On Trial for Reason: Science, Religion,

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 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 24/05/19, SPi

ON T R IAL F OR R E A SON
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 24/05/19, SPi
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 24/05/19, SPi
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 24/05/19, SPi

1
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, ox2 6dp,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Maurice A. Finocchiaro 2019
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
First Edition published in 2019
Impression: 1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number: 2018968360
ISBN 978–0–19–879792–0
Printed and bound in Great Britain by
Clays Ltd, Elcograf S.p.A.
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 24/05/19, SPi

PR E FAC E A N D AC K NOW L E DGM E N T S

T his book is meant to be a summary, synthesis, and simplification of my

many scholarly works dealing with the Galileo affair: his Inquisition
trial, its intellectual issues, its background, the historical aftermath up to
our day, and the philosophical and cultural lessons involving the relation-
ship between science and religion and the nature of rationality, scientific
method, and critical thinking. Thus, I owe a debt of gratitude to the many
scholars and institutions from whom my scholarly work has benefitted.
They are mentioned in my previous works, and so here it will suffice for me
to express only this general acknowledgment.
Furthermore, this book is also meant to be an expansion and elaboration
of a public lecture which I have had the opportunity to deliver at many ven-
ues in many parts of the world. In fact, after I started publishing scholarly
works on the Galileo affair, it did not take long before I received invitations
to present a one-hour lecture to audiences of intelligent and educated per-
sons who were not specialists on the topic, but were curious and interested
about its details. Although initially challenging and uncomfortable, such
lecturing became increasingly pleasant, and also beneficial to me by forcing
me to focus on the universal and perennial relevance of the topic. I have
never had the occasion to formally thank the organizers and audiences of
such lectures, and so here it seems very appropriate to express my gratitude,
both generally and specifically.
Deserving mention are the following more memorable occasions, when
the organizers were especially wise and effective, and the audiences espe-
cially engaged and engaging: Raymond Erickson and the audience of musi-
cians, musicologists, artists, and art critics, at the Tenth Aston Magna
Academy on Music, the Arts, and Society, on the theme of “Foundations of
the Italian Baroque, 1560–1620,” at Rutgers State University, June 23–30,

v
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 24/05/19, SPi

pr e face a nd ack now l e dgme n ts

1991; Carlos Alvarez and the interdisciplinary audience of faculty and stu-
dents, at the Colloquium on “Mathematics, History, and Culture,” to inaug-
urate the new library of the Faculty of Science, at the National Autonomous
University of Mexico (UNAM), Mexico City, September 20–2, 1994; Derrick
Pitts and the general public at “The Legacy of Galileo Symposium,” on the
occasion of the International Year of Astronomy, to commemorate the
400th anniversary of Galileo’s telescopic discoveries, at the Franklin
Institute, Philadelphia, June 18–20, 2009; Peter Slezak and the audience at
the public lecture sponsored by the Program in History and Philosophy of
Science and the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of New
South Wales, Sydney, Australia, also to celebrate the International Year of
Astronomy, October 22, 2009; John W. Meriwether and the audience of sci-
entists, engineers, and spouses, at the “Classmate Speaker Program,” 50th
Anniversary Reunion of the Class of 1964, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, June 6, 2014; and Kenneth Wolfe and the audience of mostly
elderly and retired persons at the “Contextual Lecture Series 2014: People
Who Changed the World,” Dulwich Picture Gallery, London, July 8, 2014.
Last but not least, there is a group of persons to whom I am grateful and
who deserve acknowledgment for their assistance concerning this particu-
lar book, attempting to simplify my specialized scholarship and to amplify
my public lecture. John Heilbron, author of Galileo and many other books in
the history of physics, provided both positive support and substantive criti-
cism; I appreciated both, while feeling free to criticize his criticism. Latha
Menon, at Oxford University Press, not only did the usual tasks required of
a commissioning editor, but also read and edited the entire manuscript; her
suggestions significantly improved the literary style and narrative and the
general appeal of my writing. One of the anonymous reviewers of my ori-
ginal proposal provided not only a favorable recommendation, but also a
very perceptive and fruitful interpretation of my project: “without ‘dumb-
ing down’ of historical and philosophical content, to be of interest to a wide
readership”; this was and continued to be my guiding principle in the writ-
ing of this book, and I found this reviewer’s judgment a constant source of
encouragement. Finally, two readers of my manuscript deserve special

