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A History of American Law
A History
of American Law
Fourth Edition
L AW R E N C E M . F R I E DM A N
1
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s
objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is
a registered trademark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries.
First Edition published in 1973 by Touchstone, an imprint of Simon & Schuster, Inc.
Second Edition published in 1985 by Touchstone, an imprint of Simon & Schuster, Inc.
Third Edition published in 2005 by Touchstone, an imprint of Simon & Schuster, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of
Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the
appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of
the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above.
1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Note to Readers
This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in regard to
the subject matter covered. It is based upon sources believed to be accurate and reliable and
is intended to be current as of the time it was written. It is sold with the understanding that
the publisher is not engaged in rendering legal, accounting, or other professional services.
If legal advice or other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent professional
person should be sought. Also, to confirm that the information has not been affected or
changed by recent developments, traditional legal research techniques should be used,
including checking primary sources where appropriate.
You may order this or any other Oxford University Press publication
by visiting the Oxford University Press website at www.oup.com.
To Leah, Jane, Amy, Sarah, David, Lucy, and Irene
Contents
I . T H E B E G I N N I N G S : A M E R IC A N L AW
I N T H E C O L O N IA L P E R IO D
I I . F R OM T H E R EVO LU T IO N T O T H E M I D D L E
O F T H E N I N E T E E N T H C E N T U RY: 1 7 7 6 – 1 8 5 0
I I I . A M E R IC A N L AW T O T H E C L O SE
O F T H E N I N E T E E N T H C E N T U RY
1. Blood and Gold: Some Main Themes in the Law in the Last Half
of the Nineteenth Century 321
2. Judges and Courts: 1850–1900 355
3. Procedure and Practice: An Age of Reform 373
4. The Land and Other Property 391
5. Administrative Law and Regulation of Business 417
6. Torts 443
7. The Underdogs: 1850–1900 463
viii Contents
I V. T H E T W E N T I E T H C E N T U RY
I . T H E B E G I N N I N G S : A M E R IC A N L AW
I N T H E C O L O N IA L P E R IO D
The Skeleton of Colonial Law: The Courts 6
Civil Procedure 24
Land Law 26
Succession at Death 32
Criminal Law 35
Government, Law, and the Economy 44
Commerce and Labor 48
Slavery 54
The Poor Laws 59
Statute and Common Law in the Colonial Period 60
The Legal Profession 63
The Literature of the Law 71
I I . F R OM T H E R EVO LU T IO N T O T H E M I D D L E
O F T H E N I N E T E E N T H C E N T U RY: 1 7 7 6 – 1 8 5 0
2. Outposts of the Law: The Frontier and the Civil-Law Fringe 127
The Civil-Law Fringe 137
I I I . A M E R IC A N L AW T O T H E C L O SE
O F T H E N I N E T E E N T H C E N T U RY
1. Blood and Gold: Some Main Themes in the Law in the Last Half
of the Nineteenth Century 321
The New Era 321
Organic Law 326
State Constitutions 330
The West 345
6. Torts 443
11. The Legal Profession: The Training and Literature of Law 591
The Rise of the Law School 591
The Literature of the Law 605
Legal Periodicals and Casebooks 613
I V. T H E T W E N T I E T H C E N T U RY
More than ten years have gone by since I worked on the third edition. Law, like
life, never stands still. Not only have many things happened between then and
now, but the scholarship has continued to grow exponentially. I have tried to
take as much of the new scholarship into account as I could, and I have also
substantially rewritten the entire text, trying to improve phrasing, style, and
emphasis, and sometimes revising my train of thought.
The basic structure remains as it was; I think the structure continues to make
sense. In general, American legal history is a flourishing field. The amount of
work done, and being done, is astonishing. Nobody can really keep up with the
literature—and it might be useless even to try. This flowering of scholarship is,
to be sure, a sign of progress; it shines new light into a lot of dark historical cor-
ners; it revises a lot of old, hasty, or obsolete notions. But all of this, alas, makes
a work of synthesis, like this one, all the more difficult. I have had to omit a lot.
American legal history is extraordinarily complex. There are fifty states, each
with its own legal history. There are native tribes; and the anomalous position
of Puerto Rico, Guam, and various smaller dependencies. And on top of all of
them, there is a federal system which has grown to monstrous size. The sheer
amount of “law,” even in the most primitive sense, is also of monstrous size,
and shows no signs of abating. We are a law-ridden society, for good reasons
and bad. I hope I have been able to tell a coherent story, to find patterns in this
chaos of detail, despite the colossal bulk of material that is at least theoretically
available.
History is a moving target. Nothing really stands still. A book of this sort will
be behind the times the day it comes out, and probably even before. Nothing is
ever definitive. The very definitions change. I hope that what I have to say here
makes sense to the reader. Even so, it is necessarily linked to its time and place.
