Time, History, and Political Thought

John Robertson
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 Time, History, and Political Thought

Between the cliché that ‘a week is a long time in politics’ and the aspiration of many
political philosophers to give their ideas universal, timeless validity lies a gulf which the
history of political thought is uniquely qualified to bridge. For what the history of politi-
cal thought shows is that no conception of politics has dispensed altogether with time,
and many have explicitly sought legitimacy in association with forms of history. Ranging
from Justinian’s law codes to rival Protestant and Catholic visions of political commu-
nity after the Fall, from Hobbes and Spinoza to the Scottish Enlightenment, and from
Kant and Savigny to the legacy of German Historicism and the Algerian Revolution, this
volume explores multiple ways in which different conceptions of time and history have
been used to understand politics since late antiquity. Bringing together leading contem-
porary historians of political thought, Time, History, and Political Thought demonstrates
just how much both time and history have enriched the political imagination.

John Robertson is Professor Emeritus of the History of Political Thought at the

­University of Cambridge and Honorary Professor of the History of Political Thought at
the ­University of St Andrews. Previously he taught at Oxford, and he has held visiting
appointments in the United States, Italy, France and China. He is a Foreign Member of
the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, Naples. His publications include The
Case for the Enlightenment: Scotland and Naples 1680–1760 (2005), The Enlightenment:
A Very Short Introduction (2015) and, as editor, A Union for Empire: Political Thought
and the Union of 1707 (1995) and Andrew Fletcher: Political Works (1997).

Published online by Cambridge University Press

Published online by Cambridge University Press
 Time, History, and Political Thought

Edited by
JOHN ROBERTSON
University of Cambridge

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DOI: 10.1017/9781009289399
© Cambridge University Press & Assessment 2023
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions
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place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press & Assessment.
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remain, accurate or appropriate.

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 Contents

List of Contributorspage vii

Acknowledgementsx
Note on References and the Bibliographyxii

Introduction: Time, History, and Political Thought1

John Robertson

1 Out of Time? Eternity, Christology, and Justinianic Law36

Caroline Humfress

2 Historicity and Universality in Roman Law before 160054

Magnus Ryan

3 ‘The Logic of Authority, and the Logic of Evidence’67

George Garnett

4 Christian Time and the Commonwealth in Early Modern

Political Thought84
Sarah Mortimer

5 Politic History102
Kinch Hoekstra

6 Hobbes on the Theology and Politics of Time136

Quentin Skinner

7 The Recourse to Sacred History before the Enlightenment:

Spinoza’s Theological–Political Treatise156
John Robertson

8 Law, Chronology, and Scottish Conjectural History179

Aaron Garrett
v
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 vi Contents