vi
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pr e face a nd ack now l e dgme n ts

thanks: Aaron Abbey, a professional librarian at the University of Nevada,

Las Vegas and a former student of mine; and Mark Attorri, a professional
and practicing attorney in New Hampshire, for whom Galileo is a hobby
and diversion from his law practice. They provided numerous and detailed
comments and criticisms, and I feel extremely fortunate to have had this
book read by these two ideal examples of intelligent, educated, interested,
curious, and nonspecialist readers.
In a class by itself is the special debt of gratitude which I owe to the
University of Nevada, Las Vegas, in particular the College of Liberal Arts,
the Philosophy Department, the Chair of the Philosophy Department
(David Forman), my departmental colleagues (David Beisecker, Ian Dove,
Todd Jones, Bill Ramsey, Paul Schollmeier, and James Woodbridge), and the
staff in the Office of Information Technology (Hector Ibarra and Nick
Panissidi). They have continued to provide institutional, material, and moral
support, even after I decided to retire from formal teaching to work full
time on research, scholarship, and writing.

vii
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 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 24/05/19, SPi

CON T E N T S

Preface and Acknowledgments v

1. Introduction: Avoiding Myths and Muddles 1

2. When the Earth Stood Still 25

3. The Copernican Controversy (1543–1609) 47

4. Re-assessing Copernicanism (1609–1616) 77

5. The Earlier Inquisition Proceedings (1615–1616) 109

6. The Dialogue on the Two Chief World Systems (1632) 123

7. The Inquisition Trial (1632–1633) 155

8. Becoming a Cultural Icon (1616–2016) 171

9. Religion vs. Science? 203

10. A Model of Critical Thinking? 225

11. Some Final Thoughts 249

Bibliography 259
Notes 267
Artwork Acknowledgments 275
Index 277

ix
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 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 23/05/19, SPi

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION
Avoiding Myths and Muddles

Galileo’s Legacy

I n 1633, at the conclusion of one of history’s most famous trials, the Roman
Inquisition found Galileo Galilei guilty of “vehement suspicion of her-
esy”; this was a specific category of religious crime intermediate in serious-
ness between formal heresy and mild suspicion of heresy. He had committed
this alleged crime by defending the idea that the Earth is a planet rotating
daily around its own axis and revolving yearly around the Sun; his argu-
ment was found in a book published the previous year and entitled Dialogue
on the Two Chief World Systems, Ptolemaic and Copernican. The problem stemmed
chiefly from the fact that Galileo was implicitly denying the Catholic Church’s
beliefs that the Earth’s motion contradicted Scripture and Scripture was a
scientific authority.
Thus, Galileo became the protagonist of a cause célèbre that continues to
our own day. For example, in the eighteenth century, Voltaire opined that
the tragedy would bring “eternal disgrace” to the Catholic Church; and in
the twentieth century, Arthur Koestler labeled it “the greatest scandal in
Christendom.”1
However, there is also irony in this tragedy. For, as we shall see later, even-
tually the Church came to recognize that Galileo was right not only about
the Earth’s motion, but also about the limited authority of Scripture. This
recognition came in 1893 when Pope Leo XIII issued an encyclical entitled
Providentissimus Deus, propounding the Galilean principle that Scripture is

1
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in t roduc t ion: avoiding m y t hs a nd mu ddl es

not a scientific authority, but only one on questions of faith and morals.
Moreover, another acknowledgment came in the period 1979–92, when
Pope Saint John Paul II undertook a highly publicized and highly controver-
sial “rehabilitation” of Galileo. John Paul made it clear and explicit that
Galileo had been theologically right about biblical hermeneutics, as against
his ecclesiastical opponents; moreover, the pope credited Galileo with hav-
ing preached, practiced, and embodied the very important principle that
religion and science are really in harmony, and not incompatible. In short,
the world’s oldest religious institution, which continues to be one of the
world’s great religions, has found ways and reasons to try to appropriate
Galileo’s legacy with regard to two basic principles, involving the limited
authority of Scripture and the harmonious relationship between science
and religion.
It is not surprising that the Catholic Church would try to appropriate
Galileo’s legacy. In fact, independently of his epoch-making role in the history
and philosophy of religion, his legacy has a second main aspect: Galileo was
one of the founders of modern science. That is, science as we know it today
emerged in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries thanks to the discoveries,
inventions, ideas, and activities of a group of people like Galileo that also
included Nicolaus Copernicus, Johannes Kepler, René Descartes, Christiaan
Huygens, and Isaac Newton. Frequently, Galileo is singled out as the most
pivotal of these founders and called the Father of Modern Science. Although
many people have repeated or elaborated such a characterization, it is signifi-
cant that it originates in the judgment of practicing scientists themselves,
such as Albert Einstein and Stephen Hawking.2 Galileo’s most important con-
tributions involved physics, astronomy, and scientific method.
In physics, Galileo pioneered the experimental investigation of motion.
He also formulated, clarified, and systematized many of the basic concepts
and principles needed for the theoretical analysis of motion, such as an
approximation to the law of inertia, a formulation of the relativity of
motion, and the composition of motion into distinct components. And he
discovered the laws of falling bodies, including free fall, descent on inclined
planes, pendulums, and projectiles.

