Reordering Adivasi Worlds:

Representation, Resistance, Memory

1st Edition Sangeeta Dasgupta
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmass.com/product/reordering-adivasi-worlds-representation-resistance-
memory-1st-edition-sangeeta-dasgupta/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...

Engineering Plant-Based Food Systems Sangeeta Prakash

https://ebookmass.com/product/engineering-plant-based-food-
systems-sangeeta-prakash/

Draupadi Koral Dasgupta

https://ebookmass.com/product/draupadi-koral-dasgupta/

Worlds Together, Worlds Apart (Fifth Edition) (Vol.

Volume 1)

https://ebookmass.com/product/worlds-together-worlds-apart-fifth-
edition-vol-volume-1/

Memory Politics, Identity and Conflict: Historical

Memory as a Variable 1st Edition Zheng Wang (Auth.)

https://ebookmass.com/product/memory-politics-identity-and-
conflict-historical-memory-as-a-variable-1st-edition-zheng-wang-
auth/
Worlds Together, Worlds Apart (Fifth Edition) (Vol. 1)
Fifth Edition – Ebook PDF Version

https://ebookmass.com/product/worlds-together-worlds-apart-fifth-
edition-vol-1-fifth-edition-ebook-pdf-version/

Worlds Together, Worlds Apart (Fifth Edition) (Vol. 2)

Fifth Edition – Ebook PDF Version

https://ebookmass.com/product/worlds-together-worlds-apart-fifth-
edition-vol-2-fifth-edition-ebook-pdf-version/

Animation And Memory 1st Edition Edition Maarten Van

Gageldonk

https://ebookmass.com/product/animation-and-memory-1st-edition-
edition-maarten-van-gageldonk/

Comedy and the Politics of Representation 1st ed.

Edition Helen Davies

https://ebookmass.com/product/comedy-and-the-politics-of-
representation-1st-ed-edition-helen-davies/

Pragmatist Semantics: A Use-Based Approach to

Linguistic Representation Prof José L. Zalabardo

https://ebookmass.com/product/pragmatist-semantics-a-use-based-
approach-to-linguistic-representation-prof-jose-l-zalabardo/
 For
Ma and Baba
(Tapati and Sujan Dasgupta)

for their infinite love and unending support

 List of Images

1.1 Coles of the Dhangur Tribe, Natives of Nagpore (The Scavengers

of Calcutta) 46
1.2 An Oraon Youth 68
1.3 An Oraon Girl 68
1.4 Oraons: Fig 1—An Oraon of Chutia Nagpur; age, when the picture
was taken, about 23 (left); Fig 2—Romia, an Oraon girl of Chutia
Nagpur; age, when the picture was taken, 15 (right) 68
1.5 A Christian Oraon 70
1.6 The Rest at Noon 70
1.7 Oboe with Six Finger Holes 84
2.1 Harvesting Practices 101
3.1a Stone axe with ground cutting edge 127
3.1b Stone axe with ground cutting edge 127
3.1c Bronze flat axe 128
3.1d Padded fighting hat with three flaps 128
3.1e Bamboo needle 129
3.1f Arrow with tanged metal head, 33 mm long on reed shaft 129
3.1g Bamboo pellet bow with double string 129
3.2a Voice disguiser made from perforated clay cylinder covered
with membrane from egg-capsule of a spider 137
3.2b Leaves of sword-grass with spiders’ egg cases attached 137
3.2c Leaves of sword-grass with spiders’ egg cases attached 137
3.3 From the mounted collection of Haddon, an image of the following
photographs together: (1) Munda couple: Sanicreela and unnamed
woman (Dalton’s gardeners). E.T. Dalton/B. Simpson; (2) Two
Munda men and a Munda woman. S.C. Roy; and (3) Munda
household objects. S.C. Roy. 139
3.4 Sarat Chandra Roy and Egon von Eickstedt 140
3.5 Sarat Chandra Roy 141
x List of Images
3.6a An Oraon in war-dress: S.C. Roy 142
3.6b Roy’s notes at the back of the image 142
3.7a Oraons driving cattle disease spirit from a village: S.C. Roy 153
3.7b Roy’s notes at the back of the image 153
II.1 Tana Bhagats praying under the statue of Jatra Bhagat 175
II.2 Worshipping Jatra Bhagat 176
II.3 Gandhi Baba 177
II.4 and II.5 In the pandal 178
4.1 Mapping the Spread of the Tana Bhagat Movement 184
7.1 Tana Bhagats, Gandhi Smriti, New Delhi 291

Table

1.1 Oraon Tribe of Chota Nagpur 78

 Notes on the Text

The translations from Bengali, Hindi, and German into English are not
always literal. I have preferred certain words and expressions while trans-
lating since these conveyed the ideas of the author better. I have not in-
cluded the original text in most cases but translations. When words and
phrases from the original are cited, the English translations are provided
alongside. For the convenience of the reader, titles of articles in journals
or of pamphlets and petitions have been translated into English. In the
case of articles in Bengali, the dates of publication in terms of the Bengali
‘Hindu’ calendar are mentioned along with their conversion to the
Gregorian equivalent. Further, some vernacular words have been trans-
lated or explained in the subject index.
While the footnotes in chapters provide titles and details of articles
from missionary journals, these have not been included in the bibliog-
raphy. The bibliography contains only the names of journals referred to.
My conversations with Tana Bhagats and the speeches of Tana leaders
were recorded. These were transcribed by Dr Sourav Kumar Mahanta,
who also helped me translate the pamphlets and petitions from Hindi to
English.
 About the Author

Sangeeta Dasgupta teaches in the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal

Nehru University, New Delhi. She is also Senior Research Associate at the
Centre for World Environmental History, University of Sussex. She is co-
editor of The Politics of Belonging in India: Becoming Adivasi (Routledge,
2011), was guest editor for a special issue titled ‘Reading the Archive,
Reframing Adivasi Histories’ of The Indian Economic and Social History
Review, and co-guest editor for a special issue titled ‘Margins and the
State: Caste, "Tribe" and Criminality in South Asia’ of Studies in History.
Dasgupta has been Agatha Harrison Memorial Fellow at St Antony’s
College, University of Oxford; Asa Briggs Visiting Fellow at the
University of Sussex; and Visiting Fellow at the Fondation Maison des
Sciences de l’Homme, Paris. She has also been the recipient of fellow-
ships from the Charles Wallace India Trust, the Deutscher Akademischer
Austauschdienst; and the Nehru Trust for the Indian Collection at the
Victoria and Albert Museum.
 List of Abbreviations