9 Civilization and Perfectibility: Conflicting Views of the History

of Humankind?194
Silvia Sebastiani

10 Kant on History, or Theodicy for Mortal Gods216

Chris Meckstroth

11 Law’s Histories in Post-Napoleonic Germany237

Charlotte Johann

12 After Historicism: The Politics of Time and History

in Twentieth-Century Germany259
Waseem Yaqoob

13 The Right to Rebel: History and Universality in the Political

Thought of the Algerian Revolution285
Emma Stone Mackinnon

Bibliography308
Index341

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 Contributors

George Garnett is Professor of Medieval History at the University of Oxford, and

Fellow and Tutor in History at St Hugh’s College. He has published several books
on the Norman Conquest, most recently the first volume of a study of its significance
in English History through to the eighteenth century. He also works on Continental
political and legal thought in the middle ages and early modern period.
Aaron Garrett is Professor of Philosophy at Boston University. His books include
Meaning in Spinoza’s Method (Cambridge, 2003) and Scottish Philosophy in the
Eighteenth Century, co-edited with James Harris (Oxford, 2015). He is presently
writing a monograph on the rise of modern moral philosophy entitled The Making
of Modern Moral Philosophy.
Kinch Hoekstra is Chancellor’s Professor of Political Science and Law at the
University of California, Berkeley, and an affiliated Professor in Philosophy and
Classics. He was previously a member of the Faculties of Philosophy and Classics
at the University of Oxford. He is the author of studies on ancient, Renaissance
and early modern political thought, and co-editor of The Oxford Handbook of
Hobbes (2016). He is currently co-editing Hobbes’ translation of Thucydides for the
Clarendon Edition of the Works of Thomas Hobbes.
Caroline Humfress is Professor of Medieval History and Director of the Institute
of Legal and Constitutional Research at the University of St Andrews. She has
published widely on late antique history, particularly in relation to law, legal
orderings and religious beliefs and practices. She is especially interested in dialogue
between historians, legal anthropologists, sociologists and modern legal theorists.
Recent publications include ‘Beyond the (Byzantine) State: Towards a User
Theory of Jurisdiction’ in Nico Krisch, ed., Entangled Legalities Beyond the State
(Cambridge, 2021).
Charlotte Johann is Junior Research Fellow at Churchill College, Cambridge. She
works at the intersection of legal, political and intellectual history, exploring how
conflicting visions of legal order impacted on the theory and practice of politics
vii
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 viii List of Contributors

in the long nineteenth century. In addition to published articles, she is preparing

a monograph on the historical jurisprudence of Friedrich Carl von Savigny and its
role in shaping legal politics in nineteenth-century Germany.
Emma Stone Mackinnon is University Assistant Professor in the History of Modern
Political Thought at the University of Cambridge and a Fellow of Emmanuel
College. She has published on twentieth-century political thought, political theory,
and the history of human rights and humanitarianism.
Chris Meckstroth is Associate Professor of the History of Political Thought at the
University of Cambridge. He taught previously at Harvard and the University of
Chicago. He is the author of The Struggle for Democracy: Paradoxes of Progress
and the Politics of Change (Oxford, 2015). His work treats the history and theory
of popular government and the challenges it raised for political thought in the
nineteenth century.
Sarah Mortimer is Associate Professor of Early Modern History at the University
of Oxford, and Student and Tutor in History at Christ Church, Oxford. She is
interested in the intersections of ethics, politics and religion across early modern
European thought, publishing extensively on these themes: most recently, her book,
Reformation, Resistance and Reason of State 1517–1625 (Oxford, 2021).
John Robertson is Professor Emeritus of the History of Political Thought at the
University of Cambridge, and an Emeritus Fellow of Clare College; he is also
Honorary Professor of the History of Political Thought at St Andrews University.
He has published on a range of topics in intellectual history in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, in particular Enlightenment, both the concept and its
manifestations in Scotland and in Naples. He is currently writing a study of sacred
history and its contribution to thinking about society and state between 1650 and 1800.
Magnus Ryan is Associate Professor in History at the University of Cambridge, and
a Fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge. His interests extend across Roman, Feudal
and Canon Law and their relation to political thinking from late antiquity to the
seventeenth century, leading to a series of articles on these themes. Most recently
he has prepared (with George Garnett) a new translation and edition of works of
Bartolus of Sassoferrato, forthcoming with Cambridge University Press.
Silvia Sebastiani is Professor of Early Modern History at the École des Hautes Études
en Sciences Sociales in Paris. A specialist of the Scottish Enlightenment, she works
on the questions of race, gender, animality and history writing. She is the author of
The Scottish Enlightenment. Race, Gender, and the Limits of Progress (Basingstoke
and New York, 2013 – Italian edition, Bologna, 2008) and the co-author, with Jean-
Frédéric Schaub, of Race et histoire dans les sociétés occidentales (15e–18e siècle) (Paris,
2021). She is completing a book on the boundaries of humanity in the Enlightenment,
focusing on how the great apes contributed to the shaping of human and social sciences.

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 List of Contributors ix

Quentin Skinner was Regius Professor of History at the University of Cambridge

from 1996 to 2008, and since then has been Barber Beaumont Professor of the
Humanities at Queen Mary University of London. He is the author of numerous
books on political theory and modern intellectual history.
Waseem Yaqoob is Lecturer in the History of Political Thought at Queen Mary
University of London. His interests span thinking about politics, economics and
international order in the twentieth century. His book, History and Judgement: the
Political Thought of Hannah Arendt, is under contract with Princeton University
Press.

