaneously.
At this question the twins looked at each other and slowly a broad
grin appeared on the face of each.
“Once upon a time Spouter Powell invited us to take a trip with
him. Only he didn’t tell us where we were to go——” began Andy
teasingly.
“And another time Gif Garrison did the same thing, and then took
us to Big Bear Lake,” added Randy.
“See here! Is this another one of those secrets?” cried Jack.
“That’s it!”
“You’ve hit the nail on the head, Jack.”
“Do you mean to say you won’t tell us where we are to go?” flung
out Fred.
“Nope! Can’t! Dad says we’re to keep it a secret until we are ready
to start.”
“Come on, Jack, we’ll pound it out of them!” cried the youngest
Rover, and sprang at the twins, followed by his cousin.
“Stop! Stop! It won’t do you any good to fight,” spluttered Randy,
when he found himself backed into a corner.
 “Then spill the beans, and spill ’em quick,” ordered Jack.
“It’s all well enough for outsiders to keep a secret,” broke in Fred.
“There shouldn’t be any secrets among us fellows. Come on! Tell us
where we’re to go.”
“I can’t do it—not until the day we are leaving school. Those are
dad’s orders,” said Andy.
“And that’s the truth,” added his twin. “You’ll know where you’re
going to spend your vacation on the day you’re ready to leave Colby
Hall.”
“And we’re ordered to hide this letter where nobody can get at it,”
went on Randy. He looked questioningly at his brother and then at
his cousins. “It’s mighty queer,” he continued, “but that’s just what
dad wrote down. You can figure it out for yourselves if you want to.”
For a moment all of the Rover boys were silent, each gazing at the
others questioningly. Then, of a sudden, Jack emitted a low whistle.
“Well, if you fellows are telling the truth, and I suppose you are,
then I think I know the answer,” he said.
“What is the answer?” demanded Fred.
“Davenport!”
 CHAPTER VIII
WHAT HAPPENED TO THE GIRLS

“My gracious, I wonder if you can be right!” said Fred.

“I guess he is right,” answered Randy, “for the letter says that
Andy and I are not to mention the place to anybody, nor are we to
talk about it in public. Especially, are we not to let the girls know a
thing about it. And, as I said before, we are to hide this letter or
destroy it.”
“Then I’m sure I’m right,” said the young major. “Your father
doesn’t want to run the slightest risk of having Davenport find out
where we are going on our vacation.”
“I guess that demand for fifty thousand dollars scared the folks at
home a whole lot,” was Fred’s comment. “It looks to me as if they
imagined Davenport was watching us every minute, trying to figure
out what he could do to injure us.”
“But we haven’t seen or heard of the man since the day we saw
him—or Jack thought he did—in that roadster.”
“Just the same, he may be in this vicinity watching every move we
make,” said Randy, and his face was serious.
The twins read the letter again, and then, to make sure that no one
else might know of its contents, they burnt it up.
“No use of taking any chances,” said Andy grimly.
“To tell the truth, that letter got on my nerves,” confessed his twin.
“Dad wouldn’t write so seriously unless there was something in the
wind.”
“Perhaps Davenport—or some of those other rascals—has been
threatening the folks at home again. Gosh! I wonder if they would
dare threaten my mother or Aunt Dora or Aunt Nellie?”
 “If Davenport or any of his pals did that he ought to be shot!”
answered Jack. “I’m sorry now my dad didn’t have Davenport
arrested the first time he showed up. Such fellows ought to be in
prison. They ought never to be given their liberty.”
When the boys telephoned to Clearwater Hall they found that the
girls had gone out for a walk with one of the teachers. They were to
be back in less than an hour, however, so the lads concluded to walk
over to the girls’ school and wait for them.
The four Rovers, accompanied by Gif and Spouter, had just
reached a side entrance of the Clearwater Hall grounds when they
heard a cry behind them. Looking up, they saw Mary, Martha and
Ruth hurrying from a patch of woods with a teacher behind them.
“Oh, we’ve had such a scare!” burst out Martha, in excitement.
“If only you boys had been on hand perhaps you might have
helped us!” wailed Mary.
“What sort of a scare—wild animals, or a ghost, or what?” queried
Andy.
“No, it was a man—two men.”
“What did they do?” demanded Jack quickly.
“They didn’t do anything. I didn’t give them a chance,” said the
teacher, a tall, angular woman who carried a stout walking stick and
who looked amply able to defend herself.
