Anglo - Egyptian Relations 1800-1956

1st Edition John Marlowe

Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmass.com/product/anglo-egyptian-relations-1800-1956-1st-edition-john-
marlowe/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...

Elfrid’s Hole: An Anglo-Saxon Ghost Story John

Broughton

https://ebookmass.com/product/elfrids-hole-an-anglo-saxon-ghost-
story-john-broughton/

Anglo-Papal Relations in the Early Fourteenth Century:

A Study in Medieval Diplomacy Barbara Bombi

https://ebookmass.com/product/anglo-papal-relations-in-the-early-
fourteenth-century-a-study-in-medieval-diplomacy-barbara-bombi/

British Policy Towards Poland, 1944–1956 Andrea Mason

https://ebookmass.com/product/british-policy-towards-
poland-1944-1956-andrea-mason/

Sacred Sexuality-Ancient Egyptian Tantric Yoga 3rd ed.

Edition

https://ebookmass.com/product/sacred-sexuality-ancient-egyptian-
tantric-yoga-3rd-ed-edition/
Shopping and the Senses, 1800-1970 Serena Dyer

https://ebookmass.com/product/shopping-and-the-
senses-1800-1970-serena-dyer/

The Oxford Handbook of the Egyptian Book of the Dead

1st Edition Rita Lucarelli

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-oxford-handbook-of-the-
egyptian-book-of-the-dead-1st-edition-rita-lucarelli/

Crime, Broadsides And Social Change, 1800-1850 1st

Edition Edition Kate Bates

https://ebookmass.com/product/crime-broadsides-and-social-
change-1800-1850-1st-edition-edition-kate-bates/

Anglo-Saxon Towers of Lordship First Edition Shapland

https://ebookmass.com/product/anglo-saxon-towers-of-lordship-
first-edition-shapland/

Music in Colonial Punjab: Courtesans, Bards, and

Connoisseurs, 1800-1947 Kapuria

https://ebookmass.com/product/music-in-colonial-punjab-
courtesans-bards-and-connoisseurs-1800-1947-kapuria/
 Routledge Revivals

Anglo - Egyptian Relations 1800-1956

First Published in 1965 Anglo - Egyptian Relations 1800-1956 provides a

comprehensive overview of the political history of Egypt from 1800-1956.
John Marlowe discusses important themes like the first British occupation;
Great Britain and Mohamed Ali; second British Occupation; the 1936 treaty;
the second German war; Egypt and the Arab League; post-war nationalism;
revolution and the road to Suez. This book is a must read for students and
scholars of Egyptian history, African history, and history in general.
Anglo - Egyptian Relations
1800-1956

John Marlowe
First published in 1954
Second Edition by Frank Cass & Co Ltd, in 1965
This edition first published in 2022 by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 1965, John Marlowe
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in
any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Publisher’s Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points
out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent.

Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and welcomes
correspondence from those they have been unable to contact.

A Library of Congress record exists under LCCN: 66091017

ISBN: 978-1-032-38844-1 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-003-34707-1 (ebk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-38845-8 (pbk)

Book DOI 10.4324/9781003347071

ANGLO-EGYPTIAN RELATIONS
1800-1956

by
John Marlowe

SECOND EDITION

FRAN K CASS AN D CO M PAN Y, LTD.

1965
 TO
R IC H A R D U SB O R N E
FOR MANY ACTS OF FRIENDSHIP

First Published 1954

SECOND EDITION
©Copyright 1965, John Marlowe

This edition published by Frank Cass & Co., Ltd .

