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COMPARATIVE KURDISH
POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EAST
ACTORS, IDEAS, AND INTERESTS
Edited By Emel Elif Tugdar and Serhun Al
Comparative Kurdish Politics in the Middle East
 Emel Elif Tugdar · Serhun Al
Editors

Comparative Kurdish
Politics in the Middle
East
Actors, Ideas, and Interests
Editors
Emel Elif Tugdar Serhun Al
Department of Politics İzmir University of Economics
and International Balçova-İzmir, Turkey
University of Kurdistan Hewler
Erbil, Iraq

ISBN 978-3-319-53714-6 ISBN 978-3-319-53715-3 (eBook)

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53715-3

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017940378

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction
on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
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now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
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Printed on acid-free paper

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The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Contents

Part I Actors

1 Iraqi Kurdistan’s Statehood Aspirations and Non-Kurdish

Actors: The Case of the Turkomans 3
Emel Elif Tugdar

2 Kurdish Political Parties in Syria: Past Struggles

and Future Expectations 27
Bekir Halhalli

Part II Ideas

3 Human Security Versus National Security: Kurds, Turkey

and Syrian Rojava 57
Serhun Al

4 Kurdish Nationalist Organizations, Neighboring States,

and “Ideological Distance” 85
F. Michael Wuthrich

v
vi Contents

5 Statehood, Autonomy, or Unitary Coexistence?

A Comparative Analysis of How Kurdish Groups
Approach the Idea of Self-Determination 113
Cenap Çakmak

Part III Interests

6 Islam and the Kurdish Peace Process in Turkey

(2013–2015) 137
Ina Merdjanova

7 Ethnic Capital Across Borders and Regional Development:

A Comparative Analysis of Kurds in Iraq and Turkey 163
Serhun Al and Emel Elif Tugdar

8 In Search of Futures: Uncertain Neoliberal Times,

Speculations, and the Economic Crisis in Iraqi Kurdistan 185
Umut Kuruuzum

9 The Stateless and Why Some Gain and Others not: The
Case of Iranian Kurdistan 201
Idris Ahmedi

Conclusion 227

Index 233
 Editors and Contributors

About the Editors

Emel Elif Tugdar holds the position of Assistant Professor and Chair
in Department of Politics and International Relations at University of
Kurdistan Hawler in Erbil/Kurdistan Region of Iraq. She holds a Ph.D.
in Political Science from West Virginia University (USA). Her research
agenda includes ethnopolitics, human rights, and politics of gender
with a major focus on the Middle East, specifically Turkey and Iraqi
Kurdistan. Her email address is: e.elif@ukh.edu.krd.
Serhun Al is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Political
Science and International Relations at Izmir University of Economics,
Turkey. He holds a doctorate degree in Political Science from the
University of Utah, USA. His research interests include politics of iden-
tity, ethnic conflict, security studies, and social movements. His pri-
mary geographical focus is on Turkey and the Kurds in the Middle East.
He has widely published in journals such as Ethnopolitics, Studies in
Ethnicity and Nationalism, Nationalities Papers, Globalizations, Journal
of International Relations and Development, and Journal of Balkan and
Near Eastern Studies. His email address is: serhun.al@ieu.edu.tr.

vii
viii Editors and Contributors

Contributors

Idris Ahmedi holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from Stockholm