“The men were in a closed car, and they drove up right alongside
of Martha and me,” explained Mary. “Ruth was walking ahead with
Miss Lambert. One of the men opened a door of the car and asked
us if we didn’t want to ride. Then he jumped out and acted just as if
he wanted to make us get into the car, even if we didn’t want to.”
“I called for Miss Lambert and Ruth,” said Martha, “and as soon as
the men saw the teacher they went off in the car just as fast as they
could go.”
“How did the man who jumped out look?” asked Fred.
 “He was a tall man, with black hair and real black eyes that
seemed to look right through me,” said Martha, and shivered a little
as she spoke. “Oh, he was a perfectly horrid man!”
“That was Carson Davenport, I’ll bet a dollar!” exclaimed her
brother. “Davenport is tall and has black hair and black eyes.”
“What about the fellow who stayed in the car?” asked Randy.
“We couldn’t see him very well. He had his coat collar turned up
and his cap pulled down over his eyes.”
“I told Martha and Mary to stay close to us,” said Miss Lambert,
who evidently felt that she must say something in her own defense.
“But they dropped behind, and this was the result. However, I don’t
think the men would have dared to carry them off in such a high-
handed fashion.”
“You wouldn’t say that if you knew this man Davenport as we do,”
answered Jack. “The fellow has done time in prison and is a
thorough rascal and the associate of rascals.”
The girls were so excited that it was not until they had entered
Clearwater Hall and reported to Miss Garwood, the head of the
establishment, that they could tell a clear and connected story. No
one had taken down the car number of the automobile, nor had any
one recognized the make of the machine.
“All I can say is that it was a very fine car—nothing cheap, like a
Ford,” said Mary.
“If only we had the number it might help a whole lot,” returned
Fred.
“I think you two young ladies had better remain within the school
grounds until you start for home,” said Miss Garwood at the
conclusion of the interview. “I cannot afford to have anything happen
to you while you are under my care.” So it was arranged that Mary
and Martha should not go away from the school grounds until they
started for home.
“And then we’ll come and get you,” said Jack. “And if Carson
Davenport shows up we’ll give him what is coming to him.”
 “You bet we will!” added Fred. “And we’ll give it to him with
interest, too!”
In the excitement of the occasion the visitors had almost forgotten
to congratulate the girls on their success in the examinations. It was
plain to be seen that Mary and Martha were both exceedingly
nervous, and Ruth was scarcely less affected.
“Oh, Jack, do watch out that that man doesn’t get you,” said Ruth
to the young major, on parting.
“Well, you keep your eyes open while you girls are here at school,”
answered Jack. “If you see the least sign of that rascal call
somebody and have him arrested.”
“Don’t you think it would be a good idea to set a detective on his
trail?”
“Perhaps, Ruth. But I think now that he has failed in this new move
of his he’ll keep under cover for a while. He’ll probably wait until we
start for New York and then maybe follow us.”
“Martha and Mary want me to come down to New York and spend
a week or two there.”
“That would be fine, Ruth,” and Jack’s face showed his
satisfaction.
It was a rather sober group of cadets that returned to Colby Hall.
The Rovers had very little to say.
“It’s a confounded shame!” was the way Gif expressed himself.
“Why should the authorities let such a man out of prison? He ought
to serve every day of his sentence.”
“That’s just the way I look at it,” returned Spouter. “What is the use
of building prisons and having them finely equipped if they are not to
be used? The whole trouble lies with those soft-hearted individuals in
every community who think prisoners ought to be treated with every
sort of consideration. Just look at some of them—carrying fruit and
flowers to murderers, and weeping over people found guilty of
kidnaping, and all that sort of mush! Now, if I were in authority, I’d
give every man who was guilty of a crime to understand that he must
serve his sentence to the last minute. And I’d give the public to
understand that——”
“Say, Spouter, are you only talking or are you delivering a lecture?”
broke in Randy.
“Well, it makes me mad!” went on the cadet who loved to talk.
“Don’t you agree with what I’ve said?”
“I certainly do,” answered Jack. “There is altogether too much soft-
heartedness about this criminal business.”
The final parade at Colby Hall was a formal affair and attended by
many people from Haven Point and other places. Every uniform was
brushed and pressed and every rifle and sword polished to the last
degree. As a consequence the three companies composing the
school battalion presented a well-nigh perfect appearance when
inspected by Colonel Colby and Captain Dale.
“I must congratulate you on the fine showing you have made,” said
the master of the Hall, in addressing the cadets. “I am proud of you.
You have done very well.”