2
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in t roduc t ion: avoiding m y t hs a nd mu ddl es

In astronomy, Galileo introduced the telescope as an instrument for sys-

tematic observation. He made a number of crucial observational discover-
ies, such as mountains of the Moon, satellites of Jupiter, phases of Venus,
and sunspots. And he understood the cosmological significance of these
observational facts and gave essentially correct interpretations of many of
them; that is, he provided a robust confirmation of the theory that the Earth
moves, daily around its own axis and yearly around the Sun.
With regard to scientific method, Galileo pioneered several important
practices. For example, he was a leader in the use of artificial instruments
(like the telescope) to learn new facts about the world; this is to be contrasted
to the use of instruments like the compass for practical purposes. Moreover,
he pioneered the active intervention into and exploratory manipulation of
physical phenomena in order to gain access to aspects of nature that are not
detectable without such experimentation; this is the essence of the experi-
mental method, as distinct from a merely observational approach. He also
contributed to the establishment and extension of other more traditional,
but little used, methodological practices, such as the use of a quantitative
and mathematical approach in the study of motion. He contributed to the
explicit formulation and clarification of important methodological prin-
ciples, such as the setting aside of biblical assertions and religious authority
in scientific inquiry. And he was also an inventor, making significant contri-
butions to the devising and improvement of such instruments as the tele-
scope, microscope, thermometer, and pendulum clock.
Finally, there is a third aspect to Galileo’s legacy. In fact, the historical
circumstances of his time and his own personal inclinations made him into
a kind of philosopher. Of course, he was not a systematic metaphysician
who speculated about the eternal problems of being and nothingness.
Instead he was a concrete-oriented and practical-oriented critical thinker
who not only was engaged in a quest for knowledge of nature, but also
reflected on questions about the nature of knowledge. In the eloquent words
of Owen Gingerich, for Galileo “what was at issue was both the truth of
nature and the nature of truth.”3 Now, let us define epistemology as the branch
of philosophy that studies the nature of knowledge in general, and scientific

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in t roduc t ion: avoiding m y t hs a nd mu ddl es

knowledge in particular, including the principles and procedures that are

useful in the acquisition of knowledge; if one focuses on just the latter prin-
ciples and procedures, that defines the branch of epistemology called meth-
odology. In this regard, Galileo was like the ancient Greek philosopher
Socrates, their main difference being that Socrates reflected on moral or
ethical questions of good and evil and the meaning of life. Thus, just as
many regard Socrates as the Father of Western Philosophy, we may regard
Galileo as the Socrates of methodology and epistemology.
That is, as already hinted at and as we shall see in more detail later,
Galileo’s contributions to scientific knowledge were so radical that he con-
stantly had to discuss with his opponents (scientific as well as ecclesiastic)
not only what were the observational facts and what was their best theoretical
interpretation, but also what were the proper rules for establishing the facts
and for interpreting them. With scientific opponents he had to discuss
questions such as whether artificial instruments like the telescope have a
legitimate role in learning new truths about reality; whether scientific
authorities, such as Aristotle (384–322 bc), should be relied upon to the
exclusion of one’s own independent judgment; whether mathematics has
an important, and perhaps essential, role to play in the study of natural
phenomena; and so on. With ecclesiastic opponents, Galileo had to discuss
whether Scripture should be treated as a source of scientific information
about physical reality; whether scientific theories that contradict the literal
meaning of Scripture should be summarily rejected or treated as hypotheses;
whether hypotheses are potentially true descriptions of reality or merely
convenient instruments of calculation and prediction; and so on.
In short, Galileo’s legacy clearly has a three-fold character, relating to sci-
ence, religion, and philosophy. These three things are such major and cru-
cial cultural elements, and their interaction has such significant cultural
ramifications, that we may also speak more generally of his cultural legacy.
In this book, all aspects of Galileo’s cultural legacy are discussed by focus-
ing on his trial by the Inquisition, stressing its intellectual developments
and issues, and elaborating, in turn, its background, proceedings, after-
math, and significance. However, before articulating the background, it is

