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Science without God?

: rethinking the
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IA N R A M SEY C E N T R E ST U D I E S
I N S C I E N C E A N D R E L IG IO N

General Editor: alister e. mcgrath


Managing Editor: andrew pinsent

The Ian Ramsey Centre Studies in Science and Religion series brings readers innovative
books showcasing cutting-edge research in the field of science and religion. The series
will consider key questions in the field, including the interaction of the natural sciences
and the philosophy of religion; the impact of evolutionary theory on our understanding
of human morality, religiosity, and rationality; the exploration of a scientifically-engaged
theology; and the psychological examination of the importance of religion for human
flourishing and wellbeing. The series will also encourage the development of new and
more nuanced readings of the interaction of science and religion. This ground breaking
series aims to represent the best new scholarship in this ever-expanding field of study.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 13/11/18, SPi
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 13/11/18, SPi

Science without
God?
Rethinking the History of Scientific Naturalism

Edited by
P E T E R HA R R I S O N
and
J O N H . R O B E RT S

1
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 13/11/18, SPi

1
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For Ronald L. Numbers


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OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 13/11/18, SPi

Acknowledgements

This volume had its origins in a conference held at Florida State University in
February 2013. The meeting was to mark the retirement of the distinguished
historian of science and medicine, Ronald L. Numbers, and to explore some
of the themes of his seminal work on the historical relations between science
and religion. One of those themes was scientific naturalism, and it became clear
over the course of the meeting that there was room for a volume that dealt in
detail with the historical origins of scientific naturalism, covering different his-
torical eras and various scientific disciplines—hence, this present collection.
A number of the contributors to this volume were present at that meeting.
Other attendees offered helpful commentary and critique of those early drafts,
and joined in what were extremely productive discussions of key issues. There
is a long list of people to thank for those contributions: Terrie Aamodt, Keith
Benson, Jon Butler, Ted Davis, Matt Day, Noah Efron, John Evans, Dana
Freiburger, Fred Gregory, Florence Hsia, Judith Leavitt, Sue Lederer, David
Livingstone, Jay Malone, Gregg Mitman, Blair Neilson, Efthymios Nicolaidis,
Shawn Peters, Bob Richards, Todd Savitt, Rennie Schoepflin, Adam Shapiro,
Hugh Slotten, Elliot Sober, John Stenhouse, Rod Stiling, William Trollinger,
Steve Wald, John Harley Warner, and Stephen Weldon. Particular thanks are
due to Jeffrey Jentzen, and to the Department of Medical History and Bioethics
of the University of Wisconsin-Madison, for their financial support. Michael
Ruse was a congenial and entertaining host at FSU, and also made a generous
contribution, both materially and intellectually. Finally, we must express a
special debt of gratitude to The Historical Society, Boston University, and
Donald A. Yerxa, who were enthusiastic supporters of this project from the
start, and whose generosity has made possible this collection.
Like that original meeting, this volume is dedicated to Ron Numbers, an
outstanding scholar and dedicated teacher, a source of encouragement and
inspiration to generations of historians, and, for many of us, a valued colleague
and dear friend.
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Contents

List of Figures xi
Notes on Contributors xiii

Introduction 1
Peter Harrison
1. ‘All Things are Full of Gods’: Naturalism in the Classical World 19
Daryn Lehoux
2. Naturalist Tendencies in Medieval Science 37
Michael H. Shank
3. Laws of God or Laws of Nature? Natural Order in the
Early Modern Period58
Peter Harrison
4. Between Isaac Newton and Enlightenment Newtonianism:
The ‘God Question’ in the Eighteenth Century 77
J. B. Shank
5. God and the Uniformity of Nature: The Case of
Nineteenth-Century Physics 97
Matthew Stanley
6. Chemistry with and without God 111
John Hedley Brooke
7. Removing God from Biology 130
Michael Ruse
8. Christian Materialism and the Prospect of Immortality 148
Michelle Pfeffer
9. The Science of the Soul: Naturalizing the Mind in Great Britain
and North America 162
Jon H. Roberts
10. Down to Earth: Untangling the Secular from the Sacred
in Late-Modern Geology 182
Nicolaas Rupke
11. Naturalizing the Bible: The Shifting Role of the Biblical Account
of Nature197
Scott Gerard Prinster
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x Contents