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 Acknowledgements

As editor, I am grateful first of all to my contributors, with whom it has been a

pleasure to collaborate. Not only have they been willing to bring their expertise to
the specific subject of the volume, they have been no less willing to engage with
my conception of what it might achieve, and to respond to my editorial suggestions
for the development of their chapters. For their part, Caroline Humfress, Sarah
Mortimer, Silvia Sebastiani and Quentin Skinner have at various points also given
me good editorial counsel. All the contributors have been by turns resilient and
patient, some in the face of serious adversity, the Covid-induced circumstances of
the past three years having been disruptive in ways that individuals and institutions
could not have predicted. For these qualities, too, I am thankful. Protracted as they
have been, the discussions between us have been exemplary of collegial scholarship.
But the volume would not exist without the encouragement, assistance and coun-
sel of its Press editor, Elizabeth Friend-Smith, a consistent friend to and supporter
of the history of political thought in Cambridge and beyond. We are also greatly
indebted to the two readers for the Press, one who remains anonymous, the other,
Sophie Smith, who has volunteered her identity. Both took the trouble to see the
point of the volume, the greatest of encouragements to the editor as well as the basis
for their many constructive suggestions. Further thanks are owed to Elliot Beck
and Chris Hudson at the Press, to Melanie James for helpful copyediting, and to
Thirumangai Thamizhmani for her timely management of the production process.
Behind the volume lay a conference, Political Thought, Time, and History, held
at Clare College, Cambridge on 10/11 May 2018. All but one of the contributors
here spoke at the conference, where they were joined by Sir Christopher Clark,
David D’Avray and Shruti Kapila. I am grateful to all three for their papers, power-
ful and apposite, and to Shruti Kapila in particular for her willingness to contrib-
ute to the volume, until peculiarly adverse circumstances made that impossible.
While this volume would have been richer for a contribution on ‘Time in Indian
political thought’, the subject might very well receive a volume to itself. I am like-
wise grateful to Annabel Brett, Megan Donaldson and Sylvana Tomaselli for clos-
ing the conference with a roundtable that not only engaged with the papers, but
x
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 Acknowledgements xi

looked beyond them to directions in which the conference theme might be taken in
future. As chairs and in other ways, Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe, Annabel Brett, Richard
Serjeantson, Tom Pye, Duncan Kelly, Kenzie Bok, Charlotte Johann, Eloise
Davies and Hester van Hensbergen provided the conference with leadership and
co-ordination throughout. Around 100 conference delegates provided the best of
audiences, repeatedly asking questions relevant and constructive; I am particularly
grateful to those who travelled a distance to be there, among them Elsbeth Heaman,
Paschalis Kitromilides, Li Hongtu, and Shannon Stimson. Conference organisation
was made much easier and more enjoyable by many staff in both Clare College and
the Cambridge History Faculty. Finally, and not least, funding which made the
conference possible was provided by the Cambridge Centre for Political Thought
and the Faculty of History’s Trevelyan Fund. I am very grateful to both, and espe-
cially to David Runciman, benefactor as well as first Director of the Centre.
Behind that conference lay another, History, Politics, Law, held at Clare College
in 2016, organised by Annabel Brett, Megan Donaldson and Martti Koskenniemi,
which provided a model and inspiration.1 It is a pleasure to record my gratitude to
Annabel Brett for discussion of the two conferences, which gave me a sharper sense
of the questions this volume should seek to address.
Finally, I take this opportunity to thank John G. A. Pocock, great historian of
political thought, who has thought about the themes of conference and volume lon-
ger and harder than any of us, for the stimulus of his writings, his correspondence
and his conversation.
Precisely because of the extent and depth of my debts, however, it is all the more
essential to state that responsibility for shortcomings in what I myself have contrib-
uted to the volume, and for all editorial decisions, is mine alone.

1
As also the volume which ensued: Annabel Brett, Megan Donaldson and Martti Koskenniemi, eds.,
History, Politics, Law. Thinking through the International (Cambridge, 2021).