“Three cheers for Colonel Colby!” called out Jack, and the cheers
were given with a will. Then came another cheer for Captain Dale
and the other instructors.
“Three cheers for Major Rover!” called out Captain Dale, and once
again the cheering was renewed. Then came cheers for the captains
of the three commands and the other officers, after which there was
a final parade around the campus, and then those who were to
graduate from the Hall discarded their arms for the last time.
“I’m going to take my sword home with me. Colonel Colby said I
might,” said Jack.
“I’m to take my sword, too,” answered Fred.
“What are Randy and I to take home?” demanded Andy.
“Oh, you can take an arithmetic or a grammar,” answered Fred.
“Not on your tintype!” came from the fun-loving Rover.
 “We might take our guns,” suggested Randy jokingly. “Then we’d
be fully prepared to meet Davenport and his pals.”
The dinner held by those who were to graduate from the Hall was
one long to be remembered. The mess hall was decorated especially
for the occasion and the spread was one of the most elaborate ever
prepared at that institution.
“I want you boys to remember Colby Hall as long as you live,” said
Colonel Colby, addressing a number of the cadets but looking
squarely at the Rover boys as he spoke. He did not say so, but the
lads knew he was thinking of his own school days at Putnam Hall
with their fathers.
“I couldn’t forget Colby Hall if I tried,” answered Major Jack
feelingly. “I am sure it’s one of the best schools on earth.”
“So say we all of us!” cried Andy, and then the crowd broke into
prolonged cheering for Colonel Colby and for everybody else
connected with the institution. There followed a number of speeches
and then a number of songs, and the dinner did not break up until
nearly midnight.
“I’ll tell you what, boys, that was a grand wind-up, and no mistake,”
declared Fred, when they were going upstairs to their rooms.
“Colonel Colby certainly deserves a medal for the way he’s treated
us.”
“It actually makes me sad to think I’m not coming back here next
fall,” remarked Jack. “And I won’t be a major any more, either.”
“And I won’t be a captain.”
“Well, it’s one satisfaction,” said Andy, with a grin. “You two
highbrows have got to come down to the level of us poor nobodies.
Isn’t that so, Randy?”
“That’s right. No more Major This or Captain That.”
“Oh, I won’t mind that,” answered Jack. “Sometimes I think being
major of the battalion kept me out of some fun. A fellow holding such
an important office can’t do lots of things that an ordinary cadet can.”
 “Well, I’m tired,” yawned Andy. “I’ll be glad after all this hubbub to
hit the hay and get a sound sleep.”
“That’s the talk!” said Fred, as he threw open one of the doors
leading to the connecting rooms which the cousins occupied.
The boys entered the rooms and then one after another turned on
the lights. Then came a sudden exclamation from Jack.
“Great Cæsar! Who did this?”
“Who did what?” questioned Randy, and then gave a swift look at
the bed to which Jack was pointing. “Why, all the bedclothes are
gone!” he added in dismay.
“All my bedclothing is gone too!” came from Andy.
Then the four Rovers made a swift inspection of the rooms. Each
bed was destitute of its sheets, pillowcases and blankets. Only the
bare pillows and mattresses remained.
“You don’t suppose the housekeeper has cleared these things
away already?” questioned Fred.
“Not a bit of it!” cried Randy. “This is a trick, and I’m going after the
fellows who did it!”
 CHAPTER IX
THE LAST NIGHT AT COLBY HALL

“Well, it’s no more than we had a right to expect,” said Andy, after
a pause. “I was thinking of playing a few tricks myself.”
“One thing is sure: We’ve got to have some bedclothing before we
go to bed,” muttered Fred.
“Oh, we could sleep without if we had to—it’s a warm night,”
answered Jack. He had strode over to a closet door and now pulled
it open. “Wow! What do you know about this!” he ejaculated.
His cousins came rushing forward and each gave a brief glance
into the clothing closet. The place was practically bare.
“All the clothing gone!”
“Even the pajamas are missing!”
“And the shoes and hats!”
Fred ran to another closet while Randy and his twin darted into the
other rooms of the suite. A moment later each of the lads set up a
howl of dismay.
“We have been cleaned out!”
“Everything is gone—even that old play suit I was going to give
away!”
“Perhaps we’ve been robbed,” suggested Fred.
“I doubt if any robbers would take the bedclothing,” answered
Jack. “It’s a trick—that’s what it is!”
“I wonder if any of the other fellows have suffered like this,” came
from Andy.
 The words had scarcely been spoken when there came a knock
on the hallway door and Gif entered, followed by Spouter.