12. Anthropology and Original Sin: Naturalizing Religion,


Theorizing the Primitive 216
Constance Clark
13. The Theology of Victorian Scientific Naturalists 235
Bernard Lightman

Index 255
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List of Figures

1.1. Sidney Harris on Method. © ScienceCartoonsPlus.com 36


4.1. Étienne-Louis Boullée, imagined cenotaph for Isaac Newton, interior
view with orrery above tomb. Bibliothèque Nationale de France. 78
4.2. God as Architect/Builder/Geometer/Craftsman, The Frontispiece of
Bible Moralisée (mid-thirteenth century), ÖNB Vienna, Codex
Vindobonensis 2554, f.1 verso. Wiki-Commons. 82
4.3. Christ Salvator Mundi, artist unknown, lower Rhine, 1537–45.
Getty Images. 83
4.4. William Blake, Newton. Source: Tate Images. 96
12.1. Jacket of William K. Gregory, Our Face from Fish to Man (New York:
G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1929). 217
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Notes on Contributors

John Hedley Brooke is Andreas Idreos Professor Emeritus of Science and


Religion, University of Oxford. He has published extensively on the interface
between science and religion, the history of natural theology, and the Darwinian
revolution. His books include Science and Religion around the World, edited
with Ronald L. Numbers (Oxford, 2011), Heterodoxy in Early Modern Science
and Religion, edited with Ian Maclean (Oxford, 2005), and Science and Religion:
Some Historical Perspectives (Cambridge, 1991).
Constance Clark is an Associate Professor of History in the Department of
Humanities and Arts at Worcester Polytechnic Institute. She is the author
of God—or Gorilla: Images of Evolution in the Jazz Age (Johns Hopkins, 2008).
Her current research focuses on the history of popularizations of evolution,
palaeontology and anthropology, especially in museums and zoos, and on the
visual culture of popular science.
Peter Harrison is an Australian Laureate Fellow and Director of the Institute
for Advanced Studies in the Humanities at the University of Queensland,
Australia. His six books include The Territories of Science and Religion (Chicago,
2015)—based on his 2011 Gifford Lectures, The Bible, Protestantism, and the
Rise of Natural Science (Cambridge, 1998) and Wrestling with Nature: From
Omens to Science (Chicago, 2011), co-edited with Michael H. Shank and Ronald
L. Numbers.
Daryn Lehoux is Professor of Classics at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario.
He is the author of What Did the Romans Know? (Chicago, 2012) and
Astronomy, Weather, and Calendars in the Ancient World (Cambridge, 2007) as
well as the co-editor, with A. D. Morrison and Alison Sharrock, of Lucretius:
Poetry, Philosophy, Science (Oxford, 2013). He has published numerous papers
and chapters on the ancient sciences and on the epistemology of nature.
Bernard Lightman is Professor of Humanities at York University, Toronto.
Lightman’s most recent publications include Victorian Popularizers of Science
(Chicago, 2007), Victorian Scientific Naturalism (co-edited with Gowan Dawson;
Chicago, 2014), Evolution and Victorian Culture (co-edited with Bennett Zon;
Cambridge, 2014), and The Age of Scientific Naturalism (co-edited with Michael
Reidy; Pickering & Chatto, 2014). He is currently working on a biography of
John Tyndall and is one of the editors of the John Tyndall Correspondence
Project, an international collab­orative effort to obtain, digitalize, transcribe,
and publish all surviving letters to and from Tyndall.
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xiv Notes on Contributors