10 Woburn Walk, London, W. C. 1
 CO NTENTS

CH APTER PAGE
I T H E F IR S T BRITISH O C C U P A TIO N 7

II G R E A T B R IT A IN AN D M O H A M E D A L I 3O

III T H E SU EZ C A N A L 6l

IV IN T E R N A T IO N A L CO N TR O L 85

V T H E SECOND BRITISH O C C U P A TIO N 1 12

VI T H E SUDAN 138

VII C R O M ER l6 o

V III GORST AN D K IT C H E N E R 19 6

IX TH E PRO TECTO RATE 212

X AN A S S E S S M E N T O F T H E BRITISH O C C U P A TIO N 251

XI T H E C O N STITU TIO N 260

X II TH EPA LA CE 289

X III T H E 1 9 3 6 TREATY 300

X IV T H E SECOND G E R M A N W AR 310

XV E G Y P T AN D T H E A R A B LEAGU E 321

XVI P O ST-W A R N A T IO N A L IS M 333

X V II TH E M O RNIN G A F T E R 350

X V III T H E S T R A T E G IC IM P O R T A N C E O F E G Y P T 365

X IX 1 9 2 2 - 5 O ----A R E T R O SP E C T 371

XX R EV O LU TIO N 381

PO STSC R IP T 405

B IB L IO G R A P H Y 433

A P P E N D IC E S 437

IN D EX 453
 PREFACE
T O SECO ND E D IT IO N

This book was written in 1953 and first published in the

Spring of 1954. I have often regretted that, lacking the gift
of prophecy, I did not delay writing it for another three
or four years, when I should have been able to bring the
story to a well-rounded end with the Suez expedition of
October-November 1956. This new edition of my book,
coming at a time when the passions aroused by the Suez
expedition have, to some extent, died down, gives me the
opportunity to add a postscript bringing the story of
Anglo-Egyptian relations down from 1953 to the climax
of November 1956. Apart from the postscript, the book
appears exactly as it was originally written. I have resisted
the temptation, on the one hand to use the benefit of hind-
sight to re-write any of the original text, or on the other
hand to carry the postscript beyond 1956. T he Suez ex-
pedition provides a natural end, not of course to Anglo-
Egyptian relations as such, but to that long process of
more or less intimate Anglo-Egyptian involvement which
started with Nelson’s victory at the Battle of the Nile.