University, where he worked as a senior lecturer until 2015. He has
been a visiting scholar at the Department of Government at Georgetown
University, Washington D.C., and a tutor at the Department of Security,
Strategy and Leadership at the Swedish Defense University. Currently, he
serves as Senior Lecturer In Political Science at the School of Natural
Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Södertörn University.
He is also a member of the International Expert Group of the Olof
Palme International Center (2016–2017). His email address is idris.
ahmedi@fhs.se.
Cenap Çakmak received his Ph.D. from Rutgers University in Global
Affairs. He currently works as Professor of International Law and Politics
at Eskisehir Osmangazi University, Turkey. Dr. Çakmak’s research inter-
ests include international criminal law, human rights, and international
affairs. His email address is cenapcakmak@yahoo.com.
Bekir Halhalli received his B.A. in International Relations from The
American University of Cyprus in 2011 and his M.A. focused on Kurdish
Question and Turkish Foreign Policy from the same University in 2013.
He was an (Erasmus) exchange Ph.D. student at Comenius University
in Bratislava, Slovakia in 2014–2015. He is currently completing his
Ph.D. in International Relations at Sakarya University. He has publica-
tions written in English and Turkish in peer-reviewed academic jour-
nals, as book chapters and conference papers. He is also author of “Arab
Spring and The Kurds: The Paradox of Turkish Foreign Policy”. His cur-
rent research interests include International Relations Theories, Turkish
Foreign Policy in the Middle East and Kurdish Question. His email
address is bekir.halhalli@ogr.sakarya.edu.tr.
Umut Kuruuzum is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of
Anthropology in London School of Economics and Political Science. His
research interests include political economy and cultural anthropology
with a focus on Iraqi Kurds. His email address is u.kuruuzum@lse.ac.uk.
Ina Merdjanova is a Senior Researcher and an Adjunct Assistant
Professor in Religious Studies at the Irish School of Ecumenics, Trinity
College Dublin. She had held visiting fellowships at Oxford University,
Birmingham University, the Center for Advanced Studies in the
 Editors and Contributors ix

Humanities at Edinburgh University, the Woodrow Wilson International

Center for Scholars in Washington DC, the Netherlands Institute for
Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences, the Central
European University in Budapest, Radboud University in Nijmegen
and Aleksanteri Institute at Helsinki University. Her recent publica-
tions include Religion as a Conversation Starter: Interreligious Dialogue
for Peacebuilding in the Balkans (with Patrice Brodeur; Continuum
2009), and Rediscovering the Umma: Muslims in the Balkans between
Nationalism and Transnationalism (Oxford University Press 2013). Her
email address is merdjand@tdc.ie.
F. Michael Wuthrich is a Visiting Assistant Professor and Academic
Director of the Global & International Studies Programs at the
University of Kansas. He received his Ph.D. in Political Science from
Bilkent University in Ankara, Turkey in 2011. His articles have appeared
in the International Journal of Middle East Studies, Middle East Journal,
and Turkish Studies, among others. His book National Elections in
Turkey: People, Politics, and the Party System was published by Syracuse
University Press in July 2015. His email address is mwuthrich@ku.edu.
 List of Figures

Fig. 7.1 K.R.G.’s ranking in Turkey’s export 176

xi
 List of Tables

Table 2.1 The political parties within the ENKS 41

xiii
 Introduction

Today, around 30 million Kurds across Iraq (5.5 million/17.5% of total

population), Syria (1.7 million/9.7%), Turkey (14.7 million/18%), and
Iran (8.1 million/10%) politically and socially play a significant role in
contemporary Middle East politics. Kurds are the fourth-largest ethnic
group in the region after Turks, Persians, and Arabs. Despite their differ-
ent dialects such as Kurmanji and Sorani, Kurds speak Kurdish which is
an Indo-European language. In terms of religious affiliation, Kurds are
predominantly Sunni Muslims. Despite their large population and mas-
sive cultural, political, and economic influence in the Middle East, Kurds
do not have an independent state yet. As an ethnic group and a nation
in the making, Kurds are not homogenous and united but rather the
Kurdish Middle East is home to various competing political groups, ide-
ologies, and interests. The main goal of this volume seeks to unpack the
intra-Kurdish dynamics in the region by looking at the main actors, their
ideas, and political interests across Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria.
Although Kurds have not always been in the spotlight of the inter-
national community and regional affairs, there have been two signifi-
cant events that put the Kurds at the center of international scholarly
and public attention. First was the Gulf War in the early 1990s, where
the United States and the Iraqi Kurds became coalition partners against
the Saddam regime. After the Gulf War, the Kurdish question in the
Middle East became one of the fundamental issues of international
affairs. The US-Iraqi Kurds partnership led to an official federal status
known as the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq after the Saddam
regime was toppled in 2003. Today, after more than a decade, Kurds
xv
xvi Introduction