Michelle Pfeffer is a PhD candidate at the University of Queensland’s Institute


for Advanced Studies in the Humanities. Her research explores the multifaceted
discussions about the human soul in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
which embraced scientific, philosophical, medical, theological, and historical
discourses. Her particular interests lie in the contentious debates over the
immortal and immaterial nature of the human soul. Other research interests
include early modern medicine, the history of scholarship, and religiously
motivated responses to contemporary ‘materialist’ science.
Scott Gerard Prinster is a PhD candidate at the University of Wisconsin-
Madison, under the guidance of Ronald L. Numbers. His dissertation addresses
the shifting relationships between biblical knowledge and scientific knowledge
in the nineteenth-and early twentieth-century United States. Other research
interests include American intellectual history, the popular spread of science-
and-religion dialogue, and the construction of expertise and attitudes towards
educated authority and intellectualism.
Jon H. Roberts is the Tomorrow Foundation Professor of History at Boston
University. He has written a number of articles dealing primarily with the
history of the relationship between science and religion, as well as the book
Darwinism and the Divine in America: Protestant Intellectuals and Organic
Evolution, 1859–1900 (Notre Dame, 2001) which received the Frank S. and
Elizabeth D. Brewer Prize from the American Society of Church History. He
has also co-authored with James Turner The Sacred and the Secular University
(Princeton, 2001). He is currently working on a book dealing with American
Protestant thinkers’ treatment of the mind between the outset of the settlement
of North America and 1940.
Michael Ruse is the Lucyle T. Werkmeister Professor of Philosophy and the
Director of the Program in History and Philosophy of Science at Florida
State University. The author or editor of over fifty books, most on or around
the history and philosophy of evolutionary theory, his next two books are
Atheism: What Everyone Needs to Know, (Oxford), and (co-authored with
Robert J. Richards) Debating Darwin: Mechanist or Romantic? (Chicago).
He is now writing a book on evolution and literature.
Nicolaas Rupke recently retired from the Chair of the History of Science at
Göttingen University and now holds the Johnson Professorship of History
at Washington and Lee University. A geologist and historian of geology, his
publications cover issues that pertain to the relationship of Bible and science.
Among his books are Richard Owen: Biology without Darwin (Chicago, 2009),
Alexander von Humboldt: A Metabiography (Chicago, 2008) and the edited
volume Eminent Lives in Twentieth-Century Science and Religion (Peter
Lang, 2009). Currently he is working on the non-Darwinian tradition in
evolutionary biology.
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Notes on Contributors xv

J. B. Shank is Associate Professor in the Department of History at the


University of Minnesota, and the Director of the University of Minnesota
Center for Early Modern History and the Mellon Foundation funded
Consortium for the Study of the Premodern World. His research focuses on
the history of the mathematical and physical sciences in early modern Europe
and their relation to the broader intellectual and cultural history of the
period. He is the author of The Newton Wars and the Beginning of the French
Enlightenment (Chicago, 2008).
Michael H. Shank is Professor of History of Science and Integrated Liberal
Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. He has broad interests in
the physical sciences (and their analogues and contexts) before 1700. His
primary research interests focus on late medieval natural philosophy and
astronomy. He is the author of ‘Unless You Believe, You Shall Not Understand’:
Logic, University, and Society in Late Medieval Vienna (Princeton, 1988), and
co-editor (with Peter Harrison and Ronald Numbers), of Wrestling With
Nature: From Omens to Science (Chicago, 2011).
Matthew Stanley is an Associate Professor at New York University’s Gallatin
School of Individualized Study. He teaches and researches the history and
philosophy of science. He is the author of Practical Mystic: Religion, Science,
and A. S. Eddington (Chicago, 2007), which examines how scientists reconcile
their religious beliefs and professional lives. He has held fellowships at the
Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, the British Academy, and the Max
Planck Institute. He currently runs the New York City History of Science
Working Group.
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OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 15/11/18, SPi

Introduction
Peter Harrison

In 1922, Canadian philosopher Roy Wood Sellars confidently declared that ‘we
are all naturalists now’.1 While Sellars’s announcement was perhaps a little pre-
mature, it is difficult to deny, almost one hundred years later, that commitment
to some form of naturalism is the default position in virtually all departments
of human knowledge. ‘Naturalism’, of course, can mean a number of different
things. But what most forms of scientific naturalism have in common is a
commitment to the methods of the natural sciences and to the reliability of the
knowledge generated by those methods. As Sellars himself expressed it, natur-
alism is not so much a philosophical system as ‘a recognition of the impressive
implications of the physical and biological sciences’.2 When we inquire further
into what, specifically, is naturalistic about the sciences, the simplest answer is
that their methods involve a rejection of supernatural or spiritual explanations
and a focus on what is explicable in terms of natural causes, forces, and laws.
Naturalism and science thus go hand in hand. This volume is about that part-
nership, and its long and intriguing history.