4
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in t roduc t ion: avoiding m y t hs a nd mu ddl es

important to have a methodological discussion outlining the multifaceted

and balanced approach that is necessary to avoid common pitfalls. This
approach requires a mastery of a number of distinctions, which, however,
must not be turned into separations. It also requires an awareness of the
non-intellectual factors, which cannot be totally neglected, even as one
stresses intellectual aspects. Finally, this approach requires an awareness of
such pedestrian things as dates, places, and names, and so a rudimentary
sketch of Galileo’s life will be provided presently; such a biographical over-
view can also serve as a synthetic preview of this book’s chapters. To these
three topics, I now turn.

Biographical Highlights

Galileo was born in Pisa in 1564 (Figure 1). At that time, the northern Italian
city of Pisa was part of an independent state known as the Grand Duchy of
Tuscany, which had Florence as its capital, and which was ruled by a grand
duke of the famous House of the Medici. Pisa already had the claim to fame
which it continues to have today: it was the site of a massive and monumen-
tal tower that had been leaning without falling ever since it was built in the
thirteenth century. Thus, some myth makers have invented the legend that
at some point Galileo performed experiments by dropping two cannon
balls of different weights from the top of the tower, to test whether they
reached the ground at the same time. Similarly, the year of Galileo’s birth
happened to be the same as that of Michelangelo’s death, and this coinci-
dence has led other myth makers to speak of a transmigration of a specially
gifted soul from Michelangelo to Galileo. However, this particular fable
overlooks the possibility that such a talented soul might have migrated to
Shakespeare, who was also born in 1564.
Be that as it may, Galileo’s father, Vincenzo, was a musician, composer,
and musicologist. Vincenzo was highly skillful at playing the lute, and a
prolific writer and arranger of songs, but he was and remains best known
for his revolutionary theories of music. In this field of musicology, his most

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in t roduc t ion: avoiding m y t hs a nd mu ddl es

Figure 1. Portrait of Galileo, published in his Sunspots (1613) and Assayer (1623)

6
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in t roduc t ion: avoiding m y t hs a nd mu ddl es

relevant accomplishment was to preach and practice the need to test

experimentally the empirical accuracy of rules of harmony. His many
experiments dealt with how the audible and melodious sound produced by
plucking a string changed as a result of various changes in the properties of
the string; that is, changes in its length, tension, weight, material, etc. Such
experimentation had not been done or updated in any sustained manner for
two thousand years, since the ancient Greeks.
Vincenzo’s innovation is important because there can be no doubt that it
was from his father that Galileo learned to practice and to appreciate the
experimental method. However, Galileo also had his own original and revo-
lutionary idea—utilizing experimentation in the study of falling bodies.
Thus, Galileo’s own experiments dealt with how the speed of a falling body
changed as a result of various changes in the parameters of the motion; that
is, changes in height, time, weight, substance, impediments, etc.
In 1581, Galileo enrolled at the University of Pisa to study medicine, but
soon switched to mathematics, which he also studied privately outside the
university. After four years, he left the university without a degree and
began to do private teaching and independent research. In 1589, he obtained
a position as professor of mathematics at the University of Pisa, and then
from 1592 to 1610 at the University of Padua.
At that time, Padua was part of the Republic of Venice, which was an
independent state that included some territory in north-eastern Italy, some
parts of the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, and some islands in the south-
eastern Mediterranean Sea. The republic was then at the height of its power,
despite continuing skirmishes and conflicts with the Ottoman Empire. In
fact, Venice had led the European coalition that defeated the Ottoman Turks
in the great naval battle of Lepanto in 1571. Thus, the city of Venice was at
that time a world center of commerce and wealth, and of arts and culture.
This is important because the University of Padua was a state institution,
and so for 18 years Galileo was a Venetian state employee. Moreover, Padua
was located only 26 miles away from the city of Venice, and so during those
18 years Galileo often went there for business, entertainment, socializing,