BL British Library, London

BSA Bihar State Archives, Patna
CRR Commissioner’s Record Room, Ranchi
GEL German (later Gossner) Evangelical Lutheran Mission
JMA Jesuit Mission Archive, Ranchi
RHL Rhodes House Library, Oxford
SPG Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts
WBSA West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata
CUL Cambridge University Library, Cambridge
 Introduction
Reordering Adivasi Worlds

In recent times, adivasi communities have been increasingly visible as

subjects in debates around indigeneity, identity, development, and con-
version. Let me dwell on some such instances drawn from the state of
Jharkhand1 that are relevant for this book, vignettes from a much larger
canvas of events, sometimes mundane and sometimes astonishing, as a
variety of interests play out in postcolonial India.
In August 2017, the Jharkhand Legislative Assembly, despite opposi-
tion from regional political parties such as the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
and the Jharkhand Vikas Morcha, passed the Religious Freedom Bill,
2017, which forbids ‘forcible conversion’, particularly of the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes.2 The target of the bill is the Church and
its converts.3 The perception that Christian adivasis, despite their small
numbers, have had, compared to non-adivasis, better access to higher ed-
ucation and jobs, makes the Church bear the brunt of many an attack
by non-Christian adivasis. Taking advantage of, and sometimes inciting
the controversies around conversion, the Hindu Right, and especially the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has been advocating ghar wapasi
(homecoming or reconversion) in order to bring Christian adivasis,

1 The Jharkhand state was created in the year 2000 as a result of the oldest autonomy move-

ment in India. See S. Bosu Mullick, ‘Introduction’, in The Jharkhand Movement: Indigenous
People’s Struggle for Autonomy in India, Document No. 108, edited by R.D. Munda and S. Bosu
Mullick (Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs in collaboration with
Bindrai Institute for Research Study and Action, 2003), ii.
2 Various communities across India have been clubbed together under the official categories

of Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST). Belonging to the category of SC and ST en-
ables one to partake of the 15 and 7.5 per cent reservations in government sector jobs and public
universities. As per the Constitution, the Indian state recognizes about 744 STs. According to the
2011 Census of India, the STs constitute a little more than 8.6 per cent of the population.
3 S.K. Kiro, ‘Religious Freedom Bill Cleared by Jharkhand Assembly, Tribal leaders Call it “An

Attempt to Break Our Identity” ’, The Wire, 13 August 2017. Available at https://thewire.in/poli-
tics/religious-freedom-bill-jharkhand-tribes-sarnas, last accessed on 28 December 2018.

Reordering Adivasi Worlds. Sangeeta Dasgupta, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press 2021.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190127916.003.0001
2 Reordering Adivasi Worlds
regarded by them as erstwhile Hindus, into its fold. The difficulties faced
by adivasis in their everyday existence, it is believed, make them particu-
larly vulnerable to proselytizing by missionaries. At Bishunpur in Gumla
district of Jharkhand, Vikas Bharati, a non-governmental organization
set up by Ashok Bhagat, an RSS ideologue and recipient of the Padma
Shri in 2015, claims to represent adivasi interests and projects itself as
representing the real voice of the adivasis.4
In its opposition to Christian missionaries, the Hindu Right has been
supported by sections of adivasis who advocate Sarna Dharam.5 In 2013,
thousands of Sarna adivasis marched to a new Church on the outskirts of
Ranchi and threatened to remove the statue of Mary depicted in a white
sari with a red border, carrying an infant in a sling; the indigenization of
Mary, they argued, was part of the Church’s attempts to convert local adi-
vasis.6 Among Sarna adherents, there are, however, also those who have a
different agenda. Under the leadership of Karma Oraon, anthropologist
and Professor Emeritus at Ranchi University, they have been demanding
a separate Sarna code in the census. Without such an arrangement, they
argue, they are counted as Hindus, which they are not.7
Just a few months before the severely controversial Religious
Freedom Bill was enacted, the Jharkhand Legislative Assembly passed
in November 2016, without adequate discussion and debate, the most
contentious of amendments to the Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act of 1908
that had aimed to protect the customary rights of adivasis to land.8
Under Raghubar Das, the first non-adivasi chief minister of Jharkhand,

4 D.S. Edmond, ‘Waiting for BJP, an RSS-backed NGO with Ashrams, Welfare Initiatives and

Funds’, The Indian Express, updated 26 November 2014. Available at https://indianexpress.com/

article/ india/ politics/ waiting- for- bjp- an- rss- backed- ngo- with- ashrams- welfare- initiatives-
and-funds, last accessed on 28 December 2018.
5 The Sarna Dharam is a religious practice among adivasis of Jharkhand who proclaim them-

selves to be worshippers of nature. Followers of Sarna celebrate, for example, the Sarhul festival
soon after the new leaves grow before the beginning of summer.
6 A. Yadav, ‘In Jharkhand’s Singhbhum, Religious Census Deepens Divide among Tribals’,

Scroll.in, 20 September 2015. Available at https://scroll.in/article/754985/in-jharkhands-

singhbhum-religion-census-deepens-divide-among-tribals, last accessed on 28 December 2018.
7 Kiro, ‘Religious Freedom Bill Cleared by Jharkhand Assembly’.
8 A.S.T. Das, ‘Jharkhand Erupts in Protest Against Changes in Land Laws’, Indian Express,