THE VARIETIES OF NATURALISM

While the subject of this book is the history of scientific naturalism, it is helpful
to begin in the present with contemporary debates about naturalism and its
relation to the natural sciences. Modern discussions of scientific naturalism

1 Roy Wood Sellars, Evolutionary Naturalism (New York: Russell and Russell, 1922), p. i.
2 Sellars, Evolutionary Naturalism, p. i. Sellars’s son, Wilfred Sellars, put it even more starkly:
‘science is the measure of all things’: Wilfrid Sellars, Science, Perception and Reality (London:
Routledge, 1963), p. 173. On the varieties of naturalism see Geert Keil, ‘Naturalism’, in The Routledge
Companion to Twentieth Century Philosophy, ed. Dermot Moran (London: Routledge, 2008),
pp. 254–307; David Papineau, ‘Naturalism’, in Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2014
edn), ed. Edward N. Zalta, http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/naturalism/.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 15/11/18, SPi

2 Peter Harrison

usually distinguish between methodological naturalism and metaphysical


(or ontological) naturalism.3 The former, as the name suggests, refers to the
methods employed by the scientist, which involve a bracketing out of any
supernatural or non-physical explanations in the pursuit of an understanding
of the world. Adoption of methodological naturalism is thus usually thought to
be consistent with having religious commitments—it is just that these commit-
ments are deemed irrelevant to the conduct of science. This tidy way of setting
aside the religious views of scientific practitioners has been standard practice
within the scientific community for some time, and theistic scientists have
been among its most enthusiastic proponents. The expression ‘methodological
naturalism’ was coined by theologian and philosopher Edgar S. Brightman in
a 1936 address to the American Philosophical Association. While the term was
not widely adopted at the time, since the 1990s it has become increasingly
prominent in discussions about the nature of modern science, partly owing to
its endorsement and popularization by Christian philosopher Paul de Vries.4
Adoption of methodological naturalism is now widely regarded as one of
the key ways of demarcating science from non-science. In legal battles over the
status of scientific creationism and intelligent design, successive US courts over
a period of three decades have endorsed the principle of methodological
naturalism as an essential feature of science. When rendering his 2005 verdict
on the ‘unscientific’ status of intelligent design, Judge John E. Jones thus
declared that ‘expert testimony reveals that since the scientific revolution of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, science has been limited to the search for
natural causes to explain natural phenomena’. The judge went on to say that
this avoidance of reference to the supernatural was a ‘self-imposed convention
of science’ and ‘is referred to by philosophers as “methodological naturalism” ’.5
The expert testimony to which the judge referred included statements from
theologian John Haught, philosopher Robert T. Pennock, and biologist
Kenneth R. Miller.
If methodological naturalism is not necessarily inimical to theism, the same
cannot be said for metaphysical naturalism. This is the position that goes

3 For this distinction see, e.g., Robert Pennock, Tower of Babel: The Evidence Against the New
Creationism (Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1999), p. 191; Maarten Boudry, Stefaan Blancke, and Johan
Braeckman, ‘How Not to Attack Intelligent Design Creationism: Philosophical Misconceptions
about Methodological Naturalism’, Foundations of Science 15 (2010): pp. 227–44; B. Forrest,
‘Methodological Naturalism and Philosophical Naturalism: Clarifying the Connection’, Philo
3 (2000): pp. 7–29.
4 ‘Such a universal naturalism—common to idealists and realists, to naturalists and theists
alike—may be called scientific or methodological naturalism. But methodological naturalism is
sharply to be distinguished from metaphysical naturalism.’ Edgar Sheffield Brightman, ‘An
Empirical Approach to God’, Philosophical Review 46 (1937): pp. 157–8; Paul de Vries, ‘Naturalism
in the Natural Sciences’, Christian Scholar’s Review 15 (1986): pp. 388–96. See also Ronald
L. Numbers, ‘Science without God: Natural Laws and Christian Beliefs’, in Science and Christianity
in Pulpit and Pew (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 39–58.
5 Tammy Kitzmiller et al. v. Dover Area School District et al., 400 F.Sup2d 707 (2005).
No. 04cv2688.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 15/11/18, SPi