John Ma r l ow e
Dedham,
Buckinghamshire
January, 1964
 CHAPTER ONE

TH E F IR ST B R IT IS H O C C U P A T IO N

B
Y the end of the eighteenth century the three hundred
, years of oppressive and inefficient government from
' which Egypt had suffered since the Ottoman conquest
had reduced that country to the lowest depths of economic
and cultural decay. The once prosperous overland transit
trade between Europe and the East had almost vanished. The
irrigation canals had become silted up and the drainage had
been neglected, with the result that large areas of land, once
cultivated, were reverting to desert and swamp. The evils of
governmental rapacity were unredeemed by any compen-
sating advantages of security or stability. The incursions of
Bedouin from the desert were a constant menace both in the
towns and in the cultivated areas. The once great city of
Alexandria had sunk to a small town of some 15,000 in-
habitants. The whole population of Egypt numbered a little
over 2,000,000. The native Egyptians, both Moslems and
Copts,1 had no responsible share in the government of the
country, and cowered in utter subjection beneath the
rapacity and violence of the Mameluke2 beys, who, under
the usually nominal suzerainty of the Turkish sultan, were
the real masters of the country.
T o trace the origin of the Mamelukes it is necessary to go
back to the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the
thirteenth centuries, when Salah-ed-Din al Ayyubi and his
descendants ruled in Egypt. Finding the docile and peace-
loving peasantry of Egypt unsuitable as soldiers either for
guarding their persons or for prosecuting their wars, the
Ayyubi rulers recruited their armies from slaves, most of
whom were o f Turcoman origin. W ith the decline of the
7
 THE FIRST BRITISH OCCUPATION
Ayyubi Dynasty, this foreign slave army developed into
a military oligarchy of which the leaders were more powerful
than their nominal masters. In 1249 the Ayyubi Sultan
al-Salih died, leaving an infant son. His widow, Shajaret-ed-
D urr,3 herself a freed slave, reigned in his stead as Sultana for
eighty days, the only woman who has ever sat as a sovereign
on a Moslem throne. The Mamelukes then completed their
usurpation of supreme authority by electing one of their
number, Izzedin Aybak, as Sultan. Shajaret-ed-Durr, desert-
ing the cause of her infant son, married the usurper and,
profiting by her husband’s absorption in war with the
Ayyubi partisans in Syria, continued herself to exercise
supreme power in Egypt. But before long Shajaret-ed-Durr’s
feminine frailty asserted itself over her masculine resolution
and, in a fit of sexual jealousy, she had her Mameluke
husband murdered. Aybak was speedily avenged by the
slave-women of his first wife, who seized Shajaret-ed-Durr
and beat her to death with wooden clogs. From then on
Egypt was ruled in name as well as in fact by the Mameluke
military oligarchy. The Mameluke sultans were at all times
more or less dependent on the oligarchy of which they were
members and by which they were elected. The degree of
dependence varied with the political and military capacity
of the sultan. Occasionally an exceptional sultan, such as
Beybars, made . himself sufficiently independent of his
electors temporarily to establish an hereditary sultanate. But
the tenure of the majority of the Mameluke sultans was a
precarious one. The rule of the earlier, or Bahri4 Mameluke
sultans, who originated with the slave bodyguard of the
Ayyubi al-Salih, and who derived their name from the
barracks which they had originally occupied on the Nile
island of ar-Roda, was culturally fruitful and militarily suc-
cessful. Am ong the twenty-five Bahri sultans are numbered
Beybars, who transferred the fainéant K halif from Baghdad
to Cairo; Qalaun, who extinguished the last remnant of
Crusader power in Syria; and al-Nasir, whose reign marked
the height o f the Mameluke culture which has given to
8
 THE FIRST BRITISH OCCUPATION
Cairo the most noble of her ancient buildings. After al-
Nasir the power of the Bahri Mamelukes, who were mostly
of Turcoman origin, began to decline, and towards the end
o f the fourteenth century the Bahris were succeeded as
Egypt’s rulers by an oligarchy of Circassian Mamelukes,
originating from Qalaun’s bodyguard; this new dynasty
became known as the Burjis5 from the towers of the Citadel,
which had been their first barracks. None of the Buiji
sultans attained the same independence of their electors as
had been attained by some of the Bahri sultans, and the
administrative anarchy which had marked the last years of
Bahri rule was accelerated during the 134 years of Buiji
supremacy. Power was attainable and thereafter maintained
only by intrigue, violence and spoliation. The Mameluke
senior officers, or beys, organized themselves into factions,
each with their own bodyguard of slaves. Fighting and
intrigue between rival beys became endemic, making
organized administration impossible. Occasionally a strong
Sultan would temporarily assert his authority. On such
occasions the beys usually came together in a precarious
alliance to depose and murder him. The whole conception
of a strong central government disappeared amid the
confusion of an endemic state of civil war. In these circum-
stances, the Mameluke dominions, which still included Syria,
provided an easy prey for the Ottoman Sultan Selim I, who
invaded Syria in 15 16 . The Mameluke Ghuri-al-Qansuh,
who happened to be one of the strongest and best of the
Buijis, showed a bold face to the invader. But the inferiority
of Mameluke arms and the treachery of the Mameluke
beys6 were too much for him. Crippled at the last moment
by the desertion of two of the beys and their followers, his
army was overwhelmed and he was killed on the field o f
al-Dabiq, near Aleppo. Syria hastened to make its peace
with the victorious Selim, who within a few months had
crossed Sinai and was advancing on Cairo. Tuman, Ghuri’s
successor, offered a stubborn resistance, but the majority
of the beys had already determined to make their peace
9
 THE FIRST BRITISH OCCUPATION
with Selim. Tum an was captured and executed, Egypt
annexed to the Ottoman dominions, and the puppet K halif
transferred from Cairo to Constantinople. Mameluke
sovereignty was at an end. But Mameluke rule in Egypt
continued, subject to the payment of an annual tribute to
Constantinople, and subject to the usually nominal control
