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Cambridge Imperial & Post-Colonial Studies

ITALIAN COLONIALISM
AND RESISTANCES
TO EMPIRE, 1930–1970

NEELAM SRIVASTAVA
Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial
Studies Series

Series Editors

Richard Drayton
Department of History
King’s College London
London, United Kingdom

Saul Dubow
Magdalene College
University of Cambridge
Cambridge, United Kingdom
The Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies series is a collection of
studies on empires in world history and on the societies and cultures which
emerged from colonialism. It includes both transnational, comparative
and connective studies, and studies which address where particular regions
or nations participate in global phenomena. While in the past the series
focused on the British Empire and Commonwealth, in its current incarna-
tion there is no imperial system, period of human history or part of the
world which lies outside of its compass. While we particularly welcome the
first monographs of young researchers, we also seek major studies by more
senior scholars, and welcome collections of essays with a strong thematic
focus. The series includes work on politics, economics, culture, literature,
science, art, medicine, and war. Our aim is to collect the most exciting new
scholarship on world history with an imperial theme.

More information about this series at


http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/13937
Neelam Srivastava

Italian Colonialism
and Resistances to
Empire, 1930–1970
Neelam Srivastava
School of English Literature, Language and Linguistics
Newcastle University
Newcastle Upon Tyne, UK

Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series


ISBN 978-1-137-46583-2    ISBN 978-1-137-46584-9 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46584-9

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017963995

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018


The author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identified as the author(s) of this work
in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub-
lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu-
tional affiliations.

Cover illustration: Cover Photo © Marco Barbon

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature


The registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd.
The registered company address is: The Campus, 4 Crinan Street, London, N1 9XW, United
Kingdom
To my family: Giulia, Yogi and Amrit
Acknowledgements

I have been able to complete this book thanks to the fundamental support
of many people.
I would like to thank the School of English at Newcastle University for
providing me with much-needed research leave to write this book. Special
thanks to James Annesley for his continued support with this project.
I am grateful to the Leverhulme Trust for awarding me a research fel-
lowship that allowed me to spend a year researching the material for this
book.
I would like to thank Dr. Helen Pankhurst, who graciously gave me
permission to quote from Sylvia Pankhurst’s unpublished letters in Chap.
5. Many thanks to the Istituto Gramsci of Rome for giving me permission
to quote from documents in their archives and to the Archivio Giulio
Einaudi for giving me permission to quote from Giovanni Pirelli’s unpub-
lished letters.
I am grateful to the English Department and the Pembroke Center at
Brown University, where I was a Visiting Scholar in spring 2016 and
where I wrote part of this book. Tim Bewes and Leela Gandhi were won-
derfully supportive hosts. Nicola Perugini offered helpful comments at a
seminar where I presented part of this work. A loving thank you to my
cousin Meenakshi Narain and to Ulrich Heintz for hosting me in their
beautiful Providence home for many months, offering me companionship,
food and a lovely environment in which to write my book.
Robert Young has been an important guiding presence in this project,
encouraging me many years ago to research Italian colonialism and anti-­
colonialism. Rajeswari Sunder Rajan provided me with a very welcome

vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

home away from home at New York University in the summer of 2016,
and her intellectual inspiration has always been crucial to my work.
Huge thanks to my dear friends Meiko O’Halloran, Robbie McLaughlan
and Anne Whitehead for supporting me and hanging out with me through-
out the writing. Joy Wang has been an amazing and patient friend from
the very beginning of this journey. I owe a very big debt of gratitude to
James Procter, who carefully read a large part of the book and whose bril-
liant comments have certainly improved its quality! Claudia Baldoli offered
invaluable advice and reading suggestions, and I am lucky to have bene-
fited from her expertise on Italian fascism. Many thanks to Tom Langley
for stimulating conversations about many matters that appear in this book,
and for reading portions of the manuscript at an early stage. Thanks to
Sadek Kessous for his friendship.
Eleanor Spaventa has seen me through this book from start to finish,
and, very simply, made me get it done. Sofia and Margherita Grimble
deserve a big thank you for always being so wonderful. Their laughter and
affection kept me sane. Simon Grimble has been a great friend throughout
and kindly read parts of the book.
Rhian Lewis saw me safely through this intellectual and emotional jour-
ney, and I am incredibly grateful for her support.
I am immensely lucky to have a supportive and loving family, who
understand the peculiar pressures of academic writing. This book is for my
mother Giulia Pancheri, my father Yogi Srivastava and my brother Amrit
Srivastava.
Finally, thank you to Taylor and Francis for allowing me to reproduce
part of my article in Chap. 2, “Anti-colonialism and the Italian Left:
Resistances to the Fascist Invasion of Ethiopia”, Interventions: Inter­
national Journal of Postcolonial Studies, 8:3 (2006), pp. 413–429.
A Note on Translations

All translations from Italian-language material are my own, unless other-


wise specified. I have endeavoured to use published English translations of
Italian texts where available.