Introduction3

beyond a mere methodological stance to assert that in reality there are no


supernatural agents or forces, and that the natural sciences have the potential
to explain everything. Naturalism in this sense, explains philosopher Kai
Nielsen, ‘denies that there are any spiritual or supernatural realities’.6 Fellow
philosopher David Papineau concurs with this characterization, adding that
what follows from it is that all natural phenomena are physical and that all
natural events are explicable, in principle, in terms of the laws of physics.7
Metaphysical naturalists reject the existence of anything beyond the physical
world and often represent themselves as being resolutely opposed to religion,
superstition, and obscurantism. Papineau suggests that ‘the great majority of
contemporary philosophers’ fall into this camp.8
While these definitions might seem clear enough in theory, in fact, under-
standings of scientific naturalism—its dual forms and their implications—have
become the subject of considerable controversy.9 As we have already seen, one
of the chief sites of contestation in the United States concerns the scientific
status of intelligent design and ‘scientific creationism’. The distinction between
methodological and metaphysical naturalism also invites the question of how
they are related, and whether one might lead to the other. The advocacy of
methodological naturalism by religiously committed philosophers and scien-
tists would suggest that the principle is, at the very least, consistent with religious
belief. This is because naturalistic methods are understood as a self-imposed
limitation upon science, and one that restricts its competence to explanations
of physical realities. The spiritual and supernatural, on this view, lie beyond the
scope of scientific investigation. It follows that methodological naturalism
insulates the realm of theology and the supernatural from scientific scrutiny.
The US National Academy of Sciences puts it this way:
Because science is limited to explaining the natural world by means of natural
processes, it cannot use supernatural causation in its explanations. Similarly, science
is precluded from making statements about supernatural forces because these are
outside its provenance.10
This stance is consistent with a more general position on the relations between
science and religion that sees them as operating in independent spheres or
‘non-overlapping magisteria’, to use the well-worn phrase of Stephen J. Gould.11

6 Kai Nielsen, ‘Naturalistic Explanations of Religious Belief ’, in A Companion to Philosophy of


Religion, ed. Philip L. Quinn and Charles Taliaferro (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), p. 402.
7 David Papineau, Philosophical Naturalism (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), p. 16.
8 Papineau, ‘Naturalism’.
9 For difficulties of definition see Hans Halvorson, ‘What is Methodological Naturalism?’,
in The Blackwell Companion to Naturalism, ed. Kelly James Clark (Oxford: Blackwell, 2006),
pp. 136–49; Michael Rea, ‘Naturalism and Material Objects’, in Naturalism: A Critical Analysis, ed.
William J. Craig and J. P. Moreland (London: Routledge, 2016), pp. 110–32.
10 National Academy of Sciences, Teaching About Evolution and the Nature of Science
(Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1998), p. 124.
11 Stephen J Gould, Rock of Ages (New York: Ballantine Books, 1999), p. 5.
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NOTE 209.

Simo.—Why do you not immediately give orders for her removal to


our house?
Grecian women, in the situation in which Glycera is represented
to have been, were usually well enough to go abroad in a litter in one
day’s time. This topic is introduced by the poet, in order that Davus
may be spoken of, and delivered from confinement; because his
remaining in prison would have been contrary to the rules of comedy.

NOTE 210.

Simo.—Because he is now carrying on things of great weight, and


which touch him more nearly.
——Quia habet aliud magis ex sese et majus.
There is a pun in the original, which I have attempted to preserve
in the translation by a circumlocution which I trust on such an
occasion will be deemed allowable. The critics remark, that Terence,
by Simo’s pleasantry, (vide Note 211,) intended to shew that he was
thoroughly reconciled to his son. (Vide Note 92.)

NOTE 211.
Simo.—He is chained.
Pam.—Ah! dear Sir, that was not well done.
Simo.—I am sure I ordered it to be well done.
S. Vinctus est.
P. Pater non rectè vinctus est.
S. Haud ita jussi.
The jest in this sentence turns on the word rectè, which refers to
an Athenian custom of binding criminals’ hands and feet together.
Simo (A. 5. S. 3. p. 86.) orders Dromo to bind Davus in the manner
before mentioned: (atque audin’? quadrupedem constringito.)
Pamphilus says, non rectè vinctus est: rectè has a double meaning,
it signifies rightly, and also straight. Simo pretends to take it in the
latter sense, which makes his son’s speech run thus, He is not
bound straight or upright: to which Simo replies, I ordered he should
not be bound straight, but crooked, or neck and heels. I trust I have
made the force of this pun clear to the unlearned reader: the turn
given it in the English translation is borrowed from Echard.