26 November 2016. Available at http://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2016/nov/25/

jharkhand-erupts-in-protest-against-changes-in-land-laws-1542593.html, last accessed on 28
December 2018. See also ‘Amendment in CNT/SPT is a Death Order of Already Marginalised in
Jharkhand’, Statement issued by CNT/SPT Act Bachao Andolan, New Delhi Chapter. Available
at https://www.facebook.com/Ulgulan.1908, last accessed on 28 December 2018.
 Introduction 3
the suggested amendments, many adivasis believed, were neither unex-
pected, nor surprising. In response to the proposed amendments, there
were large protests across Jharkhand from different quarters of society,
and regional and national political parties such as the Jharkhand Mukti
Morcha, the All Jharkhand Students Union, and the Indian National
Congress (also referred to as Congress). The protest raised, in addi-
tion, broader issues of land acquisition and unaccounted police firings
on protesters in different parts of Jharkhand.9 The government was ul-
timately compelled to reconsider the bill. For adivasis facing displace-
ment, forced resettlement, and loss of rights to forests in Jharkhand, ‘jal,
jangal, jameen’,10 or ‘water, forests, land’, has emerged as an evocative
rallying slogan supported by rights activists, large sections of civil so-
ciety, and non-governmental agencies. Using the same slogan, although
in a somewhat different and more aggressive sense, young leaders of the
Pathalgadi movement, symbolically drawing upon the Munda custom of
placing a large stone to mark the death of a person, have erected huge
stone plaques, or pathalgadi, on which are inscribed excerpts from the
Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA), 1996, warning
outsiders against entering adivasi villages. In Kochang, a stronghold of
the Maoists, where the biggest pathalgadi installation ceremony was held
in February 2018, the plaque reads: ‘Adivasis have the right over the land
they live in. Adivasis are the owners of natural resources. Voter IDs and
Aadhaar cards are anti-adivasi documents.’11
The foregoing kaleidoscope of events is linked to the question of
identity, and clearly indicates that at many levels, adivasis are being
marginalized, their interests ignored. Yet, amidst all of this, there also
lies a story of the assertion of adivasi agency: the voices of adivasis, al-
though multiple and fractured, can be heard as they assert their iden-
tity, express their politics, and creatively negotiate with the state and its

9 ‘Jharkhand Opposition to Raise Land Acts, Police Firings in Assembly’, Business Standard,

Ranchi, 16 November 2016. Available at https://www.business-standard.com/article/news-ians/

jharkhand-opposition-to-raise-land-acts-police-firings-in-assembly-116111600963_1.html,
last accessed on 28 December 2018.
10 B. D. Sharma, Tribal Affairs in India: The Crucial Transition (Mumbai and New Delhi: Sahyog

Pustak Kuteer [Trust] and India Centre for Human Rights and Law, 2001), 4.
11 A. Tewary, ‘The Pathalgadi Rebellion’, The Hindu, 13 April 2018. Available at https://www.

thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/the-pathalgadi-rebellion/article23530998.ece, last
accessed on 28 December 2018.
4 Reordering Adivasi Worlds
institutions. Adivasi communities, we need to recognize, are differenti-
ated among themselves along several axes: access to resources and ritual
importance based on lineages and patterns of migration; identification
with Christianity, the Sarna Dharam, local practices, or Hinduism; ac-
cess to education and government jobs; response to patronage extended
by political parties, non-governmental organizations, and religious
groups; and so on. The stories of adivasis, then, must be told not just to
express difference, but also to demonstrate the multiplicity of cultures
and myriad ways of thinking.
While I do not argue for an inevitable linearity, the genesis of some of
the issues raised above can be traced to the colonial past. And that is what
this book hopes to unravel. It seeks to question the postcolonial under-
standing of ‘tribe’12 by unpacking colonial ethnography, missionary nar-
ratives, and anthropological writings; it explores issues of adivasi identity
and resistance, and shows how contemporary adivasi protest draws
upon memories of the past. It is part of the ongoing dialogue among
those who write adivasis into the larger project of history-writing.13

12 Subsequent uses of the word ‘tribe’ or ‘tribal’ will not be within inverted commas unless

required.
13 Woven around the adivasi, some of the monographs and collections of essays that have

been published in the last decade and a half are as follows: A. Prasad, Against Ecological
Romanticism: Verrier Elwin and the Making of an Anti-modern Tribal Identity (New Delhi: Three
Essays Collective, 2003); D. J. Rycroft, Representing Rebellion: Visual Aspects of Counter-
insurgency in Colonial India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005); A. Baviskar, In the
Belly of the River: Tribal Conflicts over Development in the Narmada Valley (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1995); P. Banerjee, Politics of Time: Primitives and History-Writing in a Colonial
Society (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006); S. Ratnagar, Being Tribal (Delhi: Primus
Books, 2010); A. Shah, In the Shadows of the State: Indigenous Politics, Environmentalism,
and Insurgency in Jharkhand, India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010); B. Bhukya,
Subjugated Nomads: The Lambadas under the Rule of the Nizams (New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan,
2010); D.J. Rycroft and S. Dasgupta, eds, The Politics of Belonging in India: Becoming Adivasi
(London and New York: Routledge, 2011); B. Pati, ed., Adivasis in Colonial India: Survival,
Resistance and Negotiation (New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan, 2011); S. Das Gupta, Adivasis and the
Raj: Socio-economic Transition of The Hos, 1820–1932 (New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan, 2011); S.
Das Gupta and R. Basu, eds, Narratives from the Margins: Aspects of Adivasi History in India (New
Delhi: Primus Books, 2012); C. Bates and A. Shah, eds, Savage Attack: Tribal Insurgency in India
(New Delhi: Social Science Press, 2014); M. Carrin, P. Kanungo and G. Toffin, eds, Politics of
Ethnicity in India, Nepal and China (New Delhi: Primus Books, 2014); S. Dasgupta, ed., ‘Reading
the Archive, Reframing Adivasi Histories’, Special Issue, The Indian Economic and Social History
Review 53, no. 1 (January–March 2016): 1–157; M. Radhakrishna, ed., First Citizens: Studies
on Adivasis, Tribals, and Indigenous Peoples in India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2016); A.K. Sen, Indigeneity, Landscape and History: Adivasi Self-fashioning in India (New
Delhi: Routledge, 2017); and B. Bhukya, The Roots of the Periphery: A History of the Gonds of
Deccan India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2017). Journals such as Adivasi, a journal of
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Research and Training Institute, Bhubaneswar, and
Journal of Adivasi and Indigenous Studies have also been published.
 Introduction 5
At the same time, it will provide, I hope, a critical lens through which
other non-adivasi worlds can be viewed. It reflects my own dilemmas
as I combine my search in the colonial archive with experiences in the
‘field’—conversations with my informants, copious recording of oral nar-
ratives, and reading of pamphlets and petitions distributed in the streets
of Ranchi. What sense do I make of the complex interplay between the
past and the present, the oral and the written? How do I analyse the con-
tending ‘truths’ that are produced in narratives woven around adivasi
protest, the claims that are made, the politics that is expressed?
This book is, more specifically, a story of the Oraons14 and of the Tana
Bhagats (also referred to as Tanas)15 in Chhotanagpur, a part of the pre-
sent state of Jharkhand. Since I argue for the importance of ‘adivasi’ as a
category and emphasize the necessity to move away from the problematic
category of tribe, I must begin by analysing ethnographic, missionary,
and anthropological narratives on the tribe in the colonial period that
continue to have resonances in the postcolonial. This is what the first sec-
tion of the book deals with. Through a focus on the Oraon, it questions
the stereotypes and essentialisms associated with the term ‘tribe’; it exam-
ines the tensions in the possible and continuing usages of this category; it
seeks to unravel the pasts of those we designate today as the tribe and un-
cover the different ways in which the markers for identifying a tribe were
generated and acknowledged in colonial and postcolonial times.
Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century conceptions of the tribe, with
all its divergences, were not just abstract imaginaries but determined in
many ways colonial interventions in Chhotanagpur. These affected the
shaping of customary rights in fields and forests; the understanding of
the rural world and its legal terminologies; the making of reports and the
promulgation of acts; the perception of adivasi customs and practices; and
the responses to their modes of protest. The second section deals with the
reordering of rural and social landscapes and the ways in which the Tana
Bhagats, a marginalized section in the internally fractured community