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 Note on References and the Bibliography

Footnote references for each chapter provide full details of author, title, place and
date of publication at first mention, thereafter author surname and short title only.
Unless otherwise indicated, the final numbers are page references (without p. or
pp); where there may be ambiguity, p. or pp. are inserted. All references are then
collected in the unified Bibliography, which also provides the name of the pub-
lisher, where identified.
Within the Bibliography are listed many of the works – books, collaborative vol-
umes and articles – which have inspired or made important contributions to the
current discussion of the roles of history and the significance of temporality in the
study of politics. But the Bibliography is not comprehensive in its coverage of this
literature, an ambition which would have required a separate research exercise –
and would almost immediately have become out of date.

xii
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 Introduction: Time, History, and Political Thought

John Robertson

Among statements of the obvious, few are likely to seem more obvious than that pol-
itics takes place in time and is subject to history. At its most banal – Harold Wilson’s
‘a week is a long time in politics’1 – it has become a cliché. But it is also the premise
of some of the most classic texts in the canon of Western political thought. Pre-
eminent examples are Machiavelli’s The Prince and Discourses, where he argued
that the key to success in politics, whether for individual rulers or for republics, lay
in adapting to and taking advantage of time and circumstances. Alternatively, oth-
ers have argued that politics will only be understood when recognised as subject to
long-term economic and social forces: in this way, Hegel and Marx argued, politics
served history’s purposes. Yet time and again – just as obviously – political thought
has sought to escape the confines of time and history, and to present its findings as
timeless, of universal application. If anything texts in this vein are even more classic,
stretching as they do from Plato’s Republic in antiquity to John Rawls’ A Theory of
Justice in the late twentieth century, by way of More’s Utopia, Hobbes’ Leviathan
and the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
It is not hard to see why a universal, timeless vision of politics should appeal:
what humans have in common should trump their differences, and all should enjoy
security, justice and equal rights. But again, the reverse is not hard to accept either.
For notwithstanding those imputed commonalities, the historical record has repeat-
edly proved recalcitrant. Peoples, whether organised in states or connected by looser
forms of association, have stubbornly asserted their political differences, appealing
to the past or simply to current circumstances to justify their particularity. In the
face of this binary, the standard scholarly response is to be more discriminating – to

For critical comments on drafts of this introduction, as well as many suggestions and references, I am
most grateful to Annabel Brett, Blake Ewing, Charlotte Johann, Sarah Mortimer, Silvia Sebastiani and
both the anonymous reader and Sophie Smith, as readers for Cambridge University Press.
1
Harold Wilson (1916–1995), Labour Party prime minister of the United Kingdom 1964–1970,
1974–1976; the remark is thought to have been first made in 1964.

1
https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009289399.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press
 2 John Robertson

draw more distinctions in order to show that a simple opposition between the tem-
poral and historical and the timeless and universal is too simple.
A first, crucial step is to recognise that time and history are separable concepts.
Time is a concept no political theory can be without altogether. It is essential even to
Hobbes’ ‘natural condition of mankind’, where the crucial incentive to war between
humans is fear of what others will do. Moreover while ‘time’ can be measured as
uniform – clock time – it can be conceptualised in very different ways according to
perspective of the thinker or the object of enquiry, yielding distinct ‘temporalities’,
or time regimes. In one view of politics, a week is a long time; in another, not at all.
The temporality of politics conceived as a form of social organisation, for example, is
unlikely to correspond with that of revolutions; and different systems of law are likely
to have distinct temporalities.
For an argument to be historical, by contrast, it must appeal to some record of
human experience, a documentary or material residue from which historians can
reconstruct what they suppose happened ‘in fact’. A historical political argument is
one which refers, explicitly or by allusion, to such ‘facts’, or to the narratives by which
historians have connected them. The distinction was clearly drawn by Rousseau,
in the prologue to the Discourse on the Origin of Inequality among Men (1755), in
which he began by ‘setting aside all the facts’, in favour of ‘hypothetical and condi-
tional reasonings, better suited to elucidate the Nature of things’. The account he
proceeded to give of original, natural human equality was unavoidably temporal, but
made no appeal even to what Rousseau took to be the oldest recorded history, that of
the Bible.2 A further complication is that the histories of interest to political thinkers
have been of more than one kind. What is assumed to be the most relevant and most
cited form of history in European political thought is the classical narrative, devoted
to war, diplomacy and power struggles within communities, and exemplified by
Herodotus and Thucydides, Livy and Tacitus, and later by Guicciardini and Gibbon.
But political thought has also emerged from and engaged with many other kinds
of history, including sacred, legal, social and natural history. The different kinds of
history have in turn been informed by contrasting assumptions about how events or
more structural developments unfold, whether cyclically or in a linear, progressive
or even purposive direction, and by the ascription of different temporal rhythms or
durations (short, medium or long) to the layers of human activity.
Time and its temporalities, history and the narratives by which it is told, thus form
a triad with political thought, the weightings of whose components are constantly
shifting. Political thinkers may often have sought refuge from the constraints of time
and history in the universal; but none has dispensed altogether with temporality,