ix
Contents

1 Introduction   1

2 Italian Anti-colonialism and the Ethiopian War  15

3 “Ethiopia’s Cause Is Our Cause”: Black Internationalism


and the Italian Invasion of Ethiopia  65

4 Harlem’s Ethiopia: Literary Pan-Africanism and


the Italian Invasion 101

5 A Partisan Press: Sylvia Pankhurst, British


Anti-colonialism and the Crisis of Empire 147

6 Internationalism and Third-Worldism in Postwar Italy 195

7 African Decolonization and the Resistance Aesthetics


of Pontecorvo, Orsini and Pirelli 233

Index 263

xi
CHAPTER 1

Introduction

This book presents a cultural history of Italian colonialism and anti-­


colonialism. Its aim is to show that Italy’s imperial ambitions played a
fundamental, though overlooked, role in the development of an opposi-
tional discourse to Western imperialism more broadly. I examine this claim
in relation to a significant moment in the history of empire and resistance:
the interwar period, which witnessed the consolidation of anti-colonial
ideas that prefigure the work of postwar postcolonial theory.
The Italian case presents some unique and distinct characteristics com-
pared to the far more established liberal empires of Britain and France,
which were based on a stronger and older sense of national unity. Italy, as
a rather belated newcomer on the imperialist stage, only founded its first
colony, Eritrea, in 1890, barely 30 years after unification in 1861. The
colony of Somalia soon followed, and then Libya was invaded in 1911,
forming the “fourth shore” of Italy’s national territory. Italian colonialism
influenced the articulation of anti-colonial discourse precisely because it
was so belated; the fascist regime’s illegal invasion of Ethiopia occurred in
1935, when anti-imperialist movements and alliances were flourishing
across the globe, and Western public opinion was beginning to seriously
question the values underpinning the imperial project. Empire, in other
words, was in crisis. Italy’s actions in Ethiopia received widespread inter-
national condemnation and therefore provided a golden opportunity for
anti-colonial activists, especially Pan-Africanists, to highlight the cruelty

© The Author(s) 2018 1


N. Srivastava, Italian Colonialism and Resistances to Empire,
1930–1970, Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series,
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46584-9_1
2 N. SRIVASTAVA

and barbarism of imperialism to an increasingly sympathetic global


audience.
Furthermore, the coexistence of Italy’s colonial aspirations with mas-
sive emigration altered the standard structure of the colonial relationship
as it was conceived within British and French imperialism, and sowed the
seeds of Italian internationalist and Third-World solidarity. Early Italian
colonial theories, by championing what Mark I. Choate calls “emigrant
colonialism”, emphasized the ways in which Italy could become an inter-
nationally significant power in the world through the exportation of its
labour and the dissemination of typically “Italian” cultural and social traits
abroad; it could also boost its economy thanks to the remittances that
emigrants sent back home.1 The word colonia held two meanings in this
early period: it meant both Italian emigrant communities abroad (for
example, in North and South America) and Italian colonial territories in
East Africa. It made complete economic and political sense for Italy to
pursue a policy that promoted emigration and overseas territories at the
same time, because, unlike France and Britain, Italy lacked capital to invest
in establishing colonies abroad. Such an approach to colonialism shakes up
conventional understandings of hegemonic versus subaltern relationships
in postcolonial studies, as it does not distinguish neatly between coloniza-
tion and diaspora. By contrast, in British and French colonial theories, it
was through territorial conquest that the colonizer’s cultural and political
hegemony could be established over colonized populations.2
At the same time, emigration was symptomatic of Italy’s “internal colo-
nialism”, the systematic exploitation of the Italian working classes on the
part of the elites, and of the wealthy North extracting maximum economic
advantage out of the impoverished South. As Antonio Gramsci acutely
observed in the early 1930s, “the poverty of a country is relative […] emi-
gration is a consequence of the inability of the ruling class to put the
population to work and not of national poverty.”3
Gramsci’s radical critique of colonialism responded directly to
Mussolini’s brand of social imperialism that was presented to Italians as
their right to a “place in the sun”. But colonialism, in Gramsci’s reading,
simply cannot be justified by the need for Lebensraum; it instead stems
from internal hegemonies, which subject subaltern classes within the
nation to economic and political exploitation. Francesco Crispi, a liberal
Prime Minister who strongly supported Italian colonial expansion in the
Horn of Africa, presented the “mirage” of African colonies to the Southern
Italian peasant as a diversionary tactic to avoid effecting a more equitable
INTRODUCTION 3