are again in the headlines of international media, think-tanks, academic

circles, and ­government agendas due to their fight against the notori-
ous ­Salafi-jihadist Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and being the
major partners of the international coalition against the ISIS. While the
Peshmerga forces in Iraqi Kurdistan have stopped the Islamic State’s
expansion in northern Iraq, the Kurdish People’s Defense Units (known
as YPG) has cleared northern Syria from ISIS. The increasing attention
on the Kurds can be easily told through skyrocketing academic and media
publications on their role in regional affairs and international relations.
Thus, fundamental questions about the actors, ideas, and interests rele-
vant to the Kurdish politics in the Middle East continue to attract schol-
arly attention.
However, many tend to homogenize Kurds as one single actor in the
region with a collective goal of greater Kurdistan. Moreover, many exist-
ing studies analyze the Kurdish politics in the Middle East through the
lens of their relationship with external actors including the capitols that
they are attached to (i.e., Tehran, Baghdad, Damascus, and Ankara). Yet,
few studies analyze domestic affairs of the Kurds from a comparative per-
spective across Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and Syria. This is a significant gap in
the literature and needs further research since Kurds do not constitute
one single actor but they consist of many different actors with various
alliances, conflicts, ideas, and interests.
We aim to address these questions with historically grounded, theo-
retically informed, and conceptually-relevant scholarship that prioritizes
comparative politics over international relations. In a nutshell, this edited
volume seeks to explore the Kurdish World in the Middle East within its
own debates, conflicts, and interests.
The theme of Part I is “Actors” in the Kurdish World. In Chap. 1,
Emel Elif Tugdar discusses the role of ethnoreligious diversity in Iraqi
Kurdistan and its effects on state-formation. Particularly, she focuses on
Turkomans as actors in Iraqi Kurdistan’s state-formation. She argues
that although Turkoman integration in the Kurdish state-building has
been complex, respect and tolerance for this minority group in Iraqi
Kurdistan has promoted ethnoreligious diversity in the region. In Chap.
2, Bekir Halhalli introduces the competing Kurdish actors and political
parties in Syria along with their past struggles and future expectations.
He argues that the Kurdish political presence in the post-2011 upris-
ing against the Assad regime has not been homogenous and he draws
 Introduction xvii

the map of demands, similarities, differences, and the organization styles

of the rival Kurdish groups in Syria. In Chap. 3, Serhun Al analyzes the
role of Turkish and Kurdish Islamic actors in the peace-building efforts
in Turkey during the so-called “Kurdish Opening” (2013–2015). She
argues that the utilization of Islam between the Turkish Directorate of
Religious Affairs (known as Diyanet) and the Kurdish Islamic actors
significantly differed and affected the course of the peace process.
The theme of Part II is “Ideas” in the Kurdish Middle East. In
Chap. 4, Michael Wuthrich discusses the nature of nationalist idea
among Kurds from a human security perspective. He particularly argues
that nationalism for the Kurds functions as a security provider for their
physical and cultural safety from external threats due to their traumatic
historical experiences in the region. In Chap. 5, Cenap Çakmak analy-
ses competing for Kurdish nationalist projects in the Kurdish Middle
East and unpacks how different ideological and political agendas offer
contending ideas with regards to the establishment of an ideal Kurdish
nation. In Chap. 6, Ina Merdjanova puts the idea of self-determination
among Kurds under scrutiny. He particularly focuses on the approaches
and understandings of pro-Barzani, pro-Ocalan, and pro-Islamist groups
toward the idea of self-determination. Thus, the chapter investigates how
the idea of self-determination has been utilized and framed by pro-Kurd-
ish groups in their political discourses.
Part III focuses on “Interests” in the Kurdish political space. In
Chap. 7, Serhun Al and Emel Elif Tugdar discuss the role of Kurdish
identity from a political economy perspective. The notion of ethnic capi-
tal is particularly applied as a mechanism for reducing transaction costs
in cross-regional or cross-border trade and commerce in the Kurdish
Middle East. As the ethnic consciousness of pro-Kurdish identity
becomes more consolidated in the region, Al and Tugdar argue that this
is likely to boost the economic interests of Kurdish individuals for more
trade and labor market activities within the Kurdish ethnic and cultural
space. In Chap. 8, Umut Kuruzum analyzes the role of multinational oil
companies and global capitalist trends with regards to the political inter-
ests for Kurdish independence and statehood in Iraq. In Chap. 9, Idris
Ahmedi observes the political gains of Iranian Kurds and comparatively
analyzes why they lag behind compared with the Kurds in other parts of
the Kurdish Middle East. He particularly emphasizes the role of power
and resources in terms of Kurdish mobilization capacities and the role of
socially shared ideas of Persian national interests among the Kurds.
xviii Introduction

