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The Tripartite Realist
War: Analysing
Russia’s Invasion of
Ukraine
Danny Singh
The Tripartite Realist War: Analysing Russia’s
Invasion of Ukraine
 Danny Singh

The Tripartite Realist

War: Analysing
Russia’s Invasion
of Ukraine
Danny Singh
Humanities and Social Sciences
Teesside University
Middlesbrough, UK

ISBN 978-3-031-34162-5 ISBN 978-3-031-34163-2 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-34163-2

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2023

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc.
in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such
names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for
general use.
The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and informa-
tion in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither
the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with
respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been
made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps
and institutional affiliations.

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Preface

The purpose of this book seeks to explain in summary form the reasons
for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in late February 2022 and the goals of
its main participants, Russia, Ukraine, the United States and allied North
Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). This topic is needed because it
harnesses an understanding why this war happened. In Western countries,
the mainstream is dominated by a one-sided; propaganda perception of
the war in Ukraine in the dichotomy of evil Russia, good Ukraine and the
West is rightly on the side of good. There is little explanation why this
war has taken place, and of the interests of the parties to the conflict.
The book examines the main international relations theories to explain
the war. It includes realism, liberalism and constructivism. It is argued that
the most useful theoretical tool to understand the war is realism, applied
in three of its varieties, classical, offensive neorealism and defensive neore-
alism. The book also demonstrates how this can be studied from a liberal
and constructivist perspective. The cause of this war is largely due to the
aggravation of Russia by the West through NATO’s systematic expansion
near its borders. Moscow documented that Kyiv’s declared accession of
Ukraine to NATO threatened its vital security interests and had taken
pre-emptive action, resorting to war and clear abuses of international law.
Many works from the West on war provide a dominant narrative from a
liberal perspective that tends to support American global policy, including
towards Russia. This is a dangerous war of the United States and virtually
the entire West against Russia, to the final Ukrainian.

v
vi PREFACE

I would like to thank my loving family for support whilst writing

this book. This includes my gorgeous wife (Sonali) and beautiful chil-
dren (Ishaan and Shanaya). My father (Gurmit), mother (Palbinder) and
brother (Paul) have also encouraged me with my academic career, so
thanks to you all. On a professional note, I would like to thank Professor
Anthony Lloyd at Teesside University for reading a draft on the overall
argument of the book. Thanks to Dr. Anca Pusca for taking an interest in
this topic once I approached Palgrave Macmillan.

Middlesbrough, UK Danny Singh

 Contents

1 Introduction 1
References 6
2 Main International Relations Theories 7
An Explanation of Realism 7
An Explanation of Liberalism 24
Constructivism: An Alternative Explanation 35
Contributions of International Relations Theory 53
References 56
3 NATO During the Cold War and Dissolution
of the Soviet Union 67
Formation of NATO 67
The Counterbalancing Warsaw Pact 70
The Economic and Political Demise of the Soviet Union 71
NATO’s Expansionism and Containment of Russia 73
References 79
4 Ukrainian Desire for Political Autonomy and NATO
Accession 83
Orange Revolution 83
NATO Membership Action Plan and National Security
Strategy 85

vii
viii CONTENTS

Western Support for Ukraine 88

United States Motives of the War 92
References 112
5 Russian Responses, the Invasion, Sanctions
and International Law 121
Russian Retaliation 121
Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine: February 2022 133
Just War Debate 150
International Condemnation of the Invasion and Western
Sanctions 157
International Law Efforts 167
References 187
6 Conclusion 209
References 216

Bibliography 217
Index 257
 About the Author

Dr. Danny Singh is Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Rela-

tions at Teesside University, where he is Course Leader for M.A. in
International Relations/M.A. International Relations Applied. He holds
a Ph.D. in Politics and Criminology. His research interests include police
corruption and anti-corruption in war-torn environments, just war and
military ethics, international relations theory and conflict studies. He is
author of Investigating Corruption in the Afghan Police Force: Insta-
bility and Insecurity in Post-Conflict Societies (Policy Press) and co-editor
of Comparative Just War Theory: An Introduction to International
Perspectives (Rowman & Littlefield).
Dr. Singh’s current book projects are situated within political philos-
ophy and international relations. A book titled Afro-Communitarian
Ethics and Foreign Armed Intervention (Springer) is due for publication
in early 2024. For forthcoming works, Singh is working on several sample
chapters and seeking a book contract on The Failure of Neoconservative
Nation-Building in Afghanistan: A Liberal-Realist Muddle and Realist-
Constructivist Ethics: The “Normative” Morality and Ethics of Western
Intervention.

ix
 Abbreviations

BBC British Broadcasting Corporation

CBS Columbia Broadcasting System
CIS Commonwealth of Independent States
CNBC Consumer News and Business Channel
CNN Cable News Network
DCFTA Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area
ESDP European Security and Defence Policy
EU European Union
G7 Group of Seven
GDP Gross Domestic Product
ICC International Criminal Court
ICISS International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty
ICJ International Court of Justice
ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross
ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
IDPs International Displaced People
IMF International Monetary Fund
MAP Membership Action Plan
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
NDTV New Delhi Television Limited
OPEC Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries
OUN Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists
PoWs Prisoners of War
R2P Responsibility to Protect
RTS Radio Television Serbia
START Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty

xi
xii ABBREVIATIONS

UK United Kingdom
UN United States
UNMIK United Nations Interim Mission in Kosovo
US United States
WMD Weapon of Mass Destruction
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has been its largest European interven-

tion since the Second World War. The conflict has devastated major
cities in Ukraine as the Russian-armed forces surrounded Kyiv and then
captured Mariupol. At the time of writing, according to the United
Nations (UN), there have been 24,862 civilian casualties (with 9,083
killed and 15,779 sustaining injuries) via explosive weapons, such as heavy
artillery shells, missiles, airstrikes and rocket launch systems.1 Equally, as
of early 2023, the number of “refugees from Ukraine recorded across
Europe” has reached almost 8 million (7,915,287) with most located in
Poland (1,553,707) and almost 5 million (4,905,293) Ukrainian refugees
have been listed for “Temporary Protection” or comparable European
“national protection schemes.”2 The number of Ukrainians crossing their
border to enter European states exceeds 14 million (14,270,682) and
over 6.5 million Ukrainians have been internally displaced.3
Russia has been condemned by the international community and sanc-
tions have been placed on the Kremlin and Russian oligarchs. Moreover,