redistribution of land in Italy itself, and to consolidate the hegemony of


the political ruling class over the rural masses of the South.4
In response to Mussolini’s imperialism, in the 1930s the Italian
Communist Party (PCI), steered by Gramsci’s internationalist vision and
by the Comintern’s supportive stance towards anti-imperialist movements,
outlined a specifically Italian anti-colonialism, which looked outwardly
towards global solidarity with the oppressed, and with migrant labor
worldwide, because Italians had experienced first-hand discrimination and
oppression both as emigrants and within their own country. The PCI pro-
moted a radical anti-colonial campaign against the Italian invasion of
Ethiopia, also hoping that this costly war would prove so unpopular with
the working classes that it could serve as a form of leverage to topple the
fascist regime. On the contrary, Mussolini’s aggressive vision of an Italy
finally obtaining a position of international prestige alongside the other
great European powers prevailed so strongly that the establishment of the
“Italian empire” after the invasion proved to be the highest point of
Mussolini’s popularity.
But the seeds of Italian anti-colonial internationalism had been sown,
also thanks to the strenuous propaganda efforts of the exiled PCI in the
interwar years and to the anti-fascist resistance during the Second World
War. The Italian Resistenza was later recast as a war of liberation against
fascism, and the postwar period saw an attempt to reconstruct an idea of
the nation that distanced itself from its fascist past. This experience pro-
foundly marked a generation of ex-partisans and left intellectuals, who saw
decolonization movements of the 1960s and 1970s as an ideal continua-
tion, in the postwar period, of anti-fascist struggle. Giovanni Pirelli, an
active supporter of the Algerian Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) and
a close friend of Frantz Fanon, wrote in 1969 that

the Resistance did not at all end with the defeat of fascism. It continued and
continues against everything that survives of that mentality, of those meth-
ods, against any system that gives to the few the power to decide for many.
It continues in the struggle of peoples subject to colonialism and imperial-
ism, for their real independence. It continues in the struggle against
racism.5

Here we can see that Pirelli’s understanding of the meaning of the Italian
Resistance was shaped by his subsequent involvement with the Algerian
cause. Later chapters of this book explore the extraordinary influence
4 N. SRIVASTAVA

Third-World revolution had on Italian radical culture of the postwar


period, tracing its effects in the “resistance aesthetics” of films such as
Gillo Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers (1966) and Valentino Orsini’s
forgotten Third-Worldist classic, I dannati della terra (1969), named
after Fanon’s last work, Les damnés de la terre (The Wretched of the Earth).
It is important to remember, however, that the relationship the postwar
Italian left had with anti-colonialism was contradictory and ambivalent, to
say the least: on the one hand, there was great support for anti-imperialist
struggles such as those in Algeria and Vietnam, and, on the other, a puz-
zling amnesia in relationship to Italy’s own colonial past.
Italian anti-colonialism is part of the wider narrative about metropoli-
tan anti-colonialism that I trace in this book, namely a global politics of
resistance that developed between 1930 and 1970, which would crystal-
lize into cross-reciprocal solidarities between anti-fascists and anti-­
colonialists in the lead-up to the Second World War. Indeed, anti-colonialism
and anti-fascism are part and parcel of the same ideal: a will to transform
the nation from within, a new conception of “nation” that rejects imperi-
alism and fascism in the same breath. The history of metropolitan anti-­
colonialism has not received the full scholarly attention it deserves, partly
due to the prevailing tendency to produce a narrative of postcolonial
thought as a stark struggle between undifferentiated “colonizers” and
undifferentiated “colonized”, though, of course, it must be acknowledged
that the establishment of this dichotomy had a specific political intent and
thus retains a strategic validity.6 A historicist approach to postcolonial
thought can serve to identify the interwar and immediate postwar periods
as crucial milestones in the history of anti-colonial activism, but also
encourages us to reevaluate historical figures who prepared the intellectual
groundwork of postcolonial studies before it became known as such. Such
figures have been left out of established narratives of the field because their
political commitment to the anti-colonial cause sits uneasily with their
metropolitan location or with their mistrust of the emancipatory promises
held out to colonized peoples by European communism. While adopting
a historicist approach, my book gives a greater attention to aesthetics,
novels, films and other modes of cultural and narrative representation than
might be found in more straightforwardly historiographical approaches.
This allows me to identify sites of struggle for agency that are at times
overlooked in historical writing, which can tend to favour structural
accounts over a focus on individual agency. In the book, there is a focus on
questions of genre and a careful consideration of the specific form in which
INTRODUCTION 5