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in t roduc t ion: avoiding m y t hs a nd mu ddl es

etc. Thus, it is not surprising that from a personal point of view those years
were one of the happiest periods of his life. Still, he missed his native
Tuscany and always regarded himself as a Tuscan citizen; he never quite
accepted life as a Venetian, and did all he could to acquire a position in his
native region.
Professionally speaking, during this Paduan period, Galileo was research-
ing primarily the nature of motion. He was critical of the physics of
Aristotle, and favorably inclined toward the statics and mathematics of
another ancient Greek, Archimedes of Syracuse (287–212 bc). Galileo made
great progress in this project, and it was then that he made most of his con-
tributions and discoveries in physics. However, he did not publish any of
these results during this earlier period.
Moreover, Galileo was acquainted with the theory of a moving Earth
advanced by Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543) in his book On the Revolutions
of the Heavenly Spheres (1543) (Figure 2). He was appreciative of the fact that
Copernicus had advanced a novel argument. Galileo had also intuited that
the Earth’s motion was more consistent in general with the new physics he
was then developing than was the Earth standing still at the center of the
universe; in particular, he had been attracted to Copernicanism because he
felt that the Earth’s motion could best explain why the tides occur. However,
he was acutely aware of the considerable evidence against Copernicanism,
especially that stemming from astronomical observation; for example, the
failure to detect annual changes in the fixed stars, to see phases for the planet
Venus, and to discern similarities between the Earth and the heavenly bod-
ies. Thus, Galileo judged that the anti-Copernican arguments far out-
weighed the pro-Copernican ones.
However, his telescopic discoveries led Galileo to a major re-assessment
of Copernicanism. In 1609, he perfected the telescope to such an extent as
to make it an astronomically useful instrument that could not be duplicated
by others for some time. By its means he made several startling discoveries
which he immediately published in The Sidereal Messenger (1610): mountains
on the Moon, satellites around the planet Jupiter, stellar composition of the

8
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in t roduc t ion: avoiding m y t hs a nd mu ddl es

Figure 2. Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543)

Milky Way and nebulas, and countless stars never seen before. As a result,
he became a celebrity, resigned his professorship at Padua, was appointed
Philosopher and Chief Mathematician to the grand duke of Tuscany, and
moved to Florence the same year. Soon thereafter, he also discovered the
phases of Venus and sunspots; on the latter, he published the History and
Demonstrations Concerning Sunspots (1613). Although he realized that these dis-
coveries did not conclusively establish the Copernican theory, he had no
doubt that they confirmed it.
This realization also encouraged Galileo to be more critical of the theo-
logical objections to Copernicanism, although he was careful and prudent
because he knew that this aspect of the problem was potentially dangerous
and explosive. His telescopic discoveries and their Copernican interpretation
had immediately been criticized on scriptural grounds. At first, he ignored

9
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Wir kommen jetzt auf die
fremden Vögel,
welche zu den Fasanen gehören können.
Unter diesen verdient