Each one of us is part of a particular society, and no matter how powerful our
imagination, we cannot escape the cage of the present.
The earlier editions have heavily emphasized the nineteenth century, or per-
haps more accurately, what some have called the long nineteenth century, or
perhaps more accurately still, the period from the Revolutionary era to the
1920s. The twentieth century has been relatively neglected. Since 2002, I have
had at least something of an excuse: I can cite my own book, American Law in
the 20th Century. In this fourth edition, I have expanded somewhat the treat-
ment of the twentieth century, but it is still, I must confess, something of a poor
xvi Preface to the Fourth Edition
relation. I could have done more, much more; but it would have made a long
book even longer, and I decided not to go into as detailed a treatment as I had
given the nineteenth century. I have also tried, in this edition as in the earlier
ones, to use as little legalese and jargon as possible, and to write in a way that
might be accessible to that mythical figure, the intelligent lay reader. I sincerely
hope she exists.
As before, I want to thank the marvelous staff of the Stanford Law Library,
now under the leadership of Beth Williams and Sergio Stone, for the magnif-
icent help they have given me. I could not have done these revisions without
their assistance. I also want to thank Vanessa de Mello Brito Arns, for her help
with stubborn issues of formatting. Special thanks to Stephanie Basso and Will
Setrakian for their tremendous help in preparation of the final text; and to Leah
Friedman, who saved me from many errors large and small.
Lawrence M. Friedman
Stanford, California,
Summer 2019
Prologue
Modern communications and technology have made the world smaller. They
have leveled many variations in world culture. Yet, people still speak different
languages, wear different clothes, follow different religions, and hold different
values dear. They are also subject to very different laws. How different is not
easy to sum up. Clearly, legal systems do not differ from each other as much
as, say, languages do. The new world, the world we live in—urban, indus-
trial, technological—creates a certain kind of society; and this kind of society
depends on and welcomes certain kinds of laws. Developed countries have in-
come tax laws, they have laws about computer software, air traffic control, gene
splicing—and, very likely, old-age pensions and some form of health care for
some or all of the people.
The exact form that these take, in any particular country, is quite variable.
Much depends on the general legal culture (which in turn depends on the pol-
itics, culture, and economics of the country). Americans are naturally used to
American laws. Law is an integral part of American culture. Americans could
adjust to very alien laws and procedures about as easily as they could adjust to a
diet of roasted ants or a costume of togas. Judge and jury, wills and deeds, the fa-
miliar drama of a criminal trial, an elected assembly or council at work making
laws, licenses to get married, to keep dogs, to hunt deer—these are all part of
common experience. They are also peculiar to the United States—in some
ways. No other legal culture is quite like American legal culture. Presumably,
no other culture would fit, or suit, American society quite so well. Nonetheless,
American law is part of a large family of laws: the laws of rich, developed coun-
tries. And all of these have a lot in common.
Many people think that history and tradition are very strong in American
law. There is some basis for this belief. Some parts of the law can be traced
back very far—the jury system, the mortgage, the trust; some aspects of land
law. But other parts of the law are not particularly old at all. The living law, the
law we use every day, the law that affects us every day, including tax law, traffic
codes, and social-welfare laws, is comparatively recent, on the whole. While one
lawyer is advising his client how to react to a ruling from Washington, issued
that very day, another may be telling his client that some plausible course of
action is blocked by a statute well known to the lawyers of Henry VIII or by
a decision of some older judges whose names, language, and habits would be
unfathomable mysteries to both attorney and client. But the first situation is
xviii Prologue
much more likely than the second. Some parts of the law are like the layers of
geological formations. The new presses down on the old, displacing, changing,
altering, but not necessarily wiping out everything that has gone before. Law,
by and large, evolves; it changes in piecemeal fashion. Revolutions in essential
structure are few and far between. That, at least, is the Anglo-American expe-
rience. (In some countries—China, for example; or Russia—the changes have
been more dramatic, more revolutionary, at times). Most of the legal system is
new, or fairly new, but some bits of the old get preserved among with the mass
of the new.
What is kept of the old is also highly selective. Society may be fast or slow as
it changes, but in either case, it is ruthless. Neither evolution nor revolution is
sentimental. Old rules of law and old legal institutions stay alive only when they
still make sense; when they serve a purpose today, rather than yesterday. They
have to have, in short, survival value. The trust, the mortgage, the jury are legal
institutions that can be traced back centuries. But they do not seem archaic—
because they are not archaic. They have come down from medieval times, but
they are still with us because they serve twenty-first-century needs. They have
survived because they found a place in our society—a society that does not
hesitate to pour old wine into new bottles and new wine into old bottles, or
throw both bottles and wine away. At any rate, the theory of this book is that
law moves with its times and is eternally new. From time to time, the theory
may not fit the facts. But more light can be shed on legal history if one asks why
does this survive than if one assumes that law, unlike the rest of social life, is a
museum of accidents and the mummified past.