14 The Oraons are adivasis who live primarily across central and eastern India; they are also to

be found in Assam, Tripura, and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, where they went largely as
migrant labourers to work on tea plantations and to clear forests for cultivation.
15 From among the Oraons, some have become Tana Bhagats; the movement began in 1914, as

our colonial records inform us, when Jatra Bhagat emerged as the Tana guru.
6 Reordering Adivasi Worlds
of the Oraons, responded to the different interventions in their world.
Questioning the assumption that the Oraons lived in the ‘shadows of the
state’,16 shared an egalitarian structure, and pursued common economic,
social, and religious practices, this section delineates the reordering of the
Oraon world as the Tana Bhagats negotiated with the sarkar, sahukar, and
zamindar (state, moneylender, and landlord), questioned the hierarchies
within the Oraon world, and engaged with Gandhi and the Congress. It
discusses how the Tana Bhagats continue in postcolonial times with their
poignant dreams and negotiate with the sarkar—government officials in
Jharkhand and the Congress high-command in Delhi—at different levels,
drawing upon diverse experiences and distinctive memories.

Authenticating Voices, Contending Narratives

Determining the parameters for identifying a tribe is an onerous task for

the Indian government.17 As different communities vie for recognition as
Scheduled Tribe, judicial and legislative enactments, along with battles
in courts, reflect the use of widely varying criteria for understanding the
characteristics of adivasi communities.18 Texts of ethnographers, mis-
sionaries, and anthropologists written in the colonial period are referred
to in this context. Competing communities, and groups within commu-
nities, have repeatedly made claims to recognition as Scheduled Tribe
as idealized notions of culture, identity, and difference are projected.
It is in this context that I begin this section with a legal case—Kartik

16 This expression is borrowed from the title of Alpa Shah’s monograph (see Shah, In the

Shadows of the State).

17 ‘Rights Activist Demands ST Status for Van Gujjars in U’Khand’, Press Trust of India,

Dehradun, 15 June 2013. Available at https://www.news18.com/news/india/rights-activist-

demands-st-status-for-van-gujjars-616276.html, last accessed on 28 December 2018. See also
P. Gooch, ‘We are Van Gujjars’, in Indigeneity in India, edited by B.G. Karlsson and T.B. Subba
(London: Kegan Paul, 2006), 97–116; and T. Middleton, The Demands of Recognition: State
Anthropology and Ethnopolitics in Darjeeling (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016).
18 See Kartik Oraon vs David Munzni and Anr. on 14 November 1963, available at www.

indiankanoon.org/doc/204475, last accessed on 28 December 2018; and N.E. Horo vs Jahan

Ara Jaipal Singh on 2 February 1972, available at www.indiankanoon.org/doc/453229, last ac-
cessed on 28 December 2018. The Indian government’s formal criteria for Scheduled Tribe rec-
ognition are as follows: (a) indication of primitive traits; (b) distinct culture; (c) geographical
isolation; (d) shyness of contact with the community at large; and (e) backwardness. See The
National Commission for Scheduled Tribes Handbook 2005 (Government of India, 2005), quoted
in Middleton, The Demands of Recognition, 9.
 Introduction 7
Oraon versus David Munzni and Anr. Filed by Kartik Oraon against the
Protestant convert David Munzni before the Election Tribunal at Ranchi
in 1963, this case was ultimately resolved in the Supreme Court in 1967
and dealt with the question of whether race or religion determined
‘tribal’ identity. Interestingly, the memory of Kartik Oraon was resur-
rected in Jharkhand in the controversy around the implementation of the
Religious Freedom Bill, 2017. A day before the anti-conversion bill was to
be tabled in the Legislative Assembly, the Raghubar Das-led Jharkhand
state government posted a highly controversial advertisement in news-
papers invoking the name of Kartik Oraon. The advertisement stated that
the dream of Kartik Oraon would be fulfilled with the implementation of
the Religious Freedom Bill.19
This section engages with the production of colonial knowledge and
the creation of social categories, on which much has already been written
in recent years.20 The dominant strand of postcolonial historiography21
talks about the obsessive need of the colonial state, an ‘ethnographic state’
as Nicholas Dirks terms it, to collect information for purposes of govern-
ance; it focuses upon the production of colonial knowledge through the
onslaught and imposition of new, imported epistemic regimes of Western/
European knowledge systems that swamped the colonized in the process.
The revisionist critique,22 on the other hand, views indigenous intellectuals