Overall, this edited volume introduces the dynamics and c­ omplexities

of the intra-Kurdish politics in the broader Kurdish World. As the
Kurdish political space in the Middle East is conducive to many com-
peting Kurdish actors, rivalries, alliances, ideologies, interests, and future
outlook, this comparative study seeks to unpack this complex intra-
Kurdish dynamics within the themes of actors, ideas, and interests. In
the end, the book has three major objectives: (1) to introduce scholars
of Comparative Politics and Middle East Studies to pertinent theoretical
approaches with the help of a series of case studies regarding the Kurds;
(2) to advance the understanding of causal mechanisms of internal
dynamics underlying the contemporary Kurdish politics in the Middle
East; and (3) to encourage further research that draws on the same
models or modifying them with a focus on particularly stateless nations.
PART I

Actors
 CHAPTER 1

Iraqi Kurdistan’s Statehood Aspirations

and Non-Kurdish Actors: The Case
of the Turkomans

Emel Elif Tugdar

Introduction
State-building in the Middle East has been a popular topic in politi-
cal science literature since 9/11. The interest of Western powers in the
region has increased in parallel with security concerns under the name of
“spreading democracy.” Thus, the concept of state-building has acquired
political, economic, and social dimensions, all of which are required to
explain the state-building patterns in the Middle East. This chapter will
examine some of the key theories of state-building and how certain the-
ories have been applied to the Middle East and Iraq. I will then con-
sider how these thematic areas relate to the core focus of the analysis: the
state-building efforts in Iraqi Kurdistan.
I will concentrate on sociopolitical factors and, in particular, the role
of the Turkoman people in this process. The northern part of Iraq, which
is known as Iraqi Kurdistan, is a region rich in ethno-religious diversity.

E.E. Tugdar (*)

University of Kurdistan Hawler, Erbil, Iraqi Kurdistan, Iraq

© The Author(s) 2018 3

E.E. Tugdar and S. Al (eds.), Comparative Kurdish Politics
in the Middle East, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53715-3_1
4 E.E. Tugdar

However, the role of the Kurds in state-building, for example, has been
well researched. The Turkomans are the third-largest ethnic group in
Iraq, yet we know relatively little about their role in constructing a suc-
cessful Iraqi Kurdistan. This chapter aims to take a closer look at this
group as their participation is vital in a number of different areas. As the
Turkomans are politically very active, we are interested in their attitudes
and role in Kurdish state-building. This chapter will examine demo-
graphic and related political questions, religious, cultural and ethnic mat-
ters, the role of language, and the vital connection to Turkey. The central
argument presented here is that, while there are a number of complex
problems for Turkoman integration (in addition to current issues related
to ISIS, economic recession, and the refugee crisis), in many of these
areas, there are also several reasons for optimism within a KRG that has
often shown both tolerance and respect for the Turkoman population.

State-Building in the Context of Middle East

In general, the process of building a state has three dimensions: politi-
cal, economic, and social. Although the first condition of building a state
is easy to analyze, measuring emotions is not reliable and not possible.
Charles Tilly (1975), who is a well-known scholar of state-building the-
ory, defines the concept of “state” as consisting of relatively centralized,
differentiated organizations with officials that successfully claim control
over the means of violence within a population in a large territory. This
definition constitutes the political dimension of state-building. Chandler
(2006) also argues that state-building refers to the process of construct-
ing institutions of governance that can provide citizens with physical and
economic security.
Carment et al. (2007) argue that, nowadays, state-building typi-
cally occurs as a response of the international community to a state fail-
ure due to the consequences of underdevelopment and violent conflict.
Thus, state-building is perceived as a post-conflict, failed state approach.
Hayami (2003) claims that the biggest challenges involved in the restora-
tion of a failed state relate to economic development. The global commu-
nity’s effort to contribute to state-building from an economic perspective is
a neoliberal state-building approach. The neoliberal approach emphasizes
the importance of free markets and private sector growth in a state for suc-
cessful state-building. Blowfield (2005) argues that post-conflict economies
are built around core neoliberal principles, such as the right to make profit,
 1 IRAQI KURDISTAN’S STATEHOOD ASPIRATIONS AND NON-KURDISH … 5