der Goldfasan,
oder
der chinesische gehaubte dreyfärbige
Fasan,
mit allem Recht die erste Stelle. A l b i n , K l e i n und H a l l e nennen
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drey nur eine von den drey prächtigen Farben, die auf seinem
Gefieder glänzen, anzeigen und die übrigen auszuschließen
scheinen. B ü f f o n hat ihn deswegen den chinesischen gehaubten
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bey M ü l l e r n der bunte Fasan.
Man kann diesen Fasan als eine Spielart von dem gemeinen
annehmen, die sich unter einem bessern Himmel verschönert hat.
Es sind zween Zweige Einer Familie, die sich seit langer Zeit
getrennet und sogar zwey verschiedene Raçen gemacht haben, die
aber einander doch noch erkennen: denn sie thun sich zusammen,
paaren sich und zeugen mit einander; doch muß man bekennen,
daß die Frucht, die aus ihrer Vermischung entsteht, etwas von der
Unfruchtbarkeit der Maulthiere hat.
 Die Schönheit dieses Vogels hat gemacht, daß man ihn in unsern
Fasanerien gezogen und vermehrt hat, wo man ihn nun oft antrifft.
Er hat keine rothe Haut um die Augen, wie unser Fasan. Der
Augenring, der Schnabel, die Füße und Krallen sind gelb, so, wie der
Busch von langen und schönen Federn, die er erheben kann, wann
er will. H a l l e beschreibt ihn anders, als ihn die B ü f f o n s c h e n
gemalten Figuren angeben. Er sagt, er sey scharlachroth mit
schwarzen parallelen Schuppen quer durchschnitten, der
Federbusch entstehe von den Ohren her, lagere sich auf der Seite
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dem unsrigen hingegen entstehen diese hellgelbe Federfasern
schon bey dem Ursprunge des Schnabels, bedecken die ganze
Scheitel und die längsten fallen den Nacken hinab. Um die Augen ist
auch noch alles bis an die Backen lichtgelb; gegen die Kehle zu
bekommt diese Farbe eine röthliche Schattirung; der ganze untere
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gehen über den Schwanzfedern andere lange und schmale Federn
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Orangefarbigen ins Rothbraune und hat schwarze Schuppen; oben
an dem Rücken ist ein breiter grüner Streif; der übrige ganze Rücken
und Deckfedern des Steißes sind schön gelb. Die längsten
zugespitzten Schwanzfedern haben auf einem dunkeln Grund eine
Menge bräunlichgelber rundlicher kleiner Flecken, andere aber
dunklere Streifen. Der obere Theil des Flügels und die grösten
Federn desselben sind braun, die äussersten davon etwas schwarz
und haben einige weiße Flecken, das übrige ist schön blau; die
Schenkel sind hellbraun. Dieser Fasan ist etwas kleiner, als der
unsrige.
Das Weibchen des Goldfasans ist ein wenig kleiner, als das
Männchen, und sein Schwanz ist kürzer. Man sieht an ihm die
langen Federn des Busches nicht, sondern blos hinten am Kopf
einige kleine Federn etwas hervorragen. Es hat von allen den
schönen Farben des Männchens nichts, sondern die Farben seines
Gefieders sind sehr gemein und noch schlechter, als an der
gewöhnlichen Fasanhenne; mit der Zeit aber wird es manchmal so
schön, als das Männchen. Man hat in England bey der Milady E s s e x
eines gesehen, welches innerhalb sechs Jahren aus seiner unedeln
Schnepfenfarbe in die schöne Farbe des Männchens stuffenweise
übergegangen war, von dem man es blos an den Augen und dem
kürzern Schwanze unterscheiden konnte. Leute, welche Gelegenheit
gehabt haben, auf diese Vögel genau zu merken, haben den Herrn
v o n B ü f f o n versichert, daß diese Veränderung der Farbe bey den
meisten Weibchen Statt fände und anfienge, wenn sie 4 Jahre alt
wären; daß um diese Zeit die Männchen einen Widerwillen gegen
sie bekämen und sie mißhandelten; daß ihnen alsdann die langen
schmalen Federn wüchsen, die bey dem Männchen die
Schwanzfedern begleiten; mit einem Worte, daß sie dem Männchen
immer ähnlicher würden, jemehr sie an Alter zunähmen.
Edwards versichert, man habe bey dem Herzog v o n L e e d s eine
gemeine Fasanhenne gesehen, die das Gefieder des Hahns
angenommen, und setzt hinzu, daß eine solche Veränderung nur
bey Vögeln, die in der Hausthierschaft leben, Statt finde.
Die Eyer der Goldfasanhenne gleichen denen vom Perlhuhne viel
und sind verhältnißmäßig kleiner, als die von der Haußhenne, und
röthlicher, als unsere Fasaneyer.
Hans Sloane hat ein Männchen gegen fünfzehn Jahr erhalten.
Es scheinet, daß dieser Vogel dauerhaft seyn muß, weil er so lang
ausser seinem Vaterlande lebt. Er gewöhnt sich gut an das unsrige
und vermehrt sich leicht, sogar mit unserer europäischen
Fasanhenne. L e R o i hat eine solche chinesische Henne mit einem
französischen Fasanhahn zusammen geworfen, und die zween
Jungen, die davon entstunden, glichen den unsrigen sehr, doch war
das Gefieder schlecht gefärbt und auf dem Kopf hatten sie nur einige
gelbe Federn, wie der chinesische Fasan. Als man diesen beeden
jungen Blendlingshahnen europäische Fasanhennen gab, so
befruchtete einer davon die seinige im zweyten Jahr und es kam
eine Fasanhenne heraus, die nie wieder konnte befruchtet werden.
Die zwey Blendlingshahnen haben bis ins vierte Jahr weiter nichts
gezeugt, in welchem Jahre sie Gelegenheit fanden, zu entwischen.
Vermuthlich ist dieses der schöne Fasan, von dem man sagt, das
die Federn in China mehr gälten, als der Vogel, und einerley mit
dem, den M a r k u s P a o l o in seinen c h i n e s i s c h e n Reisen
bewunderte, und dessen Schwanz drey Schuh lang war.