NOTE 212.
Pam. (to himself.)—Any one would think, perhaps, that I do not
believe this to be true, but I know it is because I wish it so. I am of
opinion, that the lives of the gods are eternal, because their
pleasures are secure and without end.
“Epicurus observed, that the gods could not but be immortal,
since they are exempt from all kinds of evils, cares, and dangers. But
Terence gives another more refined reason, which more forcibly
expresses the joy of Pamphilus; for he affirms that their immortality
springs only from the durability of their pleasures. This passage is
very beautiful. Pamphilus prefaces what he is going to say by the
expression, “Any one would think, perhaps;” this was in a manner
necessary to excuse the freedom which, arising from his joy, makes
him assign another reason for the immortality of the gods than those
discovered by the philosophers, particularly by Epicurus, whose
name was still fresh in the recollection of every person, and whose
doctrines were very generally received and adopted.” Madame
Dacier.

NOTE 213.

Pam.—There is now no impediment to our marriage.


Nec mora ulla est, quin jam uxorem ducam.
Pamphilus does not mean by this expression, that he was not
married before, but that now that he has his father’s consent to his
union, he can ducere uxorem, lead his wife publicly to his own house
with the usual ceremonies. The latter phrase ducere uxorem, to
marry, took its rise from the custom of leading the bride from her
father’s to her husband’s house, in a ceremonial procession. For an
account of the marriages of the Greeks, vide Notes 116, 117, 118.
Marriages, among the Romans, were of three kinds. The first, and
most binding, by which women of rank and consideration were
married, was called confarreatio: when the parties were joined by the
high priest, in the presence of a great number of witnesses; and ate
a cake made of meal and salt. The second kind of marriage was
usus, when the parties lived together for one year. The third kind was
called coemptio or mutual purchase, in which the bride and
bridegroom gave each other a piece of money, and repeated over a
set form of words.

NOTE 214.

Char. (aside.)—This man is dreaming of what he wishes when


awake.
——Num ille somniat
Ea, quæ vigilans voluit.
The optative influence, (if I may so call it,) on the visions of the
night, here alluded to by Terence, has been described at length by a
celebrated poet, in verses which charm the ear with their melody,
and which command the approbation of the judgment as a faithful
portraiture of nature. Their author wrote verses, which, in harmony of
measure, excelled those of all the Roman poets, excepting Ovid.
Omnia quæ sensu volvuntur vota diurno,
Pectore sopito, reddit amica quies:
Venator defessa toro cum membra reponit.
Mens tamen ad sylvas, et sua lustra redit.
Judicibus lites, aurige somnia currus,
Vanaque nocturnis meta cavetur equis.
Furto gaudet amans; permutat navita merces;
Et vigil elapsas quærit avarus opes.
Vatem Musarum studium sub nocte silenti
Artibus assuetis solicitare solet.—Claudian.

NOTE 215.
Do you, Davus, go home, and order some of our people hither, to
remove her to our house. Why do you loiter? go, don’t lose a
moment.
Davus.—I am going. You must not expect their coming out: she will
be betrothed within, &c.
The concluding lines of the play from “You must not expect,” &c.,
were not originally spoken by the actor who personated Davus, but
formed a sort of epilogue, spoken by a performer, called Cantor; who
also pronounced the word Plaudite, with which the comedies and
tragedies of the Romans usually terminated. Vide Note 217, also
Quintilian, B. 6. C. 1., and Cicero and Cato. Horace expressly tells
us, that the Cantor said the words, vos plaudite.
“Tu quid ego, et populus mecum desideret audi.
Si plausoris eges aulæa manentis, et usque
Sessuri, donec Cantor vos plaudite dicat;
Ætatis cujusque notandi sunt tibi mores,
Mobilibusque decor naturis dandus et annis.”
Art of Poet., L. 153.

Attend, whilst I instruct thee how to please


Him whose experience guides thee; and the taste
That rules the present age. If thou wouldst charm
Our listening ears, until the scene be done;
And in our seats detain us till the Cantor
Requests applause; give to each stage of life,
Its attributes: and justly paint the changes,
Wrought by the hand of Time.