anti-colonial ideas are conveyed in relationship to the text’s intended audi-


ence and to its political effects. The novel, the newspaper and the film,
among other genres, are here considered together in order to offer a com-
parative account of anti-colonial subjectivities.
My case studies in this book are centred on avowedly partisan figures
who championed an anti-colonial and anti-fascist politics. These include
the Pan-Africanist thinker George Padmore; the great protagonist of the
Harlem Renaissance Claude McKay; the feminist, socialist and anti-­
colonial campaigner Sylvia Pankhurst; the film-maker Gillo Pontecorvo
(director of The Battle of Algiers); and the extraordinary writer, partisan
and anti-colonial activist Giovanni Pirelli. Partisans are characterized by
their taking of sides, a commitment to a political cause that does not come
from a filial relationship to their culture or nation but from an affiliative
one, a chosen allegiance, as it were. By reversing the negative connotations
of Italian “partigianeria”, or partisanship, I mean to assert the values of a
political affiliation that “sidesteps assimilability within the major forms of
the political”.7 When Italian anti-fascists produced cultural texts that
sought to link anti-imperialist struggle with their experience of fighting
against the Germans and Mussolini in 1943, they were enacting a form of
affiliation, of voluntary empathy, a rejection of “the idiom of their own
colonizing culture”.8 European empires, like fascism, were not monolithic
discursive formations, and they did not command the unqualified support
of all their citizens.
As Leela Gandhi has emphasized in her groundbreaking study of the
politics of friendship in fin-de-siècle radical circles in London, the impor-
tance of metropolitan anti-colonialism lies in its oppositionality that tran-
scends race, class or nation and unites diverse groups beyond all expectation.
By pointing to the “failure of imperial binarism”, Gandhi urges us to undo
Manicheistic approaches to the study of resistance.9 In the spirit of
Gandhi’s approach, this book posits resistance as a transnational concept
and as a partisan concept, while remaining mindful of the very diverse
investments of Pan-Africanists and British anti-colonial activists in
denouncing the atrocities of Italian imperialism in Africa.
The partisan has been defined by Carl Schmitt as an irregular combat-
ant, who has an essentially defensive and “tellurian” character, as he pro-
tects his territory, his homeland.10 This book offers an internationalist,
rather than nationalist, understanding of partisanship, seeking to highlight
the connections between anti-colonial and anti-fascist commitment in spe-
cific moments of a transnational history of empire. Such a position does
6 N. SRIVASTAVA

not come naturally, as Schmitt seems to suggest with regard to his territo-
rial understanding of partisanship; on the contrary, internationalism is not
an instinctive defense, but a deliberate stance, an unconventional action
and, above all, an individual choice. For progressive thinkers in postwar
Italy, the Italian Resistance came to represent a more complex and less
territorial idea of the patria (homeland) than one based on mere com-
monality of origin. It was rather a partisan patriotism that aimed to replace
one type of society with another, as the Resistenza was not merely a war of
liberation from a supposed invader but a civil war between Italians, fascists
against anti-fascists, and there were no facile ethnic or national distinctions
that could signal the difference between friend and enemy.11
If to be a partisan, according to Schmitt, “is precisely to avoid carrying
weapons openly, the partisan being one who fights from ambushes, who
wears the enemy uniform and whatever insignia serves his turn, as well as
civilian clothing”,12 then the metropolitan anti-colonial partisans I discuss
here to some extent were in camouflage because they were of European
origin and were thus hidden from view in retrospective narratives of anti-­
colonialism, which assumes its opponents to “belong to the other side”.
And yet these radical partisans—George Steer, Sylvia Pankhurst, Giovanni
Pirelli—who appear in this book alongside their Pan-Africanist comrades-­
in-­arms—George Padmore, Claude McKay and C.L.R. James—did much
to publicize and disseminate the ideas that helped to critique imperialism
among European audiences. Gandhi’s idea of “self-othering” is a herme-
neutically illuminating term to describe such activists, who were born
within the imperial culture but displayed a radical commitment to the
colonized and were influenced and inspired by their struggles. Supporters
of anti-colonialism in the metropole were influenced by anti-colonial
activists both in and outside Europe.
The protagonists of the anti-colonial politics described in this book are
not smoothly assimilable within the narrative of communist anti-­
imperialism. Timothy Brennan argues that the interwar moment was a
time when “European consciousness of the colonies changed sharply.”13
By focusing the scholarly gaze onto Europe rather than the colonies, it
becomes possible to understand the effects of anti-colonialism on Europe’s
own political and discursive formations instead of following the more
well-trodden path of studying European influences on emerging polities
in the colonial world.14
While fully agreeing with Brennan on the importance of the interwar
period’s alliances and networks in the development of twentieth-century
INTRODUCTION 7

decolonization movements, I nonetheless wish to complicate the narrative


of origins whereby the “rightful” place of anti-colonial and postcolonial
thinking belongs exclusively to the history of international Marxism.
Marxism provided a crucial intellectual matrix and institutional support
within which anti-colonial politics developed in the 1930s (with some
obvious exceptions, such as M.K. Gandhi’s programme for Indian nation-
alism). The interwar period also witnessed the development of a Pan-­
Africanist thought that was to gain even more intellectual heft and
autonomy in its distancing from orthodox Marxism and Eurocommunism,
producing powerful critiques of it. James, Padmore and McKay were
deeply critical of the Communist International in their writings of the
1930s and 1940s. McKay’s recently discovered novel Amiable with Big
Teeth: A Novel of the Love Affair Between the Communists and the Poor
Black Sheep of Harlem, written in 1941 but only published in 2017, nar-
rativizes black Harlem’s conflict with the Communist International’s
attempt to instrumentalize their opposition to the Ethiopian war of 1935
and to coopt their struggle. Critical positions that emphasize the flexibility
of what would later come to be called “tricontinental Marxism” appear
more convincing than those which position Marxism as postcolonial the-
ory’s only valid intellectual and historical basis.15 Padmore, McKay and
James, three major twentieth-century black thinkers who formed their
political identity within Marxism, subsequently sharply criticized the
Comintern’s ambivalent stance towards Ethiopia and thus began to
develop the theoretical foundations of Pan-Africanism (Padmore entitled
one of his books Pan-Africanism or Communism?, presenting this as an
“either-or” choice).16
My examination of PCI records, the writings of Pan-Africanists and the
print activism of Sylvia Pankhurst, who was one of the founders of the
British Communist Party but who later concentrated her energies on sup-
porting Ethiopia against a fascist invader, all demonstrate that the emer-
gence of socialism and communism as revolutionary and anti-fascist
movements is inextricable from their concomitant development of an anti-­
colonial politics. Pankhurst’s, Padmore’s, McKay’s, Pirelli’s and
Pontecorvo’s connections to communism in the context of the anti-fascist
struggle often led them to question the former and develop the latter in
the direction of an anti-colonial political and cultural expression. With the
advent of World War II and decolonization, many of the more innovative
developments in Marxist politics shift to the so-called Third World.
Challenging the oft-repeated claim that Marxism and the history of capital
8 N. SRIVASTAVA