Der schwarz und weiße chinesische Fasan

scheint nach dem Muster des vorhergehenden gebauet zu seyn, nur
ist er größer: denn er übertrifft selbst den europäischen an Größe.
Mit dem letztern hat er einen sehr merklichen Zug von Aehnlichkeit,
nemlich die rothe Einfassung der Augen, die aber noch breiter, als
bey jenem, ist: denn sie fällt ihm an beyden Seiten unter den
Unterschnabel, in Gestalt der Backenlappen, herab, und auf der
andern Seite erhebt sie sich, wie ein dopelter Kamm, über den
Oberschnabel.
Das Weibchen ist ein wenig kleiner, als das Männchen, von dem
es aber in Absicht auf die Farbe sehr abgeht. Es ist weder, wie das
Männchen, am Obertheile des Körpers weiß, noch am Untertheile
schwarz mit einem purpurfarbigen Widerschein. Man siehet nur
etwas weniges Weißes unter der rothen Einfassung der Augen, die
bey weitem nicht so groß, als am Männchen, ist. Das übrige alles ist
rothbraun, bald dunkler, bald heller, ausser unter dem Bauche und
an den Seitenfedern des Schwanzes, wo man schwarze
Querstreifen auf einem grauen Grunde erblickt. Sonst aber geht das
Weibchen in dieser Raçe weniger von dem Männchen ab, als in den
übrigen Fasanraçen, und hat auch, wie dieses, eine Haube, doch
nicht von so langen Federn, wie das Männchen; sie hat auch die
braune Farbe des Kopfs, da sie hingegen bey dem Männchen
schwarz ist und sich auf dem weißen Nacken vortreflich ausnimmt.
Die Füße sind an beyden roth und bey dem Männchen mit weit
stärkern Sporen, als des Goldfasans seine sind, bewaffnet. In dem
Linne-Müllerischen System heißt dieser Vogel lateinisch
Nycthemerus, deutsch aber, wie bey H a l l e n , der weiße Fasan.

Im nördlichen Theile von China findet man eine Art von Fasanen,
deren Flügel und Schwanz mit einer großen Anzahl runder Flecken,
welche Augen ähnlich sehen, besäet sind, daher man diese Vögel
 Argus,
sonst aber
Luen
nennet. Sie sind gelb mit schwarzen Flecken oder Punkten. Das
Gesicht ist roth und am Kopf eine gedoppelte blaue Federhaube, die
rückwärts fällt; um die Augen herum und an der Wurzel des
Schnabels ist er schwarz; der Hinterkopf, die Kehle und der Hals
sind roth, nur ist der Nacken blau. Der Schwanz ist keilförmig und
hat mit den Flügeln einerley Farbe; die zwo mittlern Federn sind sehr
lang und ragen sehr viel über die andern hervor. Der Größe nach
gleicht dieser Vogel einem indianischen Hahn.