19 Apoorvanand, ‘Jharkhand Government is Misusing Gandhi, Public Funds to Fuel Anti-

Christian Hate’, The Wire, 12 August 2017. Available at https://thewire.in/politics/jharkhand-

gandhi-advertisement-christians, last accessed on 28 December 2018.
20 The relationship between knowledge and power was put forward in the context of early

modern Europe by Michel Foucault in the 1960s. Edward Said’s Orientalism draws upon this
argument (see E. Said, Orientalism [New York: Pantheon Books, 1978]), and has, in turn, greatly
influenced postcolonial historiography.
21 See R. Inden, Imagining India (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); B.S. Cohn, An Anthropologist

among the Historians and Other Essays (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1987); and N. Dirks,
Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 2001).
22 See E.F. Irschick, Dialogue and History: Constructing South India 1795–1895

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); C.A. Bayly, Empire and Information: Intelligence
Gathering and Social Communication in India, 1780–1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1996); S. Bayly, ‘Caste and Race in the Colonial Ethnography of India’, in The Concept of
Race in South Asia, edited by P. Robb (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995); T.R. Trautmann,
Aryans and British India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997); N. Peabody, ‘Cents,
Sense, Census: Human Inventories in Late Precolonial and Early Colonial India’, Comparative
Studies in Society and History 43, no. 4 (October 2001): 819–50; P.B. Wagoner, ‘Precolonial
Intellectuals and the Production of Colonial Knowledge’, Comparative Studies in Society and
History 45, no. 4 (October 2003): 783–814; and S. Guha, Beyond Caste: Identity and Power in
South Asia, Past and Present (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2013).
8 Reordering Adivasi Worlds
as active, although unequal, partners who contributed towards a dia-
logue between the colonizer and the colonized. Others, like Padmanabh
Samarendra, have gone beyond the binary of discontinuity and continuity
and underline the multiple spheres of knowledge-production within the
apparatus of the state; the colonial state did not necessarily have an une-
quivocal or decisive say in all these spheres, Samarendra argues.23
While caste has emerged as the ‘key discursive category’ for histor-
ians who have analysed ‘discourses of colonial social knowledge and
administrative policies’, 24 the concept of tribe remains comparatively un-
explored. Indeed, studies on the concept of tribe in colonial and postcolo-
nial times have been neither vast nor varied. But there have been shifts in
approaches that one needs to recognize. In the 1960s, the predicament of
distinguishing between caste and tribe had begun to haunt anthropolo-
gists, who began to contest the idea that the tribe referred to commu-
nities that were bounded, unchanging, isolated, and undifferentiated.25
F.G. Bailey’s model of a tribe-caste continuum,26 or Surajit Sinha’s modi-
fied version of ‘continua’ along two sets of polarities—‘tribe-caste’ in the
framework of extended kinship and ‘tribe-peasant’ in the framework of
territorial systems27—recognized the difficulties of a complete separa-
tion between caste and tribe. S.C. Dube argued against tribes ‘living in
isolation’ and pointed to their patterns of migrations.28 Andre Beteille
suggested the need for recognizing ‘the co-existence of the tribal and
other types of social organization within the same social and historical
context’.29

23 P. Samarendra, ‘Anthropological Knowledge and Statistical Frame: Caste in the Census in

Colonial India’, in Caste in Modern India, A Reader, Vol. 1, edited by S. Sarkar and T. Sarkar
(Ranikhet: Permanent Black, 2014), 255–96.
24 S. Sarkar and T. Sarkar, ‘Preface and Acknowledgements’, in Caste in Modern India,

A Reader, Vol. I, edited by S. Sarkar and T. Sarkar (Ranikhet: Permanent Black, 2014), ix.
25 See F.G. Bailey, ‘ “Tribe” and “Caste” in India’, Contributions to Indian Sociology 5, no. 1

(1961): 7–19; S. Sinha, ‘Tribe-Caste and Tribe-Peasant Continua in Central India’, Man In India
45, no.1 (January-March 1965): 57–83; N.K. Bose, Tribal Life in India (New Delhi: National Book
Trust, 1971); and A. Béteille, ‘Tribe and Peasantry’, in Six Essays in Comparative Sociology (Delhi
and New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), 58–74. This shift in the1960s, Surajit Sinha points
out, was because Indian anthropology and sociology moved under the influence of American
anthropology, leading to micro-studies of culture change.
26 Bailey, ‘ “Tribe” and “Caste” in India’, 13–14.
27 Sinha, ‘Tribe-Caste and Tribe-Peasant Continua in Central India’, 61.
28 S.C. Dube, ‘Introduction’, in Tribal Heritage of India: Ethnicity, Identity and Interaction, Vol. 1,

edited by S.C. Dube (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1977), 2–3.
29 A. Béteille, ‘On the Concept of Tribe’, International Social Science Journal 32, no. 4

(1980): 826.
 Introduction 9
A critique of the category of tribe is thus not novel. By the 1990s, how-
ever, this question was reframed in terms of whether the tribe was a
colonial construct, and how far the discipline of anthropology was impli-
cated in this construction.30 African and Pacific specialists responded to
some of these debates within the discipline of anthropology,31 debunking
the colonial stereotype of tribe as misleading and inaccurate in under-
standing realities.32 The debate moved forward with the UN Declaration
on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples; scholars came to be increasingly
perceived as advocating particular political interests.33