1 United Nations Office of the High Commissioner, “Ukraine: Civilian Casualty

Update,” June 19, 2023.
2 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, “Operational Data Portal: Ukraine
Refugee Situation,” January 3, 2023.
3 International Organization for Migration, “Ukraine: International Displaced People
(IDPs) Estimates,” November 4, 2022.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2023
D. Singh, The Tripartite Realist War: Analysing Russia’s Invasion
of Ukraine, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-34163-2_1
2 D. SINGH

Ukraine has been supported by the United States (US) and European
states with military equipment and financial and humanitarian aid. Diplo-
macy has failed. Russian and Ukrainian officials have met in Belarus—a
Russian ally—on at least three occasions to create a short ceasefire and
open humanitarian corridors to safely evacuate Ukrainian civilians, but
the agreements do not consolidate with Kyiv’s political ambitions and
thus Russian airstrikes still hit major Ukrainian cities.
The purpose of this book is to provide an overview of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and how it has engaged in expan-
sionism policy to further contain Russia in contemporary international
affairs with the accession of additional former Soviet states. To attain this
objective, the book covers a realist understanding of the initiation and
continuation of the current Russia-Ukraine conflict by responding to the
research question; how can realism explain power politics of the current
Russian invasion of Ukraine? Alternative explanations can be reached
with different theories, but realism (and its variations) is selected, and
proven when compared with liberalism and constructivism, to under-
stand the dynamics of power politics due to the historical legacy of
NATO, the former Soviet Union and its dissolution and the relation-
ship between Russia and Ukraine. It is specifically argued that NATO,
Russia and Ukraine pursued realist interests that serve as the main cata-
lyst of this conflict, making diplomacy and collective defence measures
difficult to implement. An understanding of classical realism and struc-
tural realism during the Cold War is initially presented to harness an
understanding of NATO, Ukrainian and Russian geopolitical interests. To
reach this argument, the book addresses two further international rela-
tions theories—liberalism and constructivism—as competing theories,4
when analysing the role of NATO, Ukraine’s ambitions of accession to the

4 This follows a similar structure with Posen on security of the European Union
explained with the tenets of realism, principally structural realism to present the balance
of power theory on US unipolarity, which is contrasted with liberalism as a competing
international relations theory (Barry Ross Posen, “European Union Security and Defence
Policy: Response to Unipolarity?” Security Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2 (April–June 2006),
pp. 149–186). The former theory, realism, presents the debate on how European states
have expanded security initiatives since 1999 with the European Security and Defence
Policy (ESDP) as an alternative security provider to NATO and the latter theory on
how balancing is not required because European states are liberal democracies that share
similar liberalist values (Barry Ross Posen, “ESDP and the Structure of World Power,”
The International Spectator, Vol. 39, No. 1 (April 2008), pp. 6–9; Posen, “European
Union Security and Defence Policy,” pp. 153–164).
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

Western Alliance, which has been supported by the West and American
motivations of the war, Russian responses, the February 2022 invasion,
and international condemnation, imposed sanctions and legal debates
against the Kremlin.
Although the book examines the events of the Russian invasion of
Ukraine from a realist perspective (including most of its variations), this
purpose serves to develop an understanding of the conflict, and principally
the role of power politics, between NATO, Ukraine and Russia. It will
endeavour an analysis of what tenet(s) of realism best explain(s) Russia’s
recent invasion of Ukraine. In doing so, the book covers the main variants
of realism, namely classical realism, structural realism (both offensive and
defensive neorealism ) and applies them to the war within the historical
and contemporary analyses (Chapters 3–5).
Despite a strong leaning towards realism, competing international rela-
tions theories—namely liberalism and constructivism—are also presented
to provide alternative explanations of the war. The book will later demon-
strate the limits of liberalism when analysing the deficits of regime
theory, condemnation, sanctions, just war ethics and international legal
efforts against Russia. However, the variations of constructivism, namely
conventional and critical, also provide valid explanations on the ideational
politics of Russian and Ukrainian ideology, historical symbols and myths
and language (discourse) that can supplement realist national security
interests (the material realities/outcomes). Although the accounts of
liberalism and constructivism are less substantive than realism to explain
the war, they provide useful explanations of state behaviour, the role of
institutional alliances, international law and standardization and socially
constructed myths, symbols and accounts of the enemy.
The forthcoming chapter presents realist, liberalist and constructivist
theories. After a discussion on realism, demonstrating a principal focus on
statism, survival and self-help to deal with anarchy by seeking relative gain
within the international political system, liberalism is covered. It includes
the basis on respecting international law and upholding the rule of law,
meaning that even heads of states are accountable for war crimes. This
part also engages with the role of other regional security organizations
that are pivotal for peace, cooperation, trade and the rules of collective
security and self-defence for the absolute advantage of states within the
international society. These aspects are relevant to endorse and promote
sanctions and international law, and internationally condemn the Russian
invasion of Ukraine. It will be argued that regime theory explains how
4 D. SINGH