Den Napaul
oder
gehörnten Fasan
setzt E d w a r d s unter die Truthühner, weil er um den Kopf fleischige
Auswüchse hat, nennt ihn aber den gehörnten Fasan. Er scheint in
der That dem Fasan näher, als dem Truthahn, anzugehören: denn
diese fleischige Auswüchse sind nichts weniger, als diesem letztern,
eigen, indeme sie der Hahn, das Perlhuhn, der Kasuar und andre
mehr ebenfalls haben. Man findet sie sogar auch an Fasanen: denn
die Haut um die Augen des weißen Fasans bildet in der That einen
gedoppelten Kamm über dem Schnabel und Backenlappen unter
demselben. Ueberdiß ist der Napaul aus dem Klima der Fasanen,
indem ihn M e a d aus Bengalen bekommen hat; er hat auch den
Schnabel, die Füße, die Sporen, die Flügel und die gänzliche Gestalt
des Fasans.
Der Napaul wird ein gehörnter Fasan genannt, weil er in der That
zwey Hörner auf dem Kopfe hat. Diese Hörner sind blau, cylindrisch,
am Ende stumpf, liegen rückwärts und kommen in Absicht auf ihre
Substanz mit schwieligem Fleisch überein. Er hat keinen Zirkel von
rother und zuweilen schwarz punktirter Haut, wie die Fasanen, um
die Augen, sondern dieser ganze Raum ist mit schwarzen Haaren in
Gestalt der Federn besetzt; unter diesem Raum und dem Ursprung
des Unterschnabels nim̄ t eine Art von Kragen, der aus einer
schlappen Haut bestehet, seinen Anfang, welcher hinab fällt und frey
auf der Kehle und dem Obertheil des Halses hängt. Dieser Kragen
ist in der Mitte schwarz, mit Haaren von eben dieser Farbe besäet
und mit mehr oder weniger tiefen Runzeln gefurcht; und es ist
wahrscheinlich, daß ihn der Vogel aufblasen und zusammen ziehen
kann. Die Seitentheile daran sind blau mit einigen orangefärbigen
Flecken und auswärts ohne Haare; die innere Oberfläche aber, die
auf dem Hals anliegt, ist mit kleinen schwarzen Federn, wie der Theil
des Halses, den sie bedecket, besetzt; der Wirbel des Kopfs ist roth;
der Vordertheil des Körpers röthlich; der Hintertheil mehr
schwarzbraun. Ueber den ganzen Körper, Schwanz und Flügel
mitgerechnet, sieht man schwarze weiß eingefaßte Flecken, die
ganz nahe beysammen ziemlich regelmäßig ausgesäet sind. Diese
Flecken sind am Vordertheile rund, am Hintertheil haben sie die
Gestalt der Thränen, und zwar so, daß sich die Spitze gegen den
Kopf kehret. Die Flügel reichen nicht über den Ursprung des
Schwanzes.

Man hat zwar in Amerika keine wahre Fasanen gefunden; unter

der Menge verschiedener Vögel aber, die diese weite Gegenden
bevölkern, siehet man einige, die mehr oder weniger Aehnlichkeit mit
dem Fasan haben. Von diesen nähert sich jedoch

Der Katraka,
oder, wie er sonst genannt wird,
der Fasan von Guiana
demselben am meisten. Er kommt mit ihm, in Absicht auf die Gestalt
überhaupt, auf den ein wenig gebogenen Schnabel, die roth
eingefaßten Augen und den langen Schwanz, überein. Schnabel und
Füße sind roth und der ganze Vogel ist dunkelrothbraun, die Seiten
des Kopfes, welche röthlich sind, und den Bauch, welcher
aschfarben oder schmutzig weiß ist, ausgenommen.
Man weiß von seiner Naturgeschichte zur Zeit noch nichts, und
der Name Katraka wird ihm in Mexiko gegeben.
 Anhang.

Viele Reise- und Naturbeschreiber haben noch andern Vögeln den

Namen der Fasanen gegeben, die aber B ü f f o n nicht dafür erkennen
will, ob sie gleich auf seinen gemalten Platten unter Fasanennamen
vorkommen.
Diese Vögel sind folgende:
1.) Der Fasan von den Antillen
des B r i s s o n , oder der Fasan von der Insel Kayriouacou des d u
Te r t r e , welcher viel längere Beine und einen kürzern Schwanz, als
der Fasan, hat.
2.) Der gekrönte indianische Fasan
des B r i s s o n , welcher sich von dem Fasan durch seine ganze
Gestalt, durch die besondere Bildung des Schnabels, durch seine
Sitten und Gewohnheiten, durch seine längern Flügel und durch
seinen kürzern Schwanz unterscheidet, und, seine Größe
ausgenommen, mehr Aehnlichkeit mit dem Geschlechte der Tauben
zu haben scheint.
3.) Der gehaubte kayennische Fasan,
ein amerikanischer Vogel, den B ü f f o n unter diesem Namen
bekommen hat, der aber von dem Fasan, in Absicht auf die Größe,
die Stellung des Körpers, den langen und dünnen Hals, den kleinen
Kopf, die langen Flügel ⁊c. abzugehen scheinet.
4.) Der Hokkofasan von Guiana,
welcher nichts weniger, als ein Fasan, ist;
 und 5.) alle andere Hokkos von Amerika,
die B r i s s o n , B a r r e r e und andere zu den Fasanen gerechnet haben,
von denen wir aber, so, wie von den vorigen, hier nicht weiter reden
wollen.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK
NATURGESCHICHTE DES FASANS ***

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