the universal good of free trade, freedom of capital, supremacy of private

property, the superiority of markets in determining price and value, and
privileging of companies as citizens and moral entities. Furthermore, he
claims that this approach explains the nature of post-occupation state-
building in Iraq. In his view, by taking just the example of Iraq into con-
sideration, we can judge the applicability of the neoliberal state-building
approach to the cases in the Middle East.
In fact, Francois and Sud (2006) claim that focusing solely on a neo-
liberal approach to economic growth has failed to produce a cogent
explanation in post-conflict states. Clapham (2002) also argues that it is
expensive to maintain a state economically and socially as it requires solid
material sources in order to build and maintain legitimacy. Thus, frag-
ile, newly built states, in particular, need substantial material resources in
order to build political support as well. The political legitimacy and inde-
pendence of a rebuilt state require a form of “social contract” respond-
ing to national political priorities (Doner et al. 2005).
Indeed, Wesley (2008) focuses on the era of decolonization and
claims that building a state is not only done via the infrastructure and
economy but also through the development of emotional attachment
among different ethnic and racial groups, which is related to our argu-
ment for Kurdistan. Without the process of emotional attachment,
Wesley (2008) contends that “positive sovereignty” cannot be reached.
Thus state-building is a combination of economy, polity, and society.
Tilly (1993) specifies four core activities of state-building in modern
Europe: state-making by neutralizing domestic competitors in the terri-
tory claimed by the state; war-making by deterring the rivals in the ter-
ritory of the state; protection of the ally of the ruler against the external
and internal rivals in the territory; and extraction of resources from the
population in support of the other three activities.
In relation to Wesley’s (2008) arguments, Safran’s (1992) ideas
on language and state-building can also be considered as an emotional
attachment to the state. Safran (1992) links the concepts of ethnicity
and language to the process of state-building in his analysis of France,
Israel, and the Soviet Union. Similarly, in their analysis of China, Zhou
and Ross (2004) argue that the Chinese language and its dialects have
been used to regulate power of the state in history. Laitin (2006) points
out that in the case of Africa “state rationalization” has not been suc-
cessful as small tribes have their own linguistic practices, which weaken
6 E.E. Tugdar

“nationalization” and, accordingly, the state-building process. Safran

(1992) argues that the importance of languages comes from the fact that
they can be manipulated, elevated, and transformed in the interest of the
state.1
Another form of attachment to the state suggested by Wesley (2008)
is territorial belonging. According to Richards (2014), attachment to a
given territory is another aspect of identity for people. Thus, state-build-
ing requires internal legitimacy, one of which is territorial attachment.2
Wright (1998) proposes that emotional attachment to a territory used
to be a behavior characteristic of medieval states. This attachment was
the main motivation for wars as well.3 According to Goemans (2006),
this emotional attachment is actually used by political elites to socialize
the public in order to encourage them to defend the state in return for
even their sacrifices. Penrose (2002), who associates attachment to terri-
tory to a sense of nationalism, also claims this practice to be part of the
eighteenth-century understanding of state-building.
State-building in the Middle East has well-pronounced economic and
political dimensions and the social dimension is becoming more impor-
tant. Furthermore, a fourth dimension can be added to state-building in
the Middle East: international impact. Cousens (2005) maintains that
state-building has become an important item on the international agenda
in recent years due to the following three main factors: first, states
learned that building peace after civil wars is necessary for peace imple-
mentation; second, by the 1990s, with the collapse of the Soviet Union,
the emergence of fragile or failed states became a serious problem; third,
9/11 provoked the concern that weak states create fertile grounds for
terrorism. Accordingly, state-building, particularly in the Middle East,
has been given serious attention by the international community. In fact,
Katzenstein et al. (2000) argue that international security has become
autonomous and predominantly regional since decolonization. Anderson
(1987) believes that state-building in the Middle East has always been a
reaction to international pressure and not genuine domestic political and
economic developments.
Consequently, the topic of state-building in the Middle East has
become a vital area of scholarly debate. It gained prominence, in par-
ticular, after 9/11 with the intervention of Western forces in the region
and the proliferation of violence and terrorism caused by weak and
failed states. Various strategies and approaches to state formation in the
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