provide the ultimate explanatory framework for all postcolonial political


and ideological processes, the chapters that follow trace the ways in which
anti-colonialism profoundly shaped Marxism itself as a revolutionary and
emancipatory ideology in the twentieth century.17
This work shows how anti-colonialism in the metropole is the function
of a progressive nationalism, present in European left engagement with
the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in the 1930s and with Third-Worldism in
the 1960s. It is a nationalism that rejects imperialism and supports inter-
nationalist solidarities. What emerges is the picture of a Europe in which
decolonization is still an ongoing process, where the conflict within left
discourse between anti-colonialism and an investment in overseas territo-
ries generates fascinating and under-studied tensions.

Structure of the Book


Chapter 2 examines the anti-colonial discourse that developed within the
PCI in opposition to Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia in 1935. By way of con-
text, the chapter firstly explores how the war was seen at the time as an
event that represented the ideal realization of Mussolini’s dictatorship. By
examining Italian literary writings and propaganda around the war, it
gauges the novel impact of fascist colonialism and argues that it developed
its own specific form of colonial discourse, distinct from that of more
established European empires. The chapter then moves on to focus on
little-known archival documents of the PCI, in order to delineate how the
recently formed PCI had been developing its own anti-colonial discourses
and strategies alongside its opposition to fascism. The PCI seized on the
Ethiopian war as a way to try to mobilize popular opposition to Mussolini’s
regime, and to this effect it did quite a bit of propaganda both within and
outside Italy, including sending a mission to Ethiopia itself. The intense
activity that the PCI put in motion against this war testifies to the fact that
its anti-colonialism developed in conjunction with its anti-fascism. The
internationalism of the PCI in those years led to its almost inevitable open-
ing to cosmopolitan, transnational connections with other anti-fascist
groups and anti-colonial movements. The PCI documents I examine in
this chapter show a clear consciousness that the alliance between the
Western proletariat and anti-colonial movements would be essential for
the communist revolution to succeed. My conclusion is that the develop-
ment of communism is inextricable from the anti-colonial international-
ism that marked the 1930s.
INTRODUCTION 9

The third and fourth chapters analyze the Ethiopian war as a critical
event in the history of Pan-Africanism; examining the global black dias-
pora’s reactions to this event allows us to piece together part of the frag-
mented narrative of black internationalism. Chapter 3 offers a broad
picture of the historical impact of the war on the African diaspora, and
then homes in on the writing of Padmore, one of the founders of the Pan-­
African Association. Padmore expressed his disillusionment with the
Communist International’s alleged support for anti-colonial movements
over its behavior in the Ethiopian case.18 I examine Padmore’s political
writings in relationship to the war to show that his denunciation of Italian
imperialism in Africa stood as a proxy for his opposition to imperialism per
se. In my reading of his and C.L.R. James’s work, Ethiopia thus represents
the convergence of the transnational articulation of anti-colonial resis-
tance, and Italian colonialism becomes symbolic of European fascism
more widely.
The fourth chapter discusses the emergence of literary Pan-Africanism
in relationship to the Ethiopian war. It looks at the ways in which Harlem
and Ethiopia represent two transnational “homes” for blacks in the African
American imagination. I show that the Ethiopian war prompted a rethink-
ing of race in debates in the African American press. The intellectual and
literary flourishing of Pan-Africanism as a consciously autonomous forma-
tion is exemplified through my reading of McKay’s 1941 novel Amiable
with Big Teeth, where I offer one of the first analyses of this recently dis-
covered text, and George Schuyler’s Ethiopian Stories, Afrocentric literary
narratives that present the Ethiopian war as their main theme.
Chapter 5 maps out the complex panorama of responses in Britain to
the Ethiopian war. I am interested in the ways in which these reactions
were specifically shaped by the characteristics of Italian fascist colonialism,
and how different groups and constituencies with contrasting ideological
and political agendas immediately grasped the nexus between fascism and
colonialism as linked ideological processes. My central focus in this chap-
ter is the work and writing of the British feminist and socialist Sylvia
Pankhurst, who campaigned tirelessly in favour of Ethiopia against the
fascist invasion of 1935. She produced a broadsheet, New Times and
Ethiopia News (NTEN), which supported a free Ethiopia and aimed to
keep Britain informed of the atrocities being committed by the Italians. It
also had widespread circulation in the British colonies, fostering solidarity
with Ethiopia and reinforcing Pan-Africanist sentiments. I analyze the
newspaper as a forgotten but crucial document of anti-fascist and
10 N. SRIVASTAVA