of a resident Turkish governor.
Egypt was of interest to the Ottomans mainly as a source
of tribute. Under the Ottoman dispensation all land in
Egypt was confiscated to the State and farmed out to mul-
tazimin 1 who were made responsible for the collection of
Miri (tribute derived from a land tax) and for local adminis-
tration, in that order of importance. These concessions were
farmed out to the Mameluke beys, who thus became pro-
vincial governors, and who soon compensated themselves
in wealth for what they had lost in political importance.
Although a Turkish pasha was the nominal head of the
administration, it came about in practice that the real power
was divided between a Mameluke Shaykh-al-Balad (Gover-
nor of Cairo) and a Mameluke Amir-al-Hajj (literally leader
of the annual Pilgrimage to Mecca, actually Commander
of the Arm y). These officers were elected by the Grand
Divan, an Assembly of Mamelukes which was established
by Suleiman the Magnificent. Its original purpose was to
assist the Turkish pasha in government; its actual function
was to provide a forum for the intrigues of the Mameluke
beys.
As the power of the Ottoman Empire declined, so the
rapacity and insubordination of the Mameluke beys in-
creased. In the early days of the Ottoman conquest a Turkish
garrison had been maintained in Egypt, but the Mameluke
military hierarchy had been retained as part of the Turkish
garrison. Later the Turkish troops were withdrawn, and
with them the only effective means of Ottoman control.
The Mamelukes continued to recruit their numbers by the
purchase of slaves, mostly of European and Christian origin,
in the same way as the Ottomans recruited their janissaries,
10
 THE FIRST BRITISH OCCUPATION
and were able to make and unmake Turkish pashas almost
at will. The only source of influence left to the Ottoman
representative was the admittedly fruitful one deriving from
the endemic state of discord existing between the Mamelukes.
Nevertheless, the spectacle of a herald clothed in black,
unattended and mounted on a donkey, proceeding to the
Citadel with the intimation that the pasha’s services were no
longer required became an increasingly frequent one, and it
was rare for the pasha to dispute the terse command In zil
y a Pasha (Descend, O Pasha) with which the herald was
wont to announce his mission.
For two hundred and fifty years Egypt endured this state
of anarchic misrule. Nothing but a despotism could have
improved matters. But no sufficiently strong man arose,
either among the pashas to destroy the Mamelukes or among
the Mamelukes to oust the Turks and subdue his fellow beys.
But in 1769, Ali Bey, the Mameluke Shaykh-al-Balad,
established a sufficient ascendancy over the other Mameluke
beys to enable him successfully to rebel against the Ottomans,
to capture M ecca, and to declare himself ‘Sultan of Egypt
and Lord of the Tw o Seas’ .8 For a few years Egypt experi-
enced the rule of a single and reasonably benevolent master.
The fame of Ali Bey spread beyond the bounds of Egypt.
Russia offered him assistance against his Ottoman suzerain.
He invaded Syria. While he was away, his chief lieutenant,
one Abu Dahab, encouraged by Constantinople, revolted
against him. Ali Bey returned hot-foot from Damascus to
deal with this revolt, but was defeated and killed by the
rebels at Salhiye. Abu Dahab was made Pasha of Egypt by
Constantinople as a reward for having got rid of Ali Bey,
but he did not long survive his promotion. Within a few
weeks of his death, Egypt was in the throes of civil war. T w o
leading beys, Ibrahim and Murad, rose in revolt against
Ismail, the Shaykh-al-Balad, who was supported by the
Turkish Pasha. Ismail and the Pasha were driven out of
Cairo by Ibrahim and Murad, who, as soon as they had
disposed of their common enemies, started quarrelling with
11
 THE FIRST BRITISH OCCUPATION
each other. M urad was driven out of Cairo by Ibrahim and
set up a separate government in Upper Egypt. The threat
of Ottoman hostility drove them to a reconciliation. Ibrahim
became Shaykh-al-Balad and M urad Am ir-al-Hajj.
The rapacity of Ibrahim and the inhumanity of Murad
would not by themselves have provoked the Turks to inter-
vention. But they committed the unforgivable crime of
repudiating the tribute. This was the one action which was
almost certain to move Constantinople to act resolutely. A
Turkish fleet was despatched to Alexandria and a Turkish
army to Rosetta. Murad marched towards Rosetta to meet
the Turks and was defeated. The rest of the beys hastened to
desert to what, for the time being, appeared to be the win-
ning side, and Murad and Ibrahim fled to Upper Egypt.
The Ottoman Captain-General entered Cairo, restored
Ismail Bey as Shaykh-al-Balad and made him Pasha of
Egypt. Ismail died in 1790 and Ibrahim and M urad re-
turned to Cairo. Their second period of power may be said
to mark the climax even of Mameluke misgovernment. The
’ulema9 and the fellahin, united in action for the first and
last time, joined in a revolt which succeeded in wringing a
few concessions out of the two tyrants. M any of the foreign
consuls, together with the members of their communities,
unable to trade or even securely to live under the conditions
prevailing, left Egypt. Baldwin, the British Consul, who left
in 1796, wrote: T do not conceive that Egypt can be much
longer tenable by the Franks owing to the excessive tyranny
of M urad Bey who latterly has given them to understand . . .
that the Capitulations mean nothing to him, and that he
shall extract and exact, as in fact he has done, without
respect to anyone. The same spirit invades the whole body
of Mamelukes.’
Such was the situation on the eve of the French invasion
in 179 8: a country ruled by two major and a host of minor
tyrants who had no common ties of blood or interest with
the local inhabitants and who were able, by means of their
military organization, to plunder the country very much at
12
 THE FIRST BRITISH OCCUPATION
their will. In their capacity of multazimin, most of the
cultivable land of Egypt was in the grip of the beys, who lived
in splendid palaces in Cairo on the proceeds of the peasants’
toil, retiring to their estates when political vicissitudes drove
them forcibly from the capital. Capricious and oppressive
taxation, combined with endemic neglect and insecurity,
were destroying the country’s agricultural resources. Foreign