In an important sense, law is always up to date. The legal system always
“works”; it always functions. Every society governs itself and settles disputes.
Every society has a working system of law. If the courts, for example, are hide-
bound and ineffective, that merely means some other agency has taken over
what courts might otherwise do. The system is like a blind, insensate machine.
It does the bidding of those whose hands are on the controls. The laws of China,
the United States, Saudi Arabia, France, North and South Korea, reflect the
goals and policies of those who call the tune in those societies. Often, when
we call law “archaic,” we mean that the power system of its society is (in our
opinion) morally out of tune. But change the power system, and the law too will
change. The basic premise of this book is this: despite a strong dash of history
and idiosyncrasy, the strongest ingredient in American law, at any given time, is
the present—current emotions, real economic interests, and concrete political
forces. It may seem a curious beginning to a book of history to downgrade the
historical element in the law. But this is not really a paradox. The history of law
has meaning only if we assume that at any given time the vital portion is new
and changing, form following function, not function following form. History of
Prologue xix
law is not—or should not be—a search for fossils, but a study of social develop-
ment, unfolding through time.
Law and society both have a long and elaborate history in the United States.
Compared to some, the United States is a new country—but Boston and
New York are more than three hundred years old, and the U.S. Constitution
may be the world’s oldest living organic law. In short, enough time has elapsed
for American law to be essentially American— the product of American
experience.
But American law is not an isolate. It has, and has had, close affinities to other
legal cultures. The most important immediate ancestor is easy to identify. The
basic substratum of American law, as of American speech, is English. Before
the Europeans came, the country belonged to the Native Americans. Europeans
came late, but they came in force. They settled first along the coast. The Spanish
settled Florida; the French built New Orleans. Swedes settled briefly on the
Delaware; the Dutch pushed them out. Then the English overwhelmed the
Dutch. The Hudson and Delaware settlements were added to a chain of tiny
colonies, all English-speaking, along the Atlantic coast. Their populations grew.
More Englishmen came. And English speakers, as Englishmen or Americans,
ultimately pushed out the native peoples, often quite ruthlessly, and took over
their lands; they took over the lands of the French and the Spanish as well;
and they gobbled up a big chunk of Mexico. They established an empire that
stretched from sea to sea. And then they pushed out across the ocean to Hawaii,
Puerto Rico, and the Philippines.
Each culture group lived by its own legal norms. Of many of the systems of
law in effect in some of the native groups, it is fair to say, not a trace remains.
Others kept some of their vitality. There are Native American communities
today with their own court systems, and some bits and pieces of their tradi-
tion live on. Some scholars have claimed to find a speck or two surviving from
the Dutch legal tradition. The office of district attorney may be Dutch in or-
igin. French law gained a more or less lasting foothold in Louisiana, and there
(in translation) it stays. Spanish law sent down wider if not deeper roots; no
state can call its law Spanish, but some aspects of Spanish or Mexican law (for
example, the community-property system), persist in California and in other
parts of the West. Everything else, if not strictly native, is English, or comes by
way of England, or is built on an English base.
But English law was complex and bewildering. It is not easy to say which
English law was the ancestor of American law. Colonial law—the law of the col-
onies, up to Independence—is, after all, an abstraction; there was no “colonial
law” any more than there is “American law,” common to all fifty states. There
were as many colonial systems as there were colonies. The original union was
made up of thirteen states; but this thirteen represents, if anything, only a head
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order to more perfectly maintain that physiological rest which is so
necessary. This last is the so-called “Physick” splint, which has been
variously modified, while the method of traction has been usually
spoken of as Buck’s extension. It seems well thus to commemorate
the names of the American surgeons who showed the value of these
methods. When a long side splint cannot be borne, sandbags 15 in.
or 20 in. in length and 3 in. in diameter may be used to give support.
Any decided tendency to eversion of the limb should be corrected as
well as the shortening. When the long side splint is used the foot can
be held in place with it and thus the position of the shaft of the femur
controlled. At other times this may be done by flexing the knee and
thus preventing upward rotation. In all methods of traction it is
advisable to keep the heel free from the bed, in order that the effect
of the method may not be lost by the obstruction of the mattress.
Fig. 315 Fig. 316 Fig. 317
Fig. 319
Mode of applying adhesive plaster. (When the dressings are completed the limb
should not be allowed to rest on the bed.)
This method has found favor in the West under the enduring
influence of Hodgen’s teaching. In the East it is not so generally
practised. It has, however, several advantages, as follows: (1)
Equably perfect and comfortable extension; (2) easy adjustment; (3)
easy exposure for inspection; (4) when a fracture is compound it
permits of easy application of dressings; (5) adaptability to nearly all
fractures of the femur. It is peculiarly serviceable for feeble and aged
patients who chafe at restraint. If it be desirable