30 See S. Devalle, Discourses of Ethnicity: Culture and Protest in Jharkhand (New Delhi: Sage

Publications, 1992); B.B. Chaudhuri, ‘The Myth of the Tribe? The Question Reconsidered,’
The Calcutta Historical Journal 16, no. 1 (1994): 125–56; C. Bates, ‘Race, Caste and Tribe: The
Early Origins of Anthropometry’, Edinburgh Papers in South Asian Studies, no. 3, 1995, 1–34;
F. Padel, The Sacrifice of Human Being: British Rule and the Konds of Orissa (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1995); N. Sundar, Subalterns and Sovereigns: An Anthropological History
of Bastar, 1854–1996 (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997); A. Skaria, ‘Shades of
Wildness: Tribe, Caste and Gender in Western India’, Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 3
(August 1997): 726–45; A. Skaria, Hybrid Histories: Forests, Frontiers and Wildness in Western
India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999); S. Guha, Environment and Ethnicity, 1200–1901
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); V. Damodaran, ‘Colonial Constructions
of the “Tribe” in India: The Case of Chotanagpur’, Indian Historical Review 33, no. 1 (January
2006): 44–75; W. van Schendel, ‘The Dangers of Belonging: Tribes, Indigenous Peoples and
Homelands in South Asia’, in The Politics of Belonging in India, edited by D.J. Rycroft and S.
Dasgupta (London and New York: Routledge, 2011), 19–43; and U. Chandra, ‘Liberalism and
Its Other: The Politics of Primitivism in Colonial and Postcolonial Indian Law’, Law & Society
Review 47, no. 1 (2013): 135–68.
31 See, for example, T. Asad, ed., Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter (London: Ithaca

Press, 1973); J.A. Boon, Other Tribes, Other Scribes: Symbolic Anthropology in the Comparative
Study of Cultures, Histories, Religions and Texts (London: Cambridge University Press, 1982);
G.W. Stocking, ed., Observers Observed: Essays on Ethnographic Fieldwork (Madison: University
of Wisconsin Press, 1983); J. Clifford and G. Marcus, eds, Writing Culture: The Poetics and
Politics of Ethnography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); J. and J. Comaroff,
Ethnography and the Historical Imagination (Colorado and Oxford: Westview Press, 1992); P.
Pels and O. Salemink, eds, Colonial Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology
(Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999); and H. Kuklick, The Savage Within: The Social
History of British Anthropology, 1885–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
32 See, for example, A. Southall, ‘The Illusion of Tribe’, Journal of Asian and African Studies

5, Issue 1–2 (1970): 28–50; J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1979); T. Ranger, ‘The Invention of Tradition in Colonial Africa’, in The Invention
of Tradition, edited by E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1983), 211–62; L. Vail, ed., The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1989); and T. Ranger, ‘The Invention of Tradition Revisited: The Case of
Colonial Africa’, in Legitimacy and the State in Twentieth-Century Africa, edited by T. Ranger
and O. Vaughan (London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993), 62–111. For an excellent survey ar-
ticle that explores a range of studies regarding the ‘invention of tradition’, ‘the making of cus-
tomary law’, and the ‘creation of tribalism’ since the 1980s, see T. Spear, ‘Neo-traditionalism
and the Limits of Invention in British Colonial Africa’, The Journal of African History 44, no. 1
(2003): 3–27.
33 B.G. Karlsson and T.B. Subba, ‘Introduction’, in Indigeneity in India, edited by B.G. Karlsson

and T.B. Subba (London: Kegan Paul, 2006), 1–17.

10 Reordering Adivasi Worlds
Recent discussions on the concept of tribe in India oscillate between two
extreme positions. On the one hand are Susan Devalle,34 Ajay Skaria,35 and
Sumit Guha36 who argue that tribe is a ‘colonial category, ahistorical and
sociologically groundless’,37 ‘a product of colonial theories and practices’
and not a ‘continuation’ of ‘Indian practices’.38 Rather than discussing the
specificities of local experiences in the Indian context that, in addition to
Western thought and Victorian anthropology, structured the idea of tribe,
Skaria argues that it was the interaction between the discourses of anachro-
nism and Orientalism that ‘gave force to colonial categories’. To understand
a tribe, Skaria accords primacy to ‘anachronistic thought’ that ‘ranked . . . so-
cieties in relation to each other, situating them above all in relation to time,
or, in relation to the modern time that was epitomized by Europe’.39 The op-
erative categories in precolonial Indian society, Guha points out, were not
caste and tribe.40 The tribe–caste binary emerged out of late colonial racial
ethnology which transformed Indian society’s understanding of itself.41 It is
time to discard the ‘Victorian anthropological baggage’ and restore ‘the for-
gotten indigenized term “khum” which might serve for all ascriptive social
categories, both tribe and caste’.42
Others uphold the role of indigenous agency in the production of the
concept.43 Colonial epistemology, Vinita Damodaran argues—even as it
drew upon eighteenth- and nineteenth-century notions of race, an en-
vironmental determinism, and a humanitarian concern—aligned itself
with Brahmanical notions of caste, values, and laws.44 Colonial discourse
analysed real landscape differences, and did not conjure an imaginary
landscape.45 The complex history of Aryan migration into Chhotanagpur

34 Devalle, Discourses of Ethnicity.

35 Skaria, ‘Shades of Wildness’.
36 Guha, Environment and Ethnicity.
37 Devalle, Discourses of Ethnicity, 50.
38 Skaria, ‘Shades of Wildness’, 730
39 Skaria, ‘Shades of Wildness’, 727.
40 S. Guha, Beyond Caste: Identity and Power in South Asia, Past and Present.
41 Guha, Environment and Ethnicity, 10–29.
42 S. Guha, ‘States, Tribes, Castes: A Historical Re-exploration in Comparative Perspective’,

Economic and Political Weekly L, nos. 46 and 47 (21 November 2015): 56–7.
43 See B.B. Chaudhuri, ‘The Myth of the Tribe? The Question Reconsidered’, where Chaudhuri