“It’s the same story!” exclaimed Gif, glancing at the empty beds.
“You’ve been cleaned out just the same as we were.”
“Were your closets ransacked too?” questioned the young major
quickly.
“Yes, everything taken,” answered Spouter. “Confound the luck,
anyway! I was going to do my packing to-night so that I’d have a little
time to myself in the morning.”
“I was going to get up early to pack,” answered Fred.
“Has anybody else been cleaned out?” questioned Randy.
“I don’t know,” returned Gif. “We stopped at Ned Lowe’s room, and
also asked Dan Soppinger, and they said nothing had been touched
in their rooms.”
Andy had walked to the corridor door and opened it. As he
glanced down the semi-dark hallway he saw Fatty Hendry
approaching.
“Say, Fatty,” he called out, “come here a minute! A lot of our stuff
has been taken from our rooms. Do you know anything about it?”
“Not a thing,” returned the stout cadet. “What’s the matter—
somebody play a trick on you fellows?” And then, after Andy had
explained briefly, Fatty continued: “Maybe I can give you a clew. A
while ago I came upstairs to get a book I had promised to Phil
Franklin. As I came past here I saw Dock Wesley at your door. He
looked rather scared and slid down the corridor as fast as he could.
He had something under his arm.”
“Dock Wesley!” repeated Jack. “Why, he’s the new kid who is
chumming with Codfish!”
“I wouldn’t put it past Codfish to try something like this to get
square for being exposed the way he was,” remarked Fred, who had
followed Andy to the doorway.
 “You didn’t see anybody else, Fatty?” asked Randy, who had
joined the others.
“Not a soul. But wait a minute! Come to think of it, I did meet
Wesley and Codfish a little later, along with some of the other
fellows, and the bunch were having a good laugh over something.”
“Then I guess we have struck a clew,” declared Fred. “Come on,
and we’ll soon get to the bottom of this.”
The Rover boys, followed by Gif, Spouter and Fatty, hurried down
the corridor and around a corner where was located the room
occupied by Codfish and Dock Wesley. They knocked on the door,
but to this there was no response. Then they knocked again, and at
last a somewhat faltering voice asked who was there.
“It’s Major Rover,” called out Jack. “Stowell, I want to talk to you.”
“I’ve gone to bed,” answered Codfish weakly. “I’m all tired out.
Can’t you do your talking to-morrow morning?”
“No, I can’t. I want to do it now.”
“I’m not going to open the door,” declared Codfish. “You want to
play some kind of a trick on me.”
“That’s right! Don’t open up,” came in Dock Wesley’s voice.
“Don’t forget that I am major of the battalion,” went on Jack sternly.
“I want both of you to obey orders and open this door.”
“You’re not major any longer, Jack Rover!” cried Wesley. “Your
commission went out of date to-day. You’re nothing but a student like
ourselves.”
“You sha’n’t bulldoze me any longer,” put in Codfish, gaining a little
courage by his chum’s manner. “I won’t stand for it. You go away and
let us go to sleep.”
“Open that door or we’ll break it down!” cried Fred.
“You break that door down and you’ll get a baseball bat over your
head!” stormed Wesley. “I’ve got a bat here, and so has Stowell, and
we’ll both use ’em, too, if you try any funny business.”
 “Wait a minute! I’ve got a plan,” whispered Andy. “Come here,” and
he drew several feet away from the door.
“What do you propose?” questioned Gif.
“Jack, Fred, Spouter and Fatty can stay at the door and argue with
Codfish and Wesley just as hard as possible so as to keep ’em
interested. In the meanwhile, Randy and Gif and I can go around
and get on the fire escape that runs under their window. Most likely
their window is open and we’ll be able to sneak into the room. If we
can do that Randy and I can hold both of them back while Gif
unlocks the door and lets you fellows in.”
“Gee, that’s the stuff!” answered Randy, in a whisper, his eyes
glistening. “Come on! Let’s get busy!”
The others were willing, and while Jack, Fred, Spouter and Hendry
returned to the locked door, the others, led by Andy, disappeared
around the corridor corner in the direction where a door led out to a
long fire escape.
“We’ve got to be careful and make no noise,” whispered Andy.
“Otherwise they may get on to the trick and lock the window and
barricade it with a chiffonier or something. Then we’ll be out of it
altogether.”
It was easy to get out on the fire escape, and, once there, the
three cadets crawled cautiously along past several windows, coming
finally to the window belonging to the room occupied by Codfish and
Wesley.