trade was almost at a standstill. Justice was administered by
the Grand Q adi10 and by his subordinates, in theory accord-
ing to the Shari’a Law , in practice according to the financial
interests of the judges. Even in the Ottoman dominions it
would have been difficult to discover a people more griev-
ously oppressed, an economy more sorely decayed.
It is not easy to point to any convincing reason for Bona-
parte’s Egyptian expedition, in spite of the volumes of
information on the subject which are available. It is clear
that the inspiration came from Bonaparte and that the
Directory were not unwilling to see him occupied at a
comfortable distance from France. Among the reasons
adduced by Bonaparte were: (a) a desire to revive the
French overland trade with the East, which had been
destroyed by the Mamelukes under British influence (There
is in fact no evidence that the Mamelukes were any less
arbitrary in their treatment of the British than they were in
their treatment of other foreigners; in fact, while the British
Consul had left in 1796, the French Consul, M . Magellon,
had stayed on, and his advice was a powerful factor in
persuading the Directory to agree to the expedition.) (b) a
desire to cripple British overland trade with the East (This
trade had already become almost non-existent by reason of
the extortions of the Mamelukes.) (c) a desire to establish
contact with Tippoo Sahib in order to help him make trouble
for the British in India (d) a desire to establish a French
Empire in the East which would surpass and perhaps super-
sede that of the British in India. Whichever was the most
powerful of these reasons, it is evident that they were all
primarily motivated by a desire to strike a blow at England.
13
 THE FIRST BRITISH OCCUPATION
This is understandable in view of the fact that Bonaparte
selected Egypt as the site of his next adventure only after he
had been compelled to advise the Directory that their plans
for the invasion of England were impracticable.
Perhaps the main attraction of an Egyptian campaign was
the certainty of an easy conquest. The Mameluke military
organization, although adequate, for maintaining a domestic
tyranny, was ludicrously inadequate when confronted with
a European army. Moreover, the beys enjoyed no popular
support in the country, the inhabitants of which had recently
been in revolt and would, according to the calculations of
Bonaparte and M . Magellon, be prepared to welcome the
French army as deliverers.-
The main disadvantage was the possibility that Turkey
would regard the invasion of Egypt as an act of hostility to
herself. In the event, and stimulated thereunto by Great
Britain and Russia, Turkey did so regard the French in-
vasion, but before the invasion it was not impossible to
believe that the resources of French diplomacy would be
able to convince the Sultan that the subjection of Ibrahim
and M urad, who were in rebellion against the Porte, could
not in any w ay be regarded as a hostile act against Turkey.
On the contrary, it was not unreasonable to suppose that a
French promise to ensure punctual payment of the tribute
would be regarded in Constantinople as adequate compensa-
tion for any technical breach of sovereignty.
So the expedition proceeded. From the military point of
view, there was no miscarriage. The expedition was conveyed
safely to the Egyptian coast, capturing M alta on the way,
landed without opposition, and entered Alexandria in the
face of negligible resistance. Within three weeks of the land-
ing the Mameluke forces under Murad Bey had been
completely routed at the Battle of the Pyramids11 and Cairo
had surrendered. M urad fled to Upper Egypt, Ibrahim to
Syria. Then Bonaparte’s troubles began. Barely a week after
the occupation of Cairo the French fleet, at anchor in
Abuqir Bay, was attacked and destroyed by Nelson. W ith
14
 THE FIRST BRITISH OCCUPATION
the news of Bonaparte’s landing, British diplomacy had also
gone into action. Spenser Smith, the British Minister at
Constantinople, was instructed to open negotiations with the
Porte for an Anglo-Turkish alliance against France which
would have as its main object the expulsion of the French
from Egypt. The Russian Government was also pressing
Constantinople for an alliance against France, and the efforts
of the French Minister to persuade the Porte of French
friendliness were of little avail. I n December 1 798 a Russo-
Turkish alliance was concluded, followed in Jan u ary 1799
by an Anglo-Turkish alliance. This was astonishingly quick
moving by Constantinople, and argues either great dexterity
on the part of the British and Russian negotiators or else
a singular lack of dexterity on the part of the French ones.
Under the terms of the Anglo-Turkish treaty, the Porte
agreed to supply 100,000 troops and the whole Turkish N avy
for fighting the French in Egypt, and England undertook
to keep a ‘respectable fleet’ in the eastern Mediterranean and
not to lay down arms until the integrity of the Ottoman
Empire had been assured.
In its negotiations with Turkey it is uncertain how far the
British Government was actuated by a general desire to
harass the French wherever they might be as part of the
grand strategy of war against France, and how far it was
actuated by a specific desire to prevent the French from
establishing themselves in Egypt. But it is apparent that at
least one member of the British Cabinet had already appre-
ciated the strategic importance of Egypt from the point of
view of British imperial possessions. Dundas, the Minister
of W ar, in the course of a memorandum to Lord Grenville,
the Foreign Secretary, wrote: ‘The possession of Egypt by
any independent Power would be a fatal circumstance to the
interests of this country.’ This is probably the first explicit
and official statement of the policy which has governed
British relations with Egypt for the last 150 years, and it is
interesting to note this expression of opinion by a British
Minister seventy years before the Suez Canal was constructed
15
 THE FIRST BRITISH OCCUPATION
and at a time when the overland transit traffic through
Egypt was almost at a standstill.
After the Battle of Abuqir, Nelson had left Captain Hood
with three ships to blockade the coast of Egypt. A t about the
same time Commodore Sir Sidney Smith, brother of the
British Minister at Constantinople and a naval officer with a