a­nti-­
colonial internationalism in the 1930s, articulating many of the
insights about colonial relationships that would shape postcolonial dis-
course in the postwar period. I look at how NTEN gradually evolved into
a mouthpiece for the voicing of political opinions by prominent anti-colo-
nial nationalists across the colonized world (especially from Africa, Asia
and the Caribbean). I also discuss the writing of the journalist George
Steer, the Times correspondent who wrote a highly sympathetic account of
the war from the Ethiopian side, Caesar in Abyssinia (1936), in direct
contrast to Evelyn Waugh’s pro-Italian version of events in Waugh in
Abyssinia (1936).
Chapters 6 and 7 examine how postwar Italian cinema and writing
engaged with Third-Worldist thought, especially that of Frantz Fanon,
and how these cultural texts, in turn, created influential representations of
anti-colonial struggle for global audiences.19 I argue that Third-Worldism
allowed Italian intellectuals in the postwar period to find novel applica-
tions and adaptations for the concept of anti-fascist resistance. They
embraced the Algerian independence struggle in this internationalist
spirit, demonstrating a solidarity unmatched by France, the erstwhile colo-
nial power. This chapter traces an idea of “resistance aesthetics” in the
work of Italians who had come from the experience of the Resistenza and
who redeployed their memories of anti-fascist struggles in their artistic
and political commitment to Third-Worldist forms of struggle. The texts
I examine in these two chapters include the books of testimonies about
the Algerian war of independence collected by Giovanni Pirelli; the
renowned anti-colonial film The Battle of Algiers (1966) by Gillo
Pontecorvo; and The Wretched of the Earth (I dannati della terra) (1969)
by Valentino Orsini, a forgotten cinematic masterpiece about African
decolonization. My examination of these texts establishes new ways of
appreciating the legacy of Third-Worldism in the renewal of European art
and political thought after World War II. Testimony, documentary realism
and montage are highlighted here as key aspects of Pontecorvo’s, Pirelli’s
and Orsini’s “resistance aesthetics”.

Notes
1. Mark I. Choate, Emigrant Nation: The Making of Italy Abroad (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 14.
2. My study builds on pioneering accounts in the field of Italian postcolonial
studies. These have tended to focus on historical, visual and material
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Title: The night wire

Author: H. F. Arnold

Release date: July 18, 2022 [eBook #68555]

Language: English

Original publication: United States: Popular Fiction Publishing


Company, 1926

Credits: Roger Frank

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NIGHT


WIRE ***
THE NIGHT WIRE
By H. F. Arnold

“New York, September 30 CP FLASH


“Ambassador Holliwell died here today. The end came suddenly
as the ambassador was alone in his study....”

There’s something ungodly about these night wire jobs. You sit up
here on the top floor of a skyscraper and listen in to the whispers of
a civilization. New York, London, Calcutta, Bombay, Singapore—
they’re your next-door neighbors after the street lights go dim and
the world has gone to sleep.
Along in the quiet hours between 2 and 4, the receiving operators
doze over their sounders and the news comes in. Fires and disasters
and suicides. Murders, crowds, catastrophes. Sometimes an
earthquake with a casualty list as long as your arm. The night wire
man takes it down almost in his sleep, picking it off on his typewriter
with one finger.
Once in a long time you prick up your ears and listen. You’ve
heard of someone you knew in Singapore, Halifax or Paris, long ago.
Maybe they’ve been promoted, but more probably they’ve been
murdered or drowned. Perhaps they just decided to quit and took
some bizarre way out. Made it interesting enough to get in the news.
But that doesn’t happen often. Most of the time you sit and doze
and tap, tap on your typewriter and wish you were home in bed.
Sometimes, though, queer things happen. One did the other night
and I haven’t got over it yet. I wish I could.
You see, I handle the night manager’s desk in a western seaport
town; what the name is, doesn’t matter.
There is, or rather was, only one night operator on my staff, a
fellow named John Morgan, about forty years of age, I should say,
and a sober, hard-working sort.
He was one of the best operators I ever knew, what is known as a
“double” man. That means he could handle two instruments at once
and type the stories on different typewriters at the same time. He
was one of the three men I ever knew who could do it consistently,
hour after hour, and never make a mistake.
Generally we used only one wire at night, but sometimes, when it
was late and the news was coming fast, the Chicago and Denver
stations would open a second wire and then Morgan would do his
stuff. He was a wizard, a mechanical automatic wizard which
functioned marvelously but was without imagination.
On the night of the sixteenth he complained of feeling tired. It was
the first and last time I had ever heard him say a word about himself,
and I had known him for three years.
It was at just 3 o’clock and we were running only one wire. I was
nodding over reports at my desk and not paying much attention to
him when he spoke.
“Jim,” he said, “does it feel close in here to you?”
“Why, no, John,” I answered, “but I’ll open a window if you like.”
“Never mind,” he said. “I reckon I’m just a little tired.”
That was all that was said and I went on working. Every ten
minutes or so I would walk over and take a pile of copy that had
stacked up neatly beside his typewriter as the messages were
printed out in triplicate.
It must have been twenty minutes after he spoke that I noticed he
had opened up the other wire and was using both typewriters. I
thought it was a little unusual, as there was nothing very “hot”
coming in. On my next trip I picked up the copy from both machines
and took it back to my desk to sort out the duplicates.
The first wire was running out the usual sort of stuff and I just
looked over it hurriedly. Then I turned to the second pile of copy. I
remember it particularly because the story was from a town I had
never heard of: “Xebico.” Here is the dispatch. I saved a duplicate of
it from our files:

“Xebico Sept. 16 CP BULLETIN


“The heaviest mist in the history of the city settled over the town
at 4 o’clock yesterday afternoon. All traffic has stopped and the
mist hangs like a pall over everything. Lights of ordinary
intensity fail to pierce the fog, which is constantly growing
heavier.
“Scientists here are unable to agree as to the cause, and the
local weather bureau states that the like has never occurred
before in the history of the city.
“At 7 p. m. last night municipal authorities—(more)”

That was all there was. Nothing out of the ordinary at a bureau
headquarters, but, as I say, I noticed the story because of the name
of the town.
It must have been fifteen minutes later that I went over for another
batch of copy. Morgan was slumped down in his chair and had
switched his green electric light shade so that the gleam missed his
eyes and hit only the top of the two typewriters.
Only the usual stuff was in the right hand pile, but the left hand
batch carried another story from “Xebico.” All press dispatches come
in “takes,” meaning that parts of many different stories are strung
along together, perhaps with but a few paragraphs of each coming
through at a time. This second story was marked “add fog.” Here is
the copy:

“At 7 p. m. the fog had increased noticeably. All lights were now
invisible and the town was shrouded in pitch darkness.
“As a peculiarity of the phenomenon, the fog is accompanied by
a sickly odor, comparable to nothing yet experienced here.”

Below that in customary press fashion was the hour, 3:27, and the
initials of the operator, JM.
There was only one other story in the pile from the second wire.
Here it is:

“2nd add Xebico Fog


“Accounts as to the origin of the mist differ greatly. Among the
most unusual is that of the sexton of the local church, who
groped his way to headquarters in a hysterical condition and
declared that the fog originated in the village churchyard.
“‘It was first visible in the shape of a soft gray blanket clinging to
the earth above the graves,’ he stated. ‘Then it began to rise,
higher and higher. A subterranean breeze seemed to blow it in
billows, which split up and then joined together again.
“‘Fog phantoms, writhing in anguish, twisted the mist into queer
forms and figures. And then—in the very thick midst of the mass
—something moved.
“‘I turned and ran from the accursed spot. Behind me I heard
screams coming from the houses bordering on the graveyard.’
“Although the sexton’s story is generally discredited, a party has
left to investigate. Immediately after telling his story, the sexton
collapsed and is now in a local hospital, unconscious.”

Queer story, wasn’t it? Not that we aren’t used to it, for a lot of
unusual stories come in over the wire. But for some reason or other,
perhaps because it was so quiet that night, the report of the fog
made a great impression on me.
It was almost with dread that I went over to the waiting piles of
copy. Morgan did not move and the only sound in the room was the
tap-tap of the sounders. It was ominous, nerve-racking.
There was another story from Xebico in the pile of copy. I seized
on it anxiously.

“New Lead Xebico Fog CP


“The rescue party which went out at 11 p. m. to investigate a
weird story of the origin of a fog which, since late yesterday, has
shrouded the city in darkness, has failed to return. Another and
larger party has been dispatched.
“Meanwhile the fog has, if possible, grown heavier. It seeps
through the cracks in the doors and fills the atmosphere with a
terribly depressing odor of decay. It is oppressive, terrifying,
bearing with it a subtle impression of things long dead.
“Residents of the city have left their homes and gathered in the
local church, where the priests are holding services of prayer.
The scene is beyond description. Grown folk and children are
alike terrified and many are almost beside themselves with fear.
“Mid the wisps of vapor which partially veil the church
auditorium, an old priest is praying for the welfare of his flock.
The audience alternately wail and cross themselves.
“From the outskirts of the city may be heard cries of unknown
voices. They echo through the fog in queer uncadenced minor
keys. The sounds resemble nothing so much as wind whistling
through a gigantic tunnel. But the night is calm and there is no
wind. The second rescue party—(more)”