2
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discours sur l’origine et les fondemens de l’inégalité parmi les hommes, in
Œuvres complètes III Du contrat social, Écrits politiques, ed. B. Gagnebin and M. Raymond,
Bibliothèque de la Pléiade (Paris, 1964), 132–3. Translation by Victor Gourevitch, The Discourses
and other early political writings (Cambridge, 1997), 132. Although as Silvia Sebastiani points out in
Chapter 9 in this volume, Rousseau proceeded to let ‘the facts’ back in through his notes.

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009289399.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

 Introduction: Time, History, and Political Thought 3

and even the most determined to exclude history have known that it will still be
camped at theory’s gates.
Among political scientists, time is now taken ever more seriously as a dimen-
sion of politics.3 For their part, historians of political thought have certainly not
neglected either time or history in reconstructing their subject: the quantity of
references to work which engages with them, both in this introduction and in the
substantive chapters to follow, testifies the contrary. Yet there is a case for suggest-
ing that these dimensions of political thought might profitably be paid more atten-
tion. One barrier to doing so may derive from what is otherwise a strength of the
history of political thought: its proximity to political theory and political philosophy
as they are currently practised. As Annabel Brett puts it, it is an inherent feature
of the history of political thought that its very concern with the ‘political’ ‘pulls’ it
into political thought itself, and hence into its present concerns.4 The pull is liable
to be felt most naturally and urgently by historians of recent political thought. The
closer they are to the present, the easier it becomes for them to contribute to discus-
sion of the issues whose genesis they have been studying: a theoretical pay-off from
historical enquiry is visibly within reach. But the same pull may affect the history
of political thought of any period, shaping its narratives to yield implications of
relevance to the present. There is nothing inherently wrong in this tendency: the
scope to make a theoretical or philosophical contribution is what distinguishes the
history of political thought of any period from other forms of historical enquiry.
Nevertheless, a problem arises if the present concerns of political theory or philoso-
phy over-determine understanding of the roles temporality and history have played
in past political thinking.
The problem is not that the theorist or philosopher may have a natural prefer-
ence for the universal to the neglect of the historical. If anything, the greater danger
is the opposite: a reductive temptation to use history as a ‘reality check’, exposing
the illusions within the languages and the concepts deployed by those in power to
legitimate their rule. In this guise, history is treated as external to theory and a test of
its usage. Cast as ‘political realism’, this is a powerful instrument of c­ ritique. It draws
inspiration from classic historical treatments of politics, not least the ‘steely realism’
of Thucydides. But its sharpest edge is turned to the present, where it has been
applied with telling effect to undercut the liberal universalism of Rawls’ theory of
justice. Within a decade of its publication, it is argued, a theory of justice designed

3
As a sample: Paul Pierson, Politics in Time. History, Institutions and Social Analysis (Princeton
and Oxford, 2004); Elizabeth F. Cohen, The Political Value of Time. Citizenship, Duration, and
Democratic Justice (Cambridge, 2018); Klaus H. Goetz, ed., The Oxford Handbook of Time and
Politics (Oxford, online publication 2021). DOI 10 1093/oxfordhb/9780190862084 013 35
4
Annabel Brett, ‘Between history, politics and law: history of political thought and history of interna-
tional law’, in Annabel Brett, Megan Donaldson and Martti Koskenniemi, eds., History, Politics, Law.
Thinking through the International (Cambridge, 2021), 19–48, at 21. I am indebted to the author for the
opportunity to read this paper before its publication: its conception of what is distinctive to the history
of political thought has shaped the argument of this introduction.