brilliant if rather unorthodox record, was sent to the eastern
Mediterranean with the warship Tigre and instructions ‘to
take command of such of H .M .’s ships as he may find in
those seas, unless by any unforeseen chance it should happen
that there should be among them any of H .M .’s officers of
superior rank5, and ‘to act with such forces in conjunction
with the Ottoman and Russian squadrons for the defence of
the Ottoman Empire and the annoyance of the enemy in
that quarter5. It was always Sir Sidney Smith’s practice to
take a large view of the instructions given to him, and his
first act on arrival in the eastern Mediterranean was to
proceed to Constantinople to assist his brother in negotiations
with the Turks. Between them, as has been seen, they
brought the negotiations to a successful conclusion just before
the arrival of Lord Elgin, the new British Ambassador to
the Porte. No time was lost in pushing the Turkish Govern-
ment into active operations. Part of the Turkish fleet joined
a Russian squadron in operations against the French in the
Adriatic, and another part was despatched to join Hood in
the blockade of Egypt. In M arch 1 799 another British
officer, Colonel Koehler, arrived in Constantinople with a
mission to help prepare the Turkish Arm y for operations
against the French in Egypt. A t the same time the Turkish
Government, on its own account, was making other warlike
preparations. Ibrahim Bey, after his defeat at the hands of
Bonaparte, had taken refuge with Jazzar Pasha, the Gover-
nor of Akka. He was followed to Akka by several other o f the
Mameluke beys. Jazzar Pasha was a notable figure. It is
uncertain whether his name, which means ‘butcher’, derives
from his father’s profession or from his own cruelty. He was a
Bosnian of humble birth who had risen to power by the
16
 THE FIRST BRITISH OCCUPATION
usual methods of violence and intrigue. A t the time of
Bonaparte’s invasion of Egypt he was Pasha of Akka in
name, and ruler of most of Palestine and southern Syria in
fact. He had, however, found it convenient to keep on
friendly terms with his nominal suzerain in Constantinople.
He was encouraged by Constantinople to champion the
cause of the defeated Mamelukes and, with Turkish assist-
ance, made preparations for an attack on Egypt. He ad-
vanced as far as al-Arish, and the menace of Egypt from that
quarter became so serious that Bonaparte was compelled in
February 1799 to embark on his ill-fated Syrian expedition.
The story of that expedition, the capitulation of al-Arish
and Ghazze, the storming of Ja ffa , the massacre of the
surrendered Ja ffa garrison on the beach, and the abortive
siege of Akka, need not be told in these pages. Suffice it to
say that Jazzar, supported from the sea by the guns of a
British squadron under the command of Sir Sidney Smith,
and sustained on land by the versatility and determination of
that eccentric but brilliant adventurer, succeeded in holding
Akka against Bonaparte’s assaults until the spread of disease
and discontent in his army caused him to raise the siege and
return to Egypt in M ay 1799.
The first year of the French occupation of Egypt had not
justified Bonaparte’s expectation that the native inhabitants
would welcome the French as their liberators from M am e-
luke tyranny. He had underestimated the influence of the
Moslem fanaticism which caused the Egyptians to hate and
distrust the French as infidels. His clumsy attempts to show
sympathy with Islam exacerbated rather than diminished
this prejudice. He neglected to consider the unpopularity
which was bound to accrue from the financial levies imposed
for the maintenance of his army after it had been cut off
from France by Nelson’s victory at Abuqir. He was surprised
at the extent to which the native Egyptians were incapable
of and apathetic towards any measure of self-government.
He did not appreciate the instinctive Oriental suspicion of
nearly all forms of governmental activity, and did not realize
*7
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
cloth of gold. All the splendid chivalry of Castile were present; some,
representatives of ancient and illustrious houses who traced their
lineage back to the court of Roderick; others, whose patents of
nobility of more recent date had been won in long and honorable
warfare against the infidel. Among these were to be seen the white
turban and striped burnous of the Arab, who would have resented
the epithets of traitor and renegade, but who, actuated by inherited
prejudice or tribal jealousy, had not hesitated to draw his sword
against his brethren. Not less conspicuous than the nobles were the
prelates, in full canonicals, preceded by Cardinal Mendoza, Primate
of Spain, one of whose attendants bore the massive cross, still
preserved in the Cathedral of Toledo, soon to be raised, symbolizing
the triumph of Christian over Moorish superstition, on the loftiest
tower of the Alhambra. The heralds who preceded the royal escort
were dressed in tabards emblazoned with the arms of Castile and
Leon in silver, gold, and scarlet. In the centre of a brilliant group
came Isabella, attired in rich brocade and mounted upon a white
palfrey, whose housings of embroidered velvet swept the ground.
There, too, was Ferdinand, proud, stern, impassive; his stolid
features bearing no evidence of the exultation he must have felt, yet
willing to concede to his martial consort the larger portion of the
credit attaching to the crowning glory of the Christian cause. Around
the monarchs were assembled the princes of the blood, the great
dignitaries of the realm in their robes and bearing their insignia of
office, the haughty grandees, the female members of the Queen’s
household in splendid costumes and glittering jewels, the famous
warriors whose prowess had made their names familiar to every
nation in Europe,—sheathed in polished steel, with lance and
buckler, with pennon and heraldic device,—in all a picture worthily
representing the pomp and the magnificence, the pride and the
renown, of the Spanish monarchy. As the splendid procession swept
forward amidst the blare of trumpets, the strains of martial music, the
waving of banners, and the tumultuous applause of thousands, and
halted on an elevation near the Genil, a gate of the Alhambra swung
slowly open. From it issued a band of horsemen, whose appearance
and dress indicated that their origin and customs were foreign to the