critiques Devalle, Discourses of Ethnicity. See also Damodaran, ‘Colonial Constructions of the
“Tribe” in India’.
44 Damodaran, ‘Colonial Constructions of the “Tribe” in India’, 44.
45 Damodaran, ‘Colonial Constructions of the “Tribe” in India’, 44.
 Introduction 11
from a very early period led to an increasing marginalization of the non-
Aryan tribes in the precolonial world; this was abetted by colonial inter-
vention. The colonial stereotype of a simple tribal people who needed
protection against exploitation thus had a historical basis. Revisionists
and postmodern readings of tribal history, she argues, by questioning
the notion of ecological noble savages, pristine forests, and isolated
tribal peoples, attribute no theoretical legitimacy or historic validity to
the claims of indigenous people for autonomy.46 Thus, Damodaran ar-
gues for a long-term structural continuity between the precolonial and
colonial periods.47 Yet, her hypothesis proceeds through questionable
binaries—Aryans–non-Aryans, Hindus–tribes, outsiders–insiders, and
so on. A greater problem lies in the seamless continuity posited between
Brahmanical ideas and Orientalism, and between precolonial under-
standings and colonial discourse.
There are still others who veer between these two rather contradictory
positions on the notion of tribe48 as a colonial construct. Sanjukta Das
Gupta, for example, argues that the ‘colonial rulers’ had ‘appropriated and
restructured certain pre-existing social norms and thereby introduced
new attributes, meanings and applications in the communities they iden-
tified as tribes’.49 However, she is somewhat uneasy about accepting it as
such since she sees the tribe as an ontological reality, pushing its presence
to precolonial times. As Das Gupta writes, since precolonial times, ‘tribes
were distinct from Hindu caste society and were separated and distanced
from it by reciprocal perceptions of difference’.50
Uday Chandra moves beyond these binaries as he traces the contin-
uing tension between the ‘constitutional ideal of liberal citizenship and
the disturbing reality of tribal subjecthood produced by colonial and
post-colonial Indian states’.51 Primitive populations were, paradoxi-
cally, subjects of both improvement and protection, Chandra argues, as he

46 Damodaran thereby questions Sumit Guha’s argument that colonial regimes had invented

caste and tribe out of pre-colonial systems that were mobile. See V. Damodaran, ‘Review, S. Guha’,
Journal of Political Ecology: Case Studies in History and Society 7, no. 1 (2007): 12–17. Available at
http://www.library.arizona.edu/ej/jpe/jpewem.html, last accessed on 28 December 2018.
47 Damodaran, ‘Colonial Constructions of the “Tribe” in India’, 46.
48 Das Gupta, Adivasis and the Raj, 7–12.
49 Das Gupta, Adivasis and the Raj, 10.
50 Das Gupta, Adivasis and the Raj, 10.
51 Chandra, ‘Liberalism and Its Other’, 136.
12 Reordering Adivasi Worlds
traces the intellectual career of primitivism—with both its continuities
and changes—as an ideology of rule from its origins in Victorian India
to the postcolonial present.52 Limiting the multifaceted strands that went
into the making of the idea of tribal subjecthood to a monolithic strand
of primitivism, I assert, is restrictive. The criteria and practices of tribal
recognition were ‘constantly revised, torn asunder, and revised again’; its
operatives, as Townsend Middleton demonstrates, worked in dialogue
with anthropological and proto-anthropological thinkers throughout the
European world.53 Moreover, as I will go on to argue, we need to recog-
nize the changing role of adivasi agency in structuring the idea of tribe
and, for that matter, the biases of ‘native’ informants who often came
from the upper echelons of society, and worked in close tandem with co-
lonial officers.
Taking up the Oraons as a case study, I draw upon, and move beyond,
some of these debates. As British officials, missionaries, and anthropolo-
gists, despite mutual differences, became part of a project to grapple with
unknown lands of Chhotanagpur and its unknown peoples, the tribes in
Chhotanagpur became subjects of administrative attention, missionary
concern, and anthropological interest. While the categories of caste and
tribe were interchangeably used in early colonial records and there is ev-
idence of the existence of fluid relations between communities, points al-
ready made by scholars such as Devalle, Skaria, and Guha among others,54
by the end of the nineteenth century there had emerged in official per-
ception distinct tribes in Chhotanagpur: Oraons, Mundas, Kharias, Hos,
and so on. How were differences between these tribes inscribed in colo-
nial records? The Oraons, as one of the tribes in Chhotanagpur, as argued
in Chapter 1, traversed across diverse categories—mlecchhas, chuars,
dhangars, village community, race, and tribe—in nineteenth- and early
twentieth-century records. These shifts within the understanding of the
term tribe, as argued, were related to, among other things, the working
of official minds, changing assumptions, and differing terminologies;
the tensions within the discipline of anthropology and its application in
the colony; varying ideologies of governance and the imperatives of rule;

52 Chandra, ‘Liberalism and Its Other’, 138.

53 Middleton, The Demands of Recognition, 60.
54 Devalle, Discourses of Ethnicity; Skaria, Hybrid Histories; and Guha, Environment and
Ethnicity.
 Introduction 13
and interactions with the ‘native’ populace. I do not, however, suggest ar-
bitrariness in the choice of categories; one can identify patterns within
colonial representations. In the pre-1850s, colonial administrators were
more dependent on indigenous voices and local categories as they sought
to understand Chhotanagpur, ‘a little-known province of the empire’, to
borrow the title of F.B. Bradley-Birt’s book,55 and to address repeated pro-
tests by Oraons and other communities in the region. This dependence
came to be gradually dissipated as disciplinary concerns came to struc-
ture colonial representations. The category of tribe was thus continually
improvised upon in response to changing situations; emerging discip-
lines intersected with personal experiences and moulded interpretations.
And amidst the deviations and dissonances within official voices, de-
scriptive ways of understanding the Oraons were transformed as the tribe
was defined in an all-India official report—the census report of 1901.
The missionaries, as outlined in Chapter 2, by engaging in the eve-
ryday concerns of the people as they negotiated with several categories—
heathen, pagan, savage, race, tribe, and aboriginal—and by publishing
ethnographic accounts of the Oraons, collecting their ‘fast-vanishing’
folklore, and giving a structure to their history, contributed to the making
of Oraon identity. When they initially encountered the Oraons in un-
familiar lands, the missionaries drew upon their experiences and inter-
actions in the mission field but framed their depictions in biblical and
evangelical language: the Oraons were represented as heathen and savage
races, immersed in idolatry and demonology, awaiting salvation. Religion
here was the defining feature. However, by the 1850s, as the missionaries
engaged sometimes consciously, and often tangentially, with the emer-
gence of ethnography and anthropology that gave new meanings to race
and tribe, missionary narratives were gradually transformed: the Oraons
became a part of the universal category of tribe; their ‘primitive’ religion
was termed as ‘animism’. I would, however, take the above argument fur-
ther. If missionary writings were powerful in understanding the Oraons