NOTE 216.

You must not expect their coming out.


Some editors give nearly twenty lines of dialogue between
Chremes and Charinus respecting the marriage of the latter with
Philumena, but those additional lines are spurious. The critics have
decided that the play should terminate with the winding up of
Pamphilus’s intrigue, and that that of Charinus should be left to the
imagination: as the action must languish, if continued after the
interest felt for the principal characters has subsided. Davus here
addresses the spectators, as does Mysis, in A. 1. S. 4.
Commentators deem this a blemish in the composition of the piece.
These addresses, in ancient comedies, were not, I imagine, made to
the spectators in general, but to those persons who stood on the
stage during the performance, as the chorus, or as musicians.

NOTE 217.

Farewell, and clap your hands.


“All the ancient copies have the Greek omega, Ω, placed before
the words, ‘clap your hands,’ and before ‘Farewell, and clap your
hands,’ in other plays: ‘which,’ says Eugraphius, ‘are the words of
the prompter, who, at the end of the play, lifted up the curtain, and
said to the audience, ‘Farewell, and clap your hands:’ thus far
Faernus. Leng, at the end of every play, subscribes these words,
Calliopius recensui, and says Calliopius was the prompter; and he
quotes the same words of Eugraphius, which I have here quoted
from Faernus. If Ω stands for any thing more than ‘Finis,’ (as some
imagine to be placed there by transcribers to signify the end,) it may
be designed for the first letter Ωδος, which is the Greek for Cantor:
and Horace, in his art of poetry, says,
Donec cantor vos plaudite dicat.
“Bentley supposes this Cantor to have been Flaccus the
musician, (mentioned in the title,) who, when the play was over,
entreated the favour of the audience: but I should rather think
Calliopius to have been the Cantor, if there was any foundation in
antiquity for his name being at the end of the plays; but the name
seems fictitious to me by the etymology thereof, and it being used in
this place. It is indeed at the end of every play, in all the three
manuscripts in Dr. Mead’s collection except Phormio, which is the
last play in the prosaic copy; and the only reason for Calliopius
recensui not being there, is, doubtless, because the play is
imperfect, some few verses being out at the conclusion; ω precedes
the farewell in one of the doctor’s copies, ο in another, and the
largest copy has neither. What is independent of the action of the
play, as the last two lines are, may be looked upon as an epilogue,
and was probably spoken by the same person, whether player,
prompter, or cantor.”—Cooke.

NOTE 218.

End of the fifth Act.


At the end of a play, the Romans closed their scenes, which,
instead of falling from the roof of the theatre downwards, as among
the moderns, were constructed something similarly to the blinds of a
carriage; so that when the stage was to be exposed to the view of
the spectators, the scene or curtain was let down, and when the
piece was concluded, it was drawn up again. The ancients originally
performed their plays in the open air, with no scenery but that
furnished by nature. As they became more refined, they erected
theatres, and introduced scenes, which they divided into three kinds:
1. tragic, 2. comic, 3. pastoral. Some very valuable information on
this subject may be gathered from M. Perrault’s Notes on Vitruvius,
who has described the various sorts of ancient scenes. Ovid, in the
following verses, describes the original simplicity of the Roman
dramatic entertainments:
“Tunc neque marmoreo pendebant vela theatro,
Nec fuerant liquido pulpita rubra croco.
Illic quas tulerant nemorosa palatia frondes
Simpliciter positæ Scena sine arte fuit.”

FINIS.

LONDON:
Printed by W. Clowes, Northumberland-court.
Transcriber’s Note:
Words may have multiple spelling variations or inconsistent
hyphenation in the text. These have been left unchanged unless
indicated below. Obsolete and alternative spellings were left
unchanged.
Note 108 has two footnotes that were lettered sequentially and
were moved to the end of the Note. Missing anchor was added to
Note 50. Obvious printing errors, such as backwards, upside down,
reverse order, or partially printed letters and punctuation, were
corrected. Final stops missing at the end of sentences and
abbreviations were added. Duplicate letters at line endings or page
breaks were removed. Punctuation and accent marks were
normalized.
The following items were changed:

“his” to “this”
“praisng” changed to “praising”
“thing” added to text where not legible in the original, Note 114
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