continent of Europe. At their head rode a cavalier encased in armor
exquisitely damascened, and whose fair complexion and tawny
beard offered a striking contrast to the swarthy features of those who
formed his retinue. The latter were clothed in flowing robes of silk
woven in stripes of every hue, revealing, when moved by the
morning breeze, shining coats of mail and scimetars set with gems
and inlaid with gold.
The interview of the sovereigns was short and almost devoid of
ceremony. Obsequious to the last, Boabdil attempted to dismount
and kiss the hand of his conqueror, but the Spanish King, with
generous and unaffected courtesy, prevented this act of voluntary
abasement, insisted on his remaining mounted, and received the
kiss upon his sleeve. With a few words, which betrayed the
bitterness of his mortification and anguish, the Moslem prince
surrendered the keys of the city to Ferdinand. He gave them to
Isabella, and she, in turn, transferred these evidences of possession
and sovereignty to the Count of Tendilla, who had been appointed
Governor of Granada. The latter, with many nobles as escort and a
garrison of five thousand men, without delay entered and took
possession of the Alhambra, and raised upon the tower of Comares
the gold and silver cross of the Archiepiscopate of Toledo, the royal
ensign, and the consecrated standard of Santiago. The appearance
of the sacred emblem and the familiar banners upon the battlements
of the Moorish citadel aroused the wildest enthusiasm among the
spectators. The priests of the royal chapel chanted the Te Deum
Laudamus. Thousands of gray and battle-scarred veterans fell upon
their knees and wept for joy. The heralds, in all the magnificence of
their striking costumes, made proclamation, by sound of trumpet,
that the authority of the Moslems had forever vanished from the
Peninsula in the words, “Castilla! Castilla! Granada! Granada! por los
reyes Don Fernando y Doña Isabel?” The stately Castilian nobles, in
the glittering panoply of war, one after another, then came forward,
knelt before Isabella, and kissed her hand in homage for her newly
acquired dignity as Queen of Granada.
Followed by the principal Moorish officials, some of whom,
including the vizier, were secret renegades and in the pay of
Ferdinand, Boabdil retired to his dominions in the Alpujarras. Even
there he was not destined to remain long in tranquillity. Subjected to
ceaseless espionage, his every word and action were reported to
Hernando de Zafra, secretary of the Catholic monarchs. Despite his
apparent apathy, his presence was considered a menace to the
public peace, especially when the discontent arising from open
violations of the treaty began to be manifested. Emissaries were sent
to attempt the purchase of his estates and to suggest the probable
dangers of insurrection, as contrasted with the advantages of
voluntary exile. This failing of success, a bolder plan was resolved
upon. The false vizier, Ibn-Comixa, was induced to assume an
authority which he did not possess, to sell to the Spanish Crown the
possessions of the princes of the Moorish dynasty of Granada, and
to even stipulate, in detail, the time and manner of their departure
from Spain. The price this corrupt and treacherous agent received
for his services was never known. The rights of Boabdil and his
family thus were disposed of, without their consent, for the paltry
sum of twenty-one thousand doubloons of gold. When apprised by
his unblushing minister of the manner in which he had been
betrayed, he drew his sword, and Ibn-Comixa only saved his life by
instant flight. The unfortunate prince well knew who had suggested
the employment of this ignoble and perfidious artifice, and that it
would be dangerous, as well as useless, to attempt to repudiate a
measure which, dictated by cunning, would certainly be enforced by
violence. He therefore ratified the spurious contract, received in
exchange for his estates and all claims upon the crown nine millions
of maravedis; and, on the fourteenth of October, 1493, sailed with all
his household for Africa, where the Sultan of Fez had offered him an
asylum. Thirty-four years afterwards he fell in battle, fighting bravely
in the service of his benefactor against the savage mountaineers of
the Atlas. His body, never recovered, remained unburied in the
Desert, under a strange sky, far from the scene of his early triumphs,
his misfortunes, and his disgrace.
Thus ended the implacable contest waged by Christian and
Moslem so long and so desperately in the southwestern corner of
Europe. To the heroic queen of Ferdinand is to be attributed the
success of the last campaign of that portentous struggle. It was her
administrative ability that regulated the internal affairs of the
kingdom, suppressed lawlessness, established order, restored public
confidence, developed the resources and consolidated the strength
of a powerful and warlike nation. Her martial genius was ever with
the army, whether encouraging it by her presence on the march or
collecting and transporting supplies over mountain paths beset by
bold and cunning enemies; ever animating the living, ever aiding and
consoling the relatives of the dead. She was universally recognized
as the head and front of the crusade; every opinion was tacitly
subordinated to her judgment; her advice was sought in all important
undertakings; her cheerful personality brought courage and
enthusiasm to the disheartened camp; her masculine spirit did not
shrink from participation in the exposure of a reconnoissance or from
the certain and omnipresent dangers of the field of battle. In the
closing scenes of the eventful drama hers was the prominent figure.
On the day of the capitulation, she alone carried the sceptre and
wore the crown, tacitly belying the motto, “Tanto Monta,” which
admitted the equality of Aragon; it was her hand which bestowed the
keys of the city and the authority of governor on her hereditary
vassal, the Count of Tendilla; it was “Castile” that the heralds
proclaimed from the highest battlements of the palace; it was not
before the politic craft of Ferdinand that the haughty aristocracy of
the North bowed with profound and graceful obeisance in
acknowledgment of the sovereignty of a newly conquered realm, but
before the eminent talents, the earnest piety, the affable but majestic
and ever impressive dignity of Isabella the Catholic, Queen of Castile
and Granada.