international organizations promote rules, norms and standardization that

are respected by member states. These rules include the Responsibility to
Protect doctrine that has promoted rules to undermine state sovereignty
in the event of a state manifestly failing to protect the lives of their civilians
by reiterating instruments pertained within Chapter VII of the Charter of
the United Nations on sanctions and potential intervention. The final part
of this chapter covers constructivism to outline that identity politics of a
state and its principal actors, and how political leaders socially construct
and produce ideas such as national security interests and foreign policy.5
Following the discussion of realism, liberalism and constructivism, the
role of NATO during the Cold War is covered. This chapter reflects on
the structural realist explanations of NATO that attempted to contain the
Soviet Union that was met with the counterbalance of the Soviet Union’s
allied Warsaw Pact. An overview on the demise of the Warsaw Pact and
impact of the Soviet Union’s dissolution follows. The fall of the Iron
Curtain placed NATO in an advantageous position for expansionism to
further contain and weaken Russia with the accession of former Soviet
Union occupied Baltic states, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia.
Coverage on the role of Ukraine desiring NATO membership and its
revolutions that has formed further inimical relations with Russia follows
in the subsequent chapter. It is contended that Ukraine wanted to avoid
another scenario of the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and changing poli-
cies to suit Russian interests by pursuing Kyiv’s national security policy
and amended constitution motivated for the security that NATO could
provide.
The subsequent parts of the chapter cover US objectives of the war and
how Russia has distanced itself from the international community due to
perceptions of violations of international law from both NATO and the

5 It must be stressed that all the broad tents of realism, liberalism and construc-
tivism as meta-theories span beyond the scope of this book. Therefore, the basis of
these three mainstream international relations theories is covered to analyse Russia’s inva-
sion of Ukraine and the role of power politics that has undermined regime theory
and liberalism. Moreover, the book does not criticize each theory from its own meta-
theories. For a comprehensive review of the separated components of realism, liberalism
and constructivism, consult Robert Jackson, Georg Sörensen and Jörgen Möller, Intro-
duction to International Relations: Theories and Approaches, 7th ed. (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2019), pp. 69–142, 234–261 or Joseph Grieco, Gliford John Ikenberry
and Michael Mastanduno, Introduction to International Relations: Perspectives, Connections
and Enduring Questions, 2nd ed. (London: Red Globe Press, 2019), pp. 78–93.
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

United States. The political motives of the United States are then brought
to attention because it had led to the containment of the Soviet Union
and subsequently Russia since the outset of the Cold War, ultimately
forming security allies from Canada and Europe with the formation of
NATO.
Russia’s criticism of NATO and the United States overriding interna-
tional law to pursue their geopolitical interests are raised with the contexts
of Serbia in 1999, Iraq in 2003 and Libya in 2011. The latter contexts
specifically focus on the political stalemate within the United Nations
Security Council, Putin’s legal criticism of NATO intervening in Kosovo
and Libya and the United States in Iraq to further sway the Kremlin away
from the international community and pursue an illiberal authoritarian
regime. Russia’s position has undermined the Responsibility to Protect
doctrine due to Moscow and often China, protecting the state sovereignty
of Syria when under scrutiny of using chemical weapons against civil-
ians to foster amicable relations with Damascus as a crucial Middle East
client state. Russia and China share the belief of complying with tradi-
tional Westphalian sovereignty and interpret the Charter of the United
Nations to protect state sovereignty from the encroachment of other
states pursuing their international relations.6
The penultimate analysis chapter builds on the evaluation of Kyiv’s
ambitions to provide a discussion on Russia’s security dilemma of poten-
tial Ukrainian accession into NATO that would also contain Russia from
its western border. This covers Russian responses from namely 2008 to
date that has included supporting Georgian separatists, shutting off gas
supplies to Ukraine, annexing Crimea, supporting the separatist move-
ments of Luhansk and Donetsk during the Donbass War, and eventually
invading Ukraine in late February 2022. The latter has resulted in
the further annexation of four oblasts located in the Donbass region,
positioned in eastern Ukraine, in September 2022.
The discordant relations between Russia and Ukraine are followed
by the relevance of international responses of condemnation, sanctions,
just war theoretical responses and international legal debates. The inter-
national law arguments will address the inability of NATO to directly
defend a non-member via a military intervention in Ukraine, and the
unlikely viability of holding Putin accountable for the crime of aggression

6 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, October 24, 1945, 1 United Nations
Treaty Series XVI, Article 2 (4).
6 D. SINGH

and war crimes. It will be argued that Russia has contravened just war
ethics by targeting Ukrainian civilian infrastructure and energy sources
that stretches beyond military necessity, but power politics presently, and
historically, advocates that just war is merely a justification of war that
Putin has marketed to his populace with discourse, myths and symbols.
The conclusion argues that a tripartite realism of NATO, Ukraine and
Russia is fundamental to understand the conflict that has made collec-
tive security measures, NATO’s collective defence for a non-member
(Ukraine), diplomacy and accountability for the crime of aggression and
war crimes difficult to implement. The shift from NATO’s bipolar balance
of power to expanding Western influence has further antagonized Russia.
After engaging in alternative liberalist and constructivist explanations, a
realist account of the current war is reached because the principal focus
rests on power politics to understand the context that can promote better
diplomatic relations between Russia and Ukraine.

References
Grieco, Joseph, Gliford John Ikenberry, and Michael Mastanduno. Introduction
to International Relations: Perspectives, Connections, and Enduring Questions,
2nd ed. London: Red Globe Press, 2019.
International Organisation for Migration. “Ukraine: IDP Estimates.” November
4, 2022, https://data.humdata.org/dataset/ukraine-idp-estimates.
Jackson, Robert, Georg Sörensen, and Jörgen Möller. Introduction to Interna-
tional Relations: Theories and Approaches, 7th ed. Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2019.
Posen, Barry Ross. “European Union Security and Defence Policy: Response to
Unipolarity?” Security Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2 (April–June 2006), pp. 149–
186, https://doi.org/10.1080/09636410600829356.
Posen, Barry Ross. “ESDP and the Structure of World Power.” The International
Spectator, Vol. 39, No. 1 (April 2008), pp. 5–17, https://doi.org/10.1080/
03932720408457057.
United Nations. Charter of the United Nations. October 24, 1945, 1 United
Nations Treaty Series, XVI.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, “Operational Data Portal:
Ukraine Refugee Situation,” January 3, 2023, https://data.unhcr.org/en/sit
uations/ukraine.
United Nations Office of the High Commissioner. “Ukraine: Civilian Casu-
alty Update.” June 19, 2023, https://www.ohchr.org/en/news/2023/06/
ukraine-civilian-casualty-update-19-june-2023.
 CHAPTER 2

Main International Relations Theories

This chapter provides the basis of realism, liberalism and constructivism.

These theories will then be utilised to explain the Cold War rivalry
between the United States aligned with NATO and the Soviet Union
united with the Warsaw Pact, Ukraine’s objectives to join NATO, Russia’s
retaliation and the events of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

An Explanation of Realism
Realism undertakes a pessimistic perspective of human nature that focuses
on a global desire for power and the inescapability of egoism.1 All actions
cannot be free of egoism because states, as with individuals, advance their
self-interests and are power hungry.2 The basic foundations of realism rest
on the calculation of primacy of state interests and “unregulated compe-
tition of states,” with states functioning as the highest rational actors
seeking power in relative terms within an anarchic international system
vying for state survival.3 These aspects of egoistic human nature coupled

1 Hans Joachim Morgenthau, Scientific Man Versus Power Politics (Chicago, IL:
University of Chicago Press, 1946).
2 Hans Joachim Morgenthau, Dilemmas of Politics (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago
Press, 1958), pp. 55–58.
3 Jack Donnelly, Realism and International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer-
sity Press, 2000), p. 7.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 7

Switzerland AG 2023
D. Singh, The Tripartite Realist War: Analysing Russia’s Invasion
of Ukraine, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-34163-2_2
8 D. SINGH

with anarchy, and the absence of a central governing authority, result in

constraints on state behaviour in international politics. Based on egoistic
human nature and anarchy, international politics is primarily conflictual
and competitive.
This section is split into four parts. The initial part introduces the
older explanations of realism deriving from political and classical realism
regarding power politics and the repudiation of diplomacy. This is
followed by neorealist assertions of offensive and defensive realists on how
states deal with anarchy in the international political system. Subsequently,
the realist ethics of mainly prudence and scepticism address calculations of
national security interests and problems with stretching ambitious liberal-
idealism beyond domestic interests. Finally, the theory of realism will be
justified as the main lens of international relations theoretical analysis for
Russia’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

Political/Classical Realism
Realism is an archaic theory in international relations. Classical realism
focuses on: (i) power among states; (ii) self-interests holding main moti-
vation; and (iii) the negation of a moral outlook to idealism.4 It has
roots to ancient Greece and the famous Melian dialogue. The Melian
dialogue comprises the Siege of Melos (416 BC) that entailed a war
between two rival city-states: Athens and Sparta. This besieging is notably
narrated by an Athenian historian and general, Thucydides, who was in
exile during the negotiations between the Athenians and heads of Melos.
Athens was the superior nation that invaded Melos, the weaker nation,
which was positioned in the Aegean Sea (an island east of Greece) inhab-
ited by Dorian islanders.5 The Melian population were ethnically similar
to Spartans and opted to preserve neutrality during the war.
Once Melos was invaded, the Athenians ordered the Melians to
concede to Athens or be slaughtered by a greater army. The Melians
would not surrender and stressed they were a neutral city, and thus did
not constitute an enemy, meaning Athens should hold no interest to

4 Steven Forde, “International Realism and the Science of Politics: Thucydides, Machi-
avelli, and Neorealism,” International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 39, No. 2 (June 1995),
p. 143.
5 Thucydides, Speeches from Thucydides, trans. Henry Musgrave Wilkins (London:
Longmans, Green, and Co., 1873), p. 171.
 2 MAIN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORIES 9

conquer them. Despite the Melian declaration of neutrality, the Athenian

army seized their city, killing their men of military ages, and captured
women and children because morality had no place in the real world
as the strong conquer and the weak must suffer this tragedy of interna-
tional politics.6 This example of the Melian dialogue leaves no room for
diplomacy.7 This well-cited example of the Peloponnesian War demon-
strates that hope and pride are fruitless because it is selfishness and
pragmatism that motivate wars.8 The Athenians contended that they had
no alternative but to conquer Melos, or they would be perceived as
weak. Thucydides contended that Athenian imperialism was justified by
Euphemus for rulers to avert ascendancy by others and balance power
due to the anarchic structure in international politics as an alternative
of profiting or augmenting honour.9 Thucydides endeavoured to supple-
ment anarchy with human nature to moderate realism but recognised that
the balance between state interests and morality could not be associated
in global politics.10
The Melian dialogue thus offers a traditional context of political
realism at odds with liberal-idealism. This pragmatism emphasises the
selfish motivations of a sovereign opting to wage war that trumps
moral peaceful resolution.11 Early classical realists, notably Thucydides,
acknowledged a scientific approach but also asked “normative ques-
tions.”12 This structural argument justifying imperialism is ethically vindi-
cated by the need for a state to survive and preserve its standing against
threats by force, which has influenced contemporary realist ethics on the
selfishness of human nature and state interests.

6 David Kinsella, Bruce Russett and Harvey Starr, World Politics: The Menu for Choice,
10th ed. (Boston, MA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2013), p. 40.
7 Robert B. Strassler, The Landmark Thucydides: A Comprehensive Guide to the
Peloponnesian War (New York: Free Press, 1996).
8 Philip Nel, “Theories of International Relations,” in Power, Wealth and Global Equity:
An International Relations Textbook for Africa, 3rd ed., eds. Patrick J. McGowan, Scarlett
Cornelissen and Philip Nel (Lansdowne, PA: UCT Press, 2006), pp. 23–24.
9 Forde, “International Realism and the Science of Politics,” p. 149.
10 Forde, “International Realism and the Science of Politics,” pp. 145, 154.
11 W. Julian Korab-Karpowicz, A History of Political Philosophy: From Thucydides to
Locke (New York: Global Scholarly Publications, 2010), p. 13.
12 Forde, “International Realism and the Science of Politics,” p. 143.
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kummallinen mies…"

Ja nauraen poistui hän huoneesta.

Me söimme illallista. Tanja oli iloinen, kuin ainakin; kaksoiset

istuivat ääneti. Mieltäni kirveli, enkä koko aikana puhunut
sanaakaan.

"Lankeenkohan nyt minäkin… olenko jo niin syvälle paatunut?"

Tämä ajatus ja toiset samallaiset pyörivät mielessäni. "Enköhän saa
itseäni hillityksi? Sitten on kaikki mennyttä."

"Jumalani, ovatko sitten kaikki ihmiset voimattomia näissä

tapauksissa!"

Ljudmila Ivanovna kehoitti minua säestämään lauluansa, kunnes

lapset nukkuisivat. Tahdotonna tottelin häntä tohuisen aistillisuuden
valtaamana. Hänen mielensä oli kovin liikutettu ja alinomaa hän
nojasi minuun.

"Hän lauloi joitakuita lauluja, mutta minä olin saanut tarpeeksi

hänen laulustaan; äänensä kuului minusta yksitoikkoiselta enkä
kuunnellut lauluansa. Olihan vaan niin suloista tuntea hänen
ruumiinsa lämmön niin lähellä selkäni takana, ja minä tunsin
polttavan halun saada vetää häntä vielä lähemmäksi itseäni.
 "Me menimme saliin. Ensin täytyi antaa lasten ja Dundjashkan
nukkua… Kuinka Aleksander Dmitrijevitsh sallikaan minun olla
hänen kanssaan kahden? Ehkä hän kuitenkin palaa kotia meidän
sitä aavistamattamme", päätin minä ja ilmoitin Ljudmilalle
epäilykseni.

"Ehkä Aleksander Dmitrijevitsh tulee äkki-arvaamatta kotia

nähdäkseen, miten me täällä aikaamme vietämme", sanoin puoleksi
leikillisesti.

Hän nauroi.

"Ah ei, sitä hän ei tee koskaan; hän ei koskaan valehtele, ja

luulenpa, että hän on jäänyt tänään kaupunkiin minun tähteni, että
minä tänä iltana saisin olla teidän kanssanne kahden kesken ja
hankkisin itselleni huvituksen. Hän on oikullinen, eikä näe mitään,
miesparka."

Hän naurahti taas äänekkäämmin ja teeskennellen.

Aleksander Dmitrijevitshin käytöstapa oli minulle käsittämätön.

Uskoin kuitenkin Ljudmilan sanoja enkä sen enempää puhunut siitä.

"Kuka tiesi?", päätin itsekseni, "vaikkapa hänellä olisikin ollut

kaupungissa tehtäviä, mutta ehkä Ljudmilakin on oikeassa;
mahdoton on tunkeutua ihmissieluun ja sen salaisuuksia tutkia."

Saadakseni aikamme kulumaan, pyysin Ljudmilan pelaamaan

kanssani "tammea." Hän suostui, ja me istuimme sohvaan. Hänen
valkoinen kätensä kosketteli kättäni, hänen napeloita siirtäessään.
Polvemme viistäytyivät. Levotonna hän yhä vääntelihe paikallansa.
Hänen poskillansa puna yhä kirkkaammin hohti ja kosteilla silmillään
hän minua yhä tarkasteli.

Jo kävi kello yhtätoista. Nyt voi varmuudella otaksua, ettei

Aleksander Dmitrijevitsh enää palaisi. Kauhistumistani kauhistuin,
kun täytyi siinä hänen kanssaan kahden olla, mutta en voinut
myöskään mennä tieheni. Ei ollut enää minulla valtaa itseni yli, vaan
kiihoituin vaan kiihoittumistani.

"Mitä te siinä teette?… Pettäjä!.. huudahti Ljudmila, kun leikilläni

otin häneltä napelon.

"En minä…"

"Antakaa se heti takaisin!"

Hän tarttui käteeni koettaen avata nyrkkini.

Tuo kosketus vei minulta viimeisenkin malttini. Minä siirryin ihan

lähelle häntä, kiivaasti tartuin hänen olkapäihinsä ja vedin häntä
luokseni kaikilla voimillani.

"Ei, päästäkää, jääkää paikallenne… tyttö on viereisessä

huoneessa", sanoi hän kuiskaten, riistihe irti ja uhkasi minua
sormellaan.

Terävästi tuijottaen minuun, osoitti hän sormellaan ruokahuoneen

selällään olevaa ovea; siellä oli pöytä vielä katettuna.

Minä päästin hänet, ja huokasin syvään. Hän heittihe loikomaan

sohvan selkää vasten hymyillen teeskentelevästi.
 Minä nousin divoonilta ja rupesin rauhoittuakseni kävelemään
edestakaisin huoneessa.

Ruokahuoneessa näyttäytyi Dunjashka.

"Nukkuvatko lapset?" kysyi Ljudmila Ivanovna niin tyynenä kuin ei

mitään olisi tapahtunut.

"Nukkuvat", vastasi Dunjashka lyhyesti, korjaten ruoat pöydältä.

"Sitten menen minäkin levolle", sanoi Ljudmila, niin että

Dunjashkan piti kuuleman, "minä olen väsynyt."

Mutta hän jäi kuitenkin istumaan paikallensa.

"Aleksander Dmitrijevitshia ei vaan kuulu tänä iltana kotia", sanoi

hän valitellen.

Dunjashka pian katosi ruokahuoneesta, sammutettuaan Ljudmilan

käskystä lamput käytävissä. Minä yhä vaan levottomana kävin
edestakaisin, sillä tunsin, etten voinut olla rauhallisena.

Oi kurjuuttani! Kuinka kipeästi koskeakaan ja kuinka surkeata

onkaan olla eläimenä, tuntea eläimellisen saavan valtoihinsa kaiken
inhimillisen meissä, koko meidän olentomme, tuntea sen tappavan ja
huumaavan meissä kaiken järkevän ja inhimillisen. Eikö millään
tavoin voi sitä voittaa, karkoittaa, kukistaa? Sehän on surkeata ja
masentavaa.

Talossa vallitsi hiljaisuus; levolle oli Dunjashkakin mennyt. Me

vaan olimme kahden. Minä kuulin sydämmeni kovin lyövän. En
tietänyt mikä olisi tapahtuva ja odotin.
 "Tästähän kuitenkin täytyy tulla loppu", lohdutin mieltäni, ihaillen
Ljudmilan rintaa ja kaulaa. "Loppu tästä tulee tavalla tai toisella".

Hetkisen kuluttua Ljudmila Ivanovna nousi seisoallen. Hän oli

nähtävästi odottanut juuri tätä hetkeä.

"Me tavataan vielä", kuiskasi hän äkkiä korvaani; "minä tulen;

menkää vaan huoneesenne."

Hän kiiruhti pois ruokahuoneesta, ja heti sen jälkeen kuulin

lastenhuoneen oven narisevan.

"Jumalani, kuinka syvälle olemme langenneet! Minä tulen…"

kaikui vielä minun korvissani. Minä tunsin olevani niin kiihoittunut,
kuin olisin valmistautunut hirveimpään rikokseen.

Ymmärtämättäni oikein mitä tein, menin huoneeseni, riisuin siellä

kiireesti ja heittäydyin vuoteelleni. Tahallani sammutin kynttilän ja
jätin Aleksander Dmitrijevitshin työhuoneen oven selälleen.

Kuun valo tunkeutui ikkunasta huoneesen. Minä makasin silmät

auki polttaen paperossin toisensa perään. Olin kuumeessa.

"Nythän kaikki on yhdentekevää, on jo myöhäistä…" tämä ajatus

ei jättänyt minua. "Hän tulee kohta, hän tulee kohta! … ah, joudu,
joudu."

Viereisessä huoneessa kuun valo muodosti lattialle ja

huonekaluille kaksi valkoista pilkkua, joissa leveänä ja mustana
akkunapuite kuvastui.

Minä katsahdin tuohon salaperäisesti valaistuun huoneeseen.

Aleksander Dmitrijevitshin kirjoituspöytä, sille asetettuine
kynttiläjalkoineen ja koirineen pronssista, hänen nahalla peitetty
nojatuolinsa ja hänen kirjakaappinsa, kaikki tuo saattoi
käsittämättömän pelon minuun. Koko ruumistani värisytti. Päässäni
sekaisin vierivät ajatukset toisensa perään.

"Hän tulee kohta… kohta… jouduhan… tule, tule… niin kyllä, olen
häijy, irstas, mutta sille nyt en voi enää mitään… joudu, joudu… nyt
on jo myöhäistä."

Kului puoli tuntia täynnä tuskallista ja jännittävää odotusta. En

luullut ajasta tulevan koskaan loppua. Minä kuuntelin. Talossa oli
hiljaa kuin haudassa.

"Heti ovi avataan ja hän tulee. Lapset ja Dunjashka nukkuvat kyllä

raskaasti. Ulko-ovi on lukossa, eikä kukaan voi nähdä meitä…"

"Joudu, joudu… mutta tulehan…" kerroin taukoamatta, tuntien

tuskallisen pistoksen sydämessäni.

Minä kohotin yläruumistani, nojautuen kyynäspäilleni; silloin kuulin

lastenhuoneen oven hyvin hiljaa narisevan.

"Hän on ollut makuuhuoneessaan ja tulee nyt lastenhuoneen

kautta, siellä ensin katsottuaan, että kaikki on kunnossa."

Sydämmeni aaltoili. Olin valmis sulkemaan hänet syliin ja

kohoutuin vielä enemmän. Hirveä kiihoitus sai veren kiehumaan
suonissani.

Mutta silloin tapahtui jotain aavistamatonta. Hiipien tuli joku

ruokahuoneen kautta suoraan minua kohden; kuului niinkuin pienet
avonaiset jalat olisivat hissutelleet lattialla.
 Ensi silmänräpäyksessä en voinut päästä selville siitä, mitä näin;
luulin jo tulevani mielipuoleksi.

Aleksander Dmitrijevitshin huoneesen astui avojaloin pieni olento,

käsivarret ja kaula paljaina. Kuun valaisemalle paikalle se seisahtui,
arasti katsoen ympärillensä huoneessa. Tarkemmin sitä katsottuani,
tunsin sen; se oli Tanja. Hänen mustat silmänsä loistivat kuutamossa
ja olivat auki selällään; tukkansa oli hajallaan. Vielä kerran katsahti
hän hämillään ja peloissaan ympärillensä.

"Isä kulta, kulta isä", kuului hänen äänensä, rauhallisena, mutta

selvänä… "Hän on poissa", lisäsi hän sitten surullisesti, hymyillen
kauhistuneena.

Tuota hymyä en unhoita koskaan… Vielä hetkisen seisoi hän

siinä, sitten hän juosta hissutteli paljailla pikku jaloillaan huoneesta.

Ensin en käsittänyt tuosta mitään; se oli jotain käsittämätöntä.

"Mitä tämä on?" kysyin itseltäni. "Olisikohan tuo ollut pelkkää

mielenkuvitusta? … Tanja?… Isä kulta, kulta isä!… Niin, se oli hän.
Mutta kuinka olisi hän tullut tänne yksin keskellä yötä?… Kuutamo
yössä?… Käyneekö hän unissaan?…"

Muuta selitystä ei ollut.

"Hän on kai noussut vuoteeltaan ja kiiruhtanut tänne. Onhan

Aleksander
Dmitrijevitsh kertonut minulle, että Tanjan on niin tapana tehdä…
Mutta Ljudmila Ivanovna?… Hän lienee vielä makuuhuoneessaan.
Miksei
hän siellä olisi?… Ah niin, hänhän tahtoi tulla minun luokseni…
Jumala, mitä olen aikeissa tekemään?"

"Mitä olen aikonut tehdä?… Mikä minun oikeastaan oli?… Olenko

sairas, vai olenko tullut mielipuoleksi?"

Minua puistatti ja samalla minä selvisin.

Minä en osaa kertoa kaikkea, mikä sinä hetkenä heräsi minussa,

mutta minä häpesin siihen määrään ja tunsin sellaisen kauhun siitä,
mitä olin aikonut tehdä, kuin en ole koskaan ennen elämässäni
tuntenut. Minä juoksin vuoteeltani ja sytytettyäni kynttilän rupesin
kiireesti pukeutumaan.

"Minä lähden heti kohta, tuossa tuokiossa", päätin vahvasti ja

vakavasti. Äkkiä minä taas tulin kokonaan tunnoilleni.

"Oli kuin olisi ollut ilmestys, joka oli ihan minua varten tarkoitettu",
toistin itsekseni.

"Mikä paatunut ilkiö minä olenkaan!" huudahdin itsekseni täydellä

vakaumuksella. "Kuinka olenkaan niin langennut ja ilettävä ja
heikko!… Ja sinä, tyttöseni, sinä puhdas, rakas lapsi, sinä olet
pelastanut minun huudollasi: 'kulta isä, isä kulta'!"

Minä kumarsin ottamaan saappaat vuoteen toisesta päästä.

"Kuinka, oletteko pukeutumaisillanne?" kysyi äkkiä joku vieressäni.

Vavahtaen hyppäsin seisomaan. Ovessa seisoi Ljudmila Ivanovna

tuijottaen minuun. Hänen kasvoissaan ilmeni levottomuus ja
hämmennys. Hän oli heti minusta huomannut, että jotakin oli
tapahtunut.
 "Mitä nyt?" kysyi hän epävarmalla äänellä.

En tietänyt, mitä minun piti hänelle vastaaman.

"Menkää täältä, Jumalan tähden", sanoin hänelle äkkiä

liikutettuna, niinkuin olisin puhunut vaan itsekseni, "minä lähden
heti… Hän tuli työhuoneesen paitasillaan, seisahtui ja huudahti äkkiä
'kulta isä, isä kulta'… hän on poissa… oli kuin ilmestys… hän on
pelastanut meidät… ymmärrättekö?… Mutta menkäähän pois täältä,
minä pyydän teitä".

Ensin alussa hän ei ymmärtänyt mitään, hämmästyneenä vaan

tuijotti minuun. Kuinka kurjalta ja inhoittavalta hän nyt minusta
näyttäkään!

"Kuka tuli tänne? Mitä te puhutte?" kysyi hän minulta hiljaisella

äänellä ja katsellen minua, niinkuin olisin ollut mielipuolena.

"Tanja, Tanja! Ettekö te vieläkään ymmärrä minua? Hän kävi

unissa."

"Tanja?" kertoi hän.

Mutta minä huomasin, että hän vallan hyvin ymmärsi, mitä oli
tapahtunut. Hän kääntyi äkkiä ja katosi työhuoneeseen.

"Odottakaa kaikella muotoa, älkää lähtekö", sanoi hän hetken

kuluttua piilopaikastaan hiljaisella ja rukoilevalla äänellä. "Jumala
tiesi, mitä Aleksander Dmitrijevitsh vielä taitaisi luulla… jättäkää
matkanne ainakin huomisaamuksi. Minä rukoilen teitä, älkää nyt
matkustako!"
 Minä en ottanut huomiooni hänen sanojansa, pikaisesti vaan yhä
pukeuduin. Pian hän vaikeni.

"Voiko luulla lankeavansa niin syvälle", ajattelin halveksien itseäni

ja mieleni ollessa kauhistuneena, "lankeavansa niin syvälle, että
ainoastaan sokea kohtalo voi meitä pelastaa ja avata silmämme."

Olin pukeutunut ja menin työhuoneesen. Nojaten seinää vasten

seisoi siellä Ljudmila Ivanovna ääneti ja odottaen minua. Hän rupesi
taas rukoilemaan minua, etten lähtisi nyt, vaan viipyisin seuraavaan
aamuun. Hän näytti kovin levottomalta ja puhui hiljaa syyllisen
äänellä. Hänen tuskansa vaikutti minuun. Minun tuli häntä sääli,
vaikka hän yhä vielä olikin minusta sanomattoman vastenmielinen.

"Hän on oikeassa", päätin minä, "minkätähden tekisin hänelle

pahaa ja — mikä olisi vielä pahempi — pahoittaisin Aleksander
Dmitrijevitsh paran mieltä herättäen hänen epäilyksiään. Saatanhan
yhtä hyvin lähteä huomenna… Ylipäänsä se ei paljoakaan vaikuta
asiaan."

"Olkoon menneeksi, minä jään vielä huomiseen", sanoin minä.

Ljudmila Ivanovna meni vaieten Aleksander Dmitrijevitshin pöydän

luo ja seisoi siinä vartalo eteenpäin nojautuneena. Kirkas kuutamo
tunkeusi ikkunasta valaisten hänen tuuheata tukkaansa.

Minä menin takaisin huoneeseni. Kynnyksellä seisahduin ja

katsoin vielä kerran taakseni.

"Ihmeellinen nainen", päätin, katsellen Ljudmila Ivanovnan

liikkumatonta, syyntunnon painamaa vartaloa, "minä en ymmärrä
häntä".
 Minun piti juuri vetää ovi lukkoon, kun Ljudmila Ivanovna äkkiä
ojensihe ja kuulumattomin kissantapaisin askelin astui eteeni
korottaen kätensä minua kohden.

"Rakas ystäväni, tämä kaikkihan on vaan tyhmyyttä", sanoi hän

äkkiä ja imarrellen. "Miksi olette niin liikutettu? Älkää ajatelko sitä
enää. Saanenhan nyt tulla?"

Hän lähestyi minua, verkallen nostaen oikeata kättänsä, niinkuin

olisi tahtonut laskea sen rinnalleni ja mielitellen minua katseellaan.
Olin jo vähällä antaa hänelle perää. Silloin tunsin itsessäni
varoituksen ja minä peräydyin hänestä niinkuin paatuneen ihmisen
edestä samalla torjuen häntä kädelläni luotani. Hän horjahtui tuosta
odottamattomasta lyönnistäni, kompastui ja oli jo kaatua. Mutta heti
hän taas pääsi tasapainoon ja juoksi pikaa työhuoneesen.

"Houkkio!" suhisi hän katsellen minua salamoitsevilla silmillään ja

puristaen minulle nyrkkiä, "minä en luullut teidän olevan sellainen
houkkio, niin tuhma, niin sivistymätön ja…"

Minä vedin kiireesti huoneeni oven kiinni ja salpasin sen…

*****

Seuraavana aamuna palasi Aleksander Dmitrijevitsh kaupungista,

ja samana päivänä illalla lähdin minä asemalle, huolimatta hänen
pyynnöstään, että vielä jäisin hänen luoksensa.

Syyksi sanoin vaan ehdottomasti, täytyi olla seuraavana päivänä

läsnä yliopistossa, seikka, jonka muka olin kokonaan unhoittanut.

Aleksander Dmitrijevitsh ei niinmuodoin huomannut mitään, jos

kohta häntä ihmetyttikin äkkinäinen poislähtöni.
 Siten estelyni kyllä kävi täydestä, mutta minä en voinut enää
katsoa häntä suoraan silmiin.

Vähät minä enää Ljudmilan kanssa puhuin, mutta hän oli niinkuin
ei mitään olisi tapahtunutkaan.

Jättäessäni hänelle hyvästi, huomasin katseessa, jonka hän loi

minuun, ainoastaan närkästymistä ja kylmää halveksimista.

Minä palasin Moskovaan, josta olin lähtenyt hakemaan parannusta

taudilleni… Mutta millaisena palasinkaan?… Silminnähtävästi ei
tämä parannustapa ollut oikea tätä tautia varten. Hoidon täytyi alkaa
toiseen tapaan, mutta kuinka?.. Toisentaakko nuorison elämäntavat
ja kasvatuksen?… Niin on!

Mutta minä puolestani olen jo kasvatettu, olen täysi mies, eikä

minun auta muu kuin taistella kovaa ja tuskallista taistelua itseäni
vastaan…

*****

"Tähän päättyy kertomus", sanoi Vasilij Nikolajevitsh, katsellen yhä

sinistä päiväkirjaa, joka minusta näytti vapisevan hänen kädessään.
Minun ei ole ollut helppo lukea sitä, varsinkin tietäessäni, miten poika
paran vastedes kävi.

"Hän kuoli, niinkuin jo kerroin, keuhkotautiin. Pian sen jälkeen, kun

hän oli kirjoittanut tämän kertomuksen, heittäytyi hän
auttamattomasti heikkoutensa valtaan. Silloin en vielä tuntenut
häntä. Kuitenkin kuulin silloin tällöin kerrottavan, että hän eli hyvin
irstaisesti, turmellen siten sekä ruumiinsa että sielunsa. Hän vietti
koko aikansa kapakoissa ja kaupungin syrjäosissa olevissa taloissa,
juoden ja seurustellen siellä kaikemmoisten naisten kanssa. Hän sai
hyvin vaarallisen keuhkotaudin. Silloin hän selvisi jälleen. Siihen
aikaan minä tutustuin häneen. Muistan vielä kuinka, kuin näin hänet
viimeisen kerran vuoteellaan makaavan ja syvästi hengittävän, en
voinut katsella häntä, vaan poistuin huoneesta. Viimeisiä sanoja,
jotka kuulin hänen lausuvan, en unhoita koskaan. Hänen huulensa
olivat kuivat, ja ainoastaan suurella vaivalla hän kuiskasi minulle:

"Näetkö, veliseni, minä en osannut hillitä itseäni, aistillisuuteni on

saattanut minut perikatoon; minun olisi pitänyt taistella."

Sen jälkeen hän ei enää lausunut sanaakaan.

Usein olen päätellyt, että hän yhä eläisi ja taistelisi, jos vaan
aikoinaan olisi löytänyt tuen. Mutta harva meistä se on joka sellaisen
tuen löytää… näemmehän jokainen päivä ympärillämme ihmisten
lankeavan… toinen vetää alinomaa mukaansa toisen… Mieltäni
liikutti varsinkin tuo heikkouden ja ainaisen innostuksen
yhteensovitus hänen luonteessaan sekä ne ankarat vaatimukset,
jotka hän vaati itseltään, ja hänen tahtonsa tehdä oikein. Hän tiesi,
että se oli hänen elämänsä korkein tehtävä, pyrkien alinomaa
voittamaan tuon eläimellisen, joka saattoi hänelle ja meille kaikille
saattaa tuskaa. Mutta onneton nääntyi taistelussa.

Vasilij Nikolajevitsh vaikeni. Kohta kävi keskustelu yleiseksi. Kello

oli jo 12 yöllä, kun uninen Aljoshka sulki oven jälkeemme.

Parin päivän päästä poikkesin Vasilij Nikolajevitshin luo

pyytämään häntä lainaamaan minulle sinisen päiväkirjan,
saadakseni jäljennöksen kertomuksesta.
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