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009289399.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

 4 John Robertson

to be proof against historical change and even to shield its subjects from the future
had been rendered anachronistic by the reality of economic crisis.5 The problem
here is that a politics which appeals to history as its external arbiter is also its nar-
rator, telling a story which it anticipates its readers will accept. The critical advan-
tages of such a ‘realist’ historical perspective are less apparent in the study of earlier
periods, where the reconstruction of ‘reality’ is less intuitive, and the thinkers’ own
conceptions of time and history may seem remote from ours. In that longer per-
spective, it becomes clearer that to oppose history to theory in the name of a reality
check is to miss how political theories have themselves constructed time and history,
and how the histories so constructed (and their accompanying temporalities) have
enabled different visions of political life. While no historian of political thought can
(or should) deny the pull of the present, the resort to history in the name of realism
is liable to curtail rather than facilitate enquiry into how relations between politics,
time, and history have been conceived.
Even as some tendencies within political theory may be narrowing the space
for time and history, however, the study of history itself has been undergoing what
has been characterised as a ‘temporal turn’. Predicated on the emergence of a new
conception of ‘History’, the temporal turn has potentially far-reaching implications
for the understanding of ‘modern’ politics. The inspiration for this ‘turn’ has been
the thinking of the German historian and philosopher of history Reinhart Koselleck,
as developed in a succession of essays between the 1960s and the 1990s.6 In outline,
Koselleck’s thesis was as follows. Between 1750 and 1850, a period Koselleck initially
and influentially labelled the Sattelzeit, literally ‘saddle time’, there was a transfor-
mation in what Europeans understood by ‘history’. Before 1750, time was taken to
be stable, so that history followed a cyclical pattern. What had happened in war
and politics was recorded in histories (Historie), and precisely because time was
recursive, these histories also served as exemplars of military and political conduct,
historia magistra vitae. By 1850, however, ‘History’ (Geschichte) was understood to
possess a conceptual identity separate from the works in which it was written, and to
pursue a linear, progressive course of development, in which time was accelerating.

5
As in Raymond Geuss, History and Illusion in Politics (Cambridge, 2001); and in more compelling
detail, Katrina Forrester, In the Shadow of Justice. Postwar Liberalism and the Remaking of Political
Philosophy (Princeton and Oxford, 2019); see esp. 172–203, on the contortions required for Rawls
to shield his subjects from a concern with the future. For comment on varieties of realism: Bonnie
Honig and Marc Stears, ‘The new realism: from modus vivendi to justice’, in J. Floyd and M. Stears,
eds., Political Philosophy versus History? (Cambridge, 2011), 177–205; and on ‘exposure’ as its default
trope: Brett, ‘Between history, politics and law’, 34.
6
The initial set of essays was published in German in 1979 and translated into English by Keith Tribe
as Futures Past. On the Semantics of Historical Time (Cambridge, MA and London, 1985). There have
been two further translated collections which do not correspond directly to German originals: The
Practice of Conceptual History: Timing History, Spacing Concepts, by Todd S. Presner et al. (Stanford,
2002) and Sediments of Time. On Possible Histories, by Sean Franzel and Stefan-Ludwig Hoffmann
(Stanford, 2018). References to specific essays later in this volume.