“The window is open,” whispered Andy, after taking a cautious
look. “All we’ve got to do is to raise the screen and leap inside.”
“Wait now!” returned his twin. “Let’s have everything understood.
Take a look inside if you can without being seen.”
The light was lit in the room and by this, peering cautiously over
the window sill, the cadets outside saw Codfish and Wesley standing
close to the locked door, each with a baseball bat in his hands. Both
were arguing loudly with those in the corridor.
 “I don’t think they’ll notice us,” whispered Andy. “Everybody is
talking too loud. Come on now. Grab the bats first of all. And you,
Gif, try to get to the door and unlock it.”
“Is the key in it? Maybe they have taken it out.”
“No, the key is there,” said Andy. “Now then! Be quick!”
Cautiously he raised the window screen and as soon as it was
high enough Gif stepped into the room, followed immediately by the
two Rovers. Their entrance was not noticed, for Jack was laying
down the law in the hall outside and Codfish and Wesley were
listening attentively.
“Now!” cried Randy, and hurled himself at Codfish while Andy
leaped upon Wesley. Gif went between, reaching the door with
scarcely an effort. For a few seconds there was a terrible mêlée in
the rather small room. Andy managed to get the bat away from his
opponent and then the two grappled and fell to the floor. In the
meantime his twin also became engaged in a fierce scuffle. In the
midst of this Gif flung open the door and into the room poured all of
the others, and then the impromptu battle came to a sudden
termination.
“Don’t hit me! Don’t hit me!” screamed Codfish, in terror as Randy
stood over him, baseball bat in hand.
“What’s the meaning of all this?” demanded Dock Wesley, sitting
down on the edge of a bed and scowling at those in front of him.
“Going to start a rough house?”
“No, we’re going to bring you fellows to book,” answered Jack.
“I guess we had better bind and gag ’em and throw ’em into the
lake,” suggested Gif, with a wink at his chums.
“No, no! Don’t do anything like that!” cried Codfish, more
frightened than ever. “Let me alone! Please!”
“Look here, Codfish, what did you and your bunch do with our
things?” demanded Randy.
“Don’t tell ’em anything,” snarled Wesley. “Keep your mouth shut.”
 “Oh, so that’s what you intend to do, is it?” came from Spouter.
“How do you like that?” and he suddenly caught Wesley by the collar
and laid him out flat on the bed. “Let’s strip ’em, boys, and give ’em
the licking they deserve!”
“Don’t you touch me! Don’t you dare! I’ll have you arrested!”
howled Wesley, and now he seemed to be as much frightened as
Codfish. He was a coward at heart, and that was one reason he had
sought the companionship of such a sneak as Stowell.
“I’ve got it!” declared Jack. “We’ll bind and gag ’em and take ’em
down to the gymnasium. There we’ll give ’em a good lashing with a
horsewhip and then throw ’em both into the lake. That will give ’em
something to remember us by,” and he winked suggestively at his
cousins and his chums.
“That’s the talk!” said Randy, taking up the cue. “We’ll give ’em the
licking of their lives.”
“Sure thing!” declared Fred. “And we’ll tie ’em in potato sacks
before we heave ’em overboard.”
“They both wanted to sleep—we’ll let them sleep with the fishes
for a while,” declared Spouter.
It is possible that Codfish and his crony did not believe all that their
tormentors said. Yet they felt that they were in for a rough time of it
and that matters might be carried further than intended.
“Wha-what did you come he-here for?” faltered Codfish.
“You know well enough what we came for,” declared Fred.
“It was only a—a joke, Fred Rover! Indeed it was!” pleaded the
sneak of the school.
“Shut up! Why can’t you shut up?” stormed Wesley. “That’s no way
to spill the beans. If you’d only—— Oh!” And his talk came to a
sudden end as he found himself flat on the floor, sent there by Gif
and Spouter. Then, before he could get up, Randy emptied a pitcher
of ice-water over him.
 “Don’t! Let me up!” spluttered Wesley. “Ouch! that’s ice-water,
don’t you know it? Let up!” and he tried to rise, but one of the boys
sat on his chest and another on his legs and kept him down.
In the meantime the others got Codfish into a corner and Jack took
the sneak by the ear. He looked at Codfish so menacingly that the
sneak of the school was almost paralyzed.
“Don’t hit me, Major Rover! Please don’t!” he half sobbed. “I’ll tell
you everything! We didn’t mean any harm! It was only done in fun. I’ll
tell you where we took your clothing and the bed things!”