55 F.B. Bradley-Birt, Chota Nagpur: A Little-known Province of the Empire (New Delhi and

Madras: Asian Educational Services, 1998). The book was first published in London by Smith,
Elder& Co. in 1903. Bradley-Birt, an English member of the Indian Civil Service, began his
career in 1896 as an assistant magistrate and collector and was initially assigned to Khulna,
Midnapore, Hooghly, and Calcutta. He later became commander-in-chief in India. Bradley-Birt
wrote both fiction and non-fiction based on his travels in India, Persia, and the Middle East.
14 Reordering Adivasi Worlds
in the middle of the nineteenth century, paradoxically, the voice of the
missionary lost its salience and became a part of bureaucratic memory
once official ethnographic texts came to be written.
The anthropologist Sarat Chandra Roy, as elaborated in Chapter 3,
caught within the traditions of British social anthropology and its links
with the colonial state on the one hand, and seeking, on the other, to es-
tablish a unique ‘Indian’ approach to anthropology, veered between
shifting notions of denigration and appreciation of tribes and tribal cul-
ture as he wrote about the Oraons of Chhotanagpur. An analysis of some
of Roy’s writings on the Oraons published between 1915 and 1937, along
with his private papers, would reveal these different shades of opinion
that were reflected in Roy’s work as he sought to understand the Oraons
and the category of tribe. Again, as he organized his thoughts in the ver-
nacular and in English, Roy gave different descriptions of the Oraons. The
Oraon jati in the Bengali journal Prabasi56 became the ‘purely aboriginal
tribe’57 in The Oraons of Chota Nagpur as Roy, the anthropologist, moved
away from writing for the literate Bengali elite and addressed an aca-
demic, anthropologically oriented audience. The Oraons, who were de-
picted in Prabasi as ‘having the capability of reaching the same standard
as their Hindu and Muslim neighbours’58 were found under the influence
of Victorian evolutionary anthropology to be ‘rude’ and ‘primitive’.59

Many Narratives of Tana Pasts

Colonial ethnographic and anthropological texts were, on the one hand,

describing communities and defining categories. On the other, colo-
nial administrators believed they had to reckon with ‘irrational primi-
tives’ who thought that ‘bullets would turn into water’, with ‘badmashes’
(wretches) who ‘tumbled down mountains’ and were ‘bloodthirsty in

56 S.C. Roy, ‘Chotanagpurer Oraon Jati’ [The Oraon Jati of Chotanagpur], Prabasi (Baishakh,

Ashar, Srabon, 1320 [April–May, May–June, June–July, 1913]): 73–82.

57 S.C. Roy, The Oraons of Chota Nagpur (Ranchi: Man in India Office, 1984 [1915]), 8.
58 S. C. Roy, ‘Oraon der Aitijya’ [Oraon Tradition], Prabasi (Kartik 1321 [October–

November 1914]), 89–91.

59 Roy, The Oraons of Chota Nagpur, 124.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
He knew, very dimly, that he turned and changed the course, back
toward the coast of California.

From somewhere, out of the gulfs between the stars, a voice spoke
to him as he lay sprawled across the control panel.
"There was no need for you to die, Fallon. Now, I can see much. It
was no monster that struck us, but the first shock of a series of
quakes, which will close the fissure far better than any human
agency. Therefore, what happened to me was not your fault.
"And I am glad it happened. I, Bjarnsson, was growing old, I had
nothing but science to hold me to Earth. Now my knowledge is
boundless, and I am not confined by the fetters of the flesh. I am
Mind—as some day we will all be.
"You will be safe, Fallon. The invasion will fail as the power is shut
off, and America can deal with any further dangers. Marry Joan, and
be happy.
"I don't know about myself, yet. The possibilities are too vast to be
explored in a minute. I am not dead, Fallon. Remember that! But—"
and, here Fallon heard an echo of Bjarnsson's harsh, mocking
laughter—"if you should ever cease to be a fool and become again a
smart guy, I shall find a way to send you back along evolution, to a
stupid ape!
"I go now, Fallon. Skoal! And will you name your first-born Einar? I
can see that it will be a son!"
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OUT OF THE
SEA ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in
these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it
in the United States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of
this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept
and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and
may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the
terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of
the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as
creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research.
Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given
away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with
eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject
to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
 PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free

distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or
any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and

Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree
to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be
bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from
the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in
paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be

used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people
who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a
few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic
works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.
See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with
Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the
collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the
individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the
United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in
the United States and you are located in the United States, we do
not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing,
performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the
work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of
course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™
mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely
sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name
associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of
this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its
attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without
charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also
govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most
countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the
United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms
of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying,
performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this
work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes
no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in
any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other

immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must
appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™
work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or
with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is
accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
 This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away
or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License
included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the
laws of the country where you are located before using this
eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived

from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a
notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright
holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the
United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must
comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through
1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted

with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted
with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of
this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project

Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a
part of this work or any other work associated with Project
Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this

electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form,
including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you
provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work
in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in
the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,

performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing

access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the
method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The
fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark,
but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty
payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on
which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your
periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked
as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information
about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation.”

• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who

notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that
s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
 copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and
discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project
Gutenberg™ works.

• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of

any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in
the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90
days of receipt of the work.

• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™

electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend

considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe
and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating
the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may
be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to,
incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a
copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or
damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer
codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except

for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph
1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner
of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party
distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this
agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and
expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO
REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF
WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE
FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY
DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE
TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL,
PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE
NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you

discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it,
you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by
sending a written explanation to the person you received the work
from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must
return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity
that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a
replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work
electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to
give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in
lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may
demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the
problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in
paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED,
INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF
MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied

warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted
by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the
Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the
Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any
volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability,
costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or
indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur:
(a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b)
alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project
Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of

Project Gutenberg™
Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.
It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and
donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the

assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a
secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help,
see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project

Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,

Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to

the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without
widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can
be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the
widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small
donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax
exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating

charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and
keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in
locations where we have not received written confirmation of
compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of
compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where

we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no
prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in
such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make

any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of
other ways including checks, online payments and credit card
donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project

Gutenberg™ electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed

editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,

including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how
to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.