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 Introduction: Time, History, and Political Thought 5

At the centre of this transformation lay the French Revolution, which had engen-
dered a new idea of political possibility, revolution as the overthrow of existing
social relations, and a new ‘horizon of expectation’, in which the prospect of radical
change was the political norm. Koselleck compared the new sense of revolutionary
expectation to that of Christian eschatology, anticipating the end of the world; rein-
vigorated by the Reformation, eschatology had been the main threat to the stability
of time in the pre-modern world. But after the French Revolution the anticipation
was of transformation in this world, gradually extending across the globe. To the
new conception of ‘History’ it had been easy to attach normative purpose: history
could confidently be equated with progress towards a chosen goal, whether freedom,
nation-statehood, socialism or communism. Such, Koselleck argued, was the history
and temporality of the Neuzeit, a term readily translated into English as ‘modernity’.
Since the early 2000s, Koselleck’s thesis has stimulated an intensifying debate
among historians, diffusing the idea of a ‘temporal turn’ in the discipline. An impor-
tant early intervention was made by the French historiographer François Hartog.
Detecting disillusion with modernity, Hartog diagnosed the cause as a pervasive
‘presentism’ which views the past as a subject for commemoration rather than criti-
cal understanding and a basis for political action. In response, he proposed that
historians think in terms of ‘regimes of historicity’, which would allow for different
historical paths to modernity.7 More recently, Hartog has returned to the problem of
presentism, connecting it to a loss of expectation in a future threatened by climate
change. Modifying his earlier response, Hartog now suggests a return to thinking
of time simply as Chronos, abandoning the temporality of Kairos, or expectation,
which Christianity took over from the Greeks and used to characterise the period
of waiting for the final Krisis of Christ’s return. Modernity’s ‘horizon of expecta-
tion’, Hartog would seem to be arguing, should be sacrificed to the crisis of the
Anthropocene, leaving lineal time, accounted for by chronology, as the least threat-
ening temporality in which to comprehend climate change.8 Hartog’s theses have in
turn stimulated debate in their own right, notably in the collection edited by Marek
Tamm and Laurent Olivier, Rethinking Historical Time (2019).9
Others have sought to apply insights deriving from the temporal turn to the poli-
tics of the past. Notable among these has been Christopher Clark, whose Time and
Power (2019) examines the contrasting attitudes to historical temporality adopted by

7
François Hartog, Régimes d’historicité. Présentisme et expériences du temps (Paris, 2003), translated
by Saskia Brown as Regimes of Historicity. Presentism and Experiences of Time (New York, 2015).
For a similar lament over ‘presentism’, Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht, Our Broad Present: Time and
Contemporary Culture (New York, 2014).
8
François Hartog, ‘Chronos, Kairos, Krisis: the genesis of western time’, History and Theory, 60:3 (2021),
425–39, with a series of responses, 440–68.
9
Marek Tamm and Laurent Olivier, eds., Rethinking Historical Time, New Approaches to Presentism
(London and New York, 2019). For an argument convergent with Hartog’s rehabilitation of chronol-
ogy, Helge Jordheim, ‘Return to chronology’, at 43–56.

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009289399.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

 6 John Robertson

four German regimes since the seventeenth century, those of Frederick William the
Great Elector, Frederick II, Bismarck, and the Third Reich. Taking cues from both
Koselleck and Hartog, Clark exchanged the terms of the latter’s concept to focus on
the ‘historicity of regimes’, to yield a study of ‘chronopolitics’, or how understand-
ings of time and change shape political decision-making.10 A similar interest moti-
vates the collection with the reversed title Power and Time (2020), edited by Dan
Edelstein, Stefanos Geroulanos and Natasha Wheatley, although they prefer the
term ‘chronocenosis’ to capture the potential for conflict between different political
and legal temporalities.11 The appeal of the ‘temporal turn’ is clear, but as the prolif-
eration of ‘chrono’-concepts perhaps implies, its outcomes are still open.
As Edelstein and others suggest, there is no reason why the temporal turn should
not also stimulate fresh thinking about time and history in the history of political
thought. To do so, however, requires returning to the theses of Koselleck on which
the turn was founded, since these provided not only a re-conception of ‘History’ but
a new approach to the history of modern political thought. For this purpose, the
next section (2) of this introduction will look more closely at Koselleck’s account
of the politics of ‘modern’ time, examining both the intellectual history through
which it was demonstrated, and the meta-historical assumptions required to sustain
it. The potential of Koselleck’s history, it will be argued, is evident in his account of
the new temporality of revolution; but the thesis as a whole remains hostage to an
over-determined concept of ‘modernity’.
Instead of developing the Koselleckian version of the temporal turn, therefore,
I argue in the following section (3) that historians of political thought would do
better to harness the methodological and historiographical resources which already
exist within their discipline. In particular, I shall return to the suggestion that politi-
cal thought is best studied through its languages rather than its concepts. As John
Pocock has sought to demonstrate, thinking in terms of languages is particularly
well adapted to grasping the different ways in which time and history have been
put to work in political thought. While a single volume cannot cover every possible
way of doing so, the subsequent section (4) will identify as many as six forms of
temporal–historical political thinking which are the subject of contributions later
in this collection. Each of these will be outlined, and the specific contributions to
this volume introduced by their relation to them. As I emphasise in conclusion (5),
the resulting picture of the ways in which time, history, and politics have been inter-
related is necessarily selective; others might be added. Nevertheless, what is covered
in this volume is already much richer than what is suggested by a focus on the