I am a calm man and never in a dozen years spent with the wires
have been known to become excited, but despite myself I rose from
my chair and walked to the window.
Could I be mistaken, or far down in the canyons of the city
beneath me did I see a faint trace of fog? Pshaw! It was all
imagination.
In the pressroom the click of the sounders seemed to have raised
the tempo of their tune. Morgan alone had not stirred from his chair.
His head sunk between his shoulders, he tapped the dispatches out
on the typewriters with one finger of each hand.
He looked asleep. Maybe he was—but no, endlessly, efficiently,
the two machines rattled off line after line, as relentless and
effortless as death itself. There was something about the
monotonous movement of the typewriter keys that fascinated me. I
walked over and stood behind his chair reading over his shoulder the
type as it came into being, word by word.
Ah, here was another:

“Flash Xebico CP
“There will be no more bulletins from this office. The impossible
has happened. No messages have come into this room for
twenty minutes. We are cut off from the outside and even the
streets below us.
“I will stay with the wire until the end.
“It is the end, indeed. Since 4 p. m. yesterday the fog has hung
over the city. Following reports from the sexton of the local
church, two rescue parties were sent out to investigate
conditions on the outskirts of the city. Neither party has ever
returned nor was any word received from them. It is quite certain
now that they will never return.
“From my instrument I can gaze down on the city beneath me.
From the position of this room on the thirteenth floor, nearly the
entire city can be seen. Now I can see only a thick blanket of
blackness where customarily are lights and life.
“I fear greatly that the wailing cries heard constantly from the
outskirts of the city are the death cries of the inhabitants. They
are constantly increasing in volume and are approaching the
center of the city.
“The fog yet hangs over everything. If possible, it is even
heavier than before. But the conditions have changed. Instead
of an opaque, impenetrable wall of odorous vapor, now swirls
and writhes a shapeless mass in contortions of almost human
agony. Now and again the mass parts and I catch a brief
glimpse of the streets below.
“People are running to and fro, screaming in despair. A vast
bedlam of sound flies up to my window, and above all is the
immense whistling of unseen and unfelt winds.
“The fog has again swept over the city and the whistling is
coming closer and closer.
“It is now directly beneath me.
“God! An instant ago the mist opened and I caught a glimpse of
the streets below.
“The fog is not simply vapor—it lives. By the side of each
moaning and weeping human is a companion figure, an aura of
strange and varicolored hues. How the shapes cling! Each to a
living thing!
“The men and women are down. Flat on their faces. The fog
figures caress them lovingly. They are kneeling beside them.
They are—but I dare not tell it.
“The prone and writhing bodies have been stripped of their
clothing. They are being consumed—piecemeal.
“A merciful wall of hot, steamy vapor has swept over the whole
scene. I can see no more.
“Beneath me the wall of vapor is changing colors. It seems to be
lighted by internal fires. No, it isn’t. I have made a mistake. The
colors are from above, reflections from the sky.
“Look up! Look up! The whole sky is in flames. Colors as yet
unseen by man or demon. The flames are moving, they have
started to intermix, the colors rearrange themselves. They are
so brilliant that my eyes burn, yet they are a long way off.
“Now they have begun to swirl, to circle in and out, twisting in
intricate designs and patterns. The lights are racing each with
each, a kaleidoscope of unearthly brilliance.
“I have made a discovery. There is nothing harmful in the lights.
They radiate force and friendliness, almost cheeriness. But by
their very strength, they hurt.
“As I look they are swinging closer and closer, a million miles at
each jump. Millions of miles with the speed of light. Aye, it is
light, the quintessence of all light. Beneath it the fog melts into a
jeweled mist, radiant, rainbow-colored of a thousand varied
spectrums.
“I can see the streets. Why, they are filled with people! The
lights are coming closer. They are all around me. I am
enveloped. I——”

The message stopped abruptly. The wire to Xebico was dead.


Beneath my eyes in the narrow circle of light from under the green
lampshade, the black printing no longer spun itself, letter by letter,
across the page.
The room seemed filled with a solemn quiet, a silence vaguely
impressive. Powerful.
I looked down at Morgan. His hands had dropped nervelessly at
his sides while his body had hunched over peculiarly. I turned the
lampshade back, throwing the light squarely in his face. His eyes
were staring, fixed. Filled with a sudden foreboding, I stepped beside
him and called Chicago on the wire. After a second the sounder
clicked its answer.
Why? But there was something wrong. Chicago was reporting that
Wire Two had not been used throughout the evening.
“Morgan!” I shouted. “Morgan! Wake up, it isn’t true. Someone has
been hoaxing us. Why——” In my eagerness I grasped him by the
shoulder. It was only then that I understood.
The body was quite cold. Morgan had been dead for hours. Could
it be that his sensitized brain and automatic fingers had continued to
record impressions even after the end?
I shall never know, for I shall never again handle the night shift.
Search in a world atlas discloses no town of Xebico. Whatever it was
that killed John Morgan will forever remain a mystery.

Transcriber’s Note: This story appeared in the September 1926


issue of Weird Tales.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NIGHT
WIRE ***

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