END OF VOLUME II.

Transcriber’s Notes:

1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been corrected

silently.

2. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the original.

3. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have

been retained as in the original.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF
THE MOORISH EMPIRE IN EUROPE, VOL. 2 (OF 3) ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in
these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it
in the United States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of
this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept
and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and
may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the
terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of
the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as
creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research.
Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given
away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with
eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject
to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
 PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free

distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or
any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and

Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree
to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be
bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from
the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in
paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be

used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people
who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a
few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic
works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.
See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with
Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the
collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the
individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the
United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in
the United States and you are located in the United States, we do
not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing,
performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the
work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of
course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™
mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely
sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name
associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of
this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its
attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without
charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also
govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most
countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the
United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms
of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying,
performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this
work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes
no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in
any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other

immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must
appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™
work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or
with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is
accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
 This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away
or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License
included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the
laws of the country where you are located before using this
eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived

from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a
notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright
holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the
United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must
comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through
1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted

with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted
with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of
this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project

Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a
part of this work or any other work associated with Project
Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this

electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form,
including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you
provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work
in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in
the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,

performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing

access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the
method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The
fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark,
but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty
payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on
which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your
periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked
as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information
about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation.”

• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who

notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that
s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
 copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and
discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project
Gutenberg™ works.

• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of

any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in
the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90
days of receipt of the work.

• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™

electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend

considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe
and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating
the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may
be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to,
incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a
copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or
damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer
codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except

for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph
1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner
of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party
distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this
agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and
expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO
REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF
WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE
FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY
DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE
TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL,
PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE
NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you

discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it,
you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by
sending a written explanation to the person you received the work
from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must
return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity
that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a
replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work
electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to
give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in
lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may
demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the
problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in
paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED,
INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF
MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied

warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted
by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the
Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the
Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any
volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability,
costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or
indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur:
(a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b)
alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project
Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of

Project Gutenberg™
Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.
It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and
donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the

assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a
secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help,
see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project

Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,

Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to

the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without
widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can
be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the
widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small
donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax
exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating

charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and
keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in
locations where we have not received written confirmation of
compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of
compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where

we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no
prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in
such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make

any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of
other ways including checks, online payments and credit card
donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project

Gutenberg™ electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed

editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,

including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how
to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.