10
Christopher Clark, Time and Power. Visions of History in German Politics from the Thirty Years’ War
to the Third Reich (Princeton and Oxford, 2019). The Introduction provides a densely referenced
account of the ‘temporal turn’. For ‘chronopolitics’, 14 and note 36.
11
Dan Edelstein, Stefanos Geroulanos and Natasha Wheatley, eds., Power and Time. Temporalities in
Conflict and the Making of History (Chicago and London, 2020).

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009289399.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

 Introduction: Time, History, and Political Thought 7

advent of the ‘modern’ alone, while demonstrating that history can serve many more
purposes for political thinkers than a simple reality check. Rather, the contributions
to this volume demonstrate how rich and varied have been the possibilities opened
for political thought by different conceptions of time and history.

The essentials of Koselleck’s account of the accelerating time of ‘modernity’ have

already been sketched above. But there was more to that account than the stan-
dard summary reveals; to test its significance for the history of political thought,
both the story he was telling and its particular conceptual character need ampli-
fication. The story recounted in the essays collected in Futures Past and successor
volumes is clearly connected to the one he had told in his first book, originally
published in 1959, and eventually translated as Critique and Crisis. Enlightenment
and the Pathogenesis of Modern Society.12 There Koselleck had characterised
Enlightenment philosophy as an expression of frustration with the absolutist state,
and with the Hobbesian principles by which absolutism was justified. Designed to
enable the sovereign to enforce toleration and prevent the renewal of religious war,
the Hobbesian concept of the state had stood in the way of the philosophes’ aspira-
tions for radical social and political change. In response, the philosophes and their
German counterparts, the Illuminati, had put morals before politics, and articu-
lated their goals in the abstract, utopian terms of natural law. On this basis, they
envisaged an undermining of the absolutist state, a prognosis of revolution which
they concealed within a philosophy of history as progress. Combining these intel-
lectual commitments with an approach to politics modelled on the secretive rituals
of Freemasonry, the ‘prophètes philosophes’ of the Enlightenment had successfully
precipitated the overthrow of the ancien régime.
In that first book, Koselleck was telling a certain story, one with obvious echoes
of Tocqueville’s L’ancien régime et la révolution (1856), and even of the Counter-
Revolutionary thesis of a ‘philosophe conspiracy’ (in its French and German ver-
sions). Intellectual responsibility for the French Revolution was attributed to a
utopian willingness to slight the role of the state in maintaining order, in favour of
a transformation of society in the name of moral absolutes. It was this story which
informed Koselleck’s essay ten years later on ‘Historical criteria of the modern con-
cept of revolution’, which contended that after 1789 the idea of ‘revolution’ had
become a ‘collective singular’, uniting in itself the course of all the individual rev-
olutions that followed the French. Built into this modern concept of revolution
were both an acceleration of political time and, through declarations of rights, the

12
Reinhart Koselleck, Critique and Crisis. Enlightenment and the Pathogenesis of Modern Society
(Oxford, New York and Hamburg, 1988), trans. of Kritik und Krise. Eine Studie zur Pathogenese der
bürgerlichen Welt (Freiburg and Munich, 1959).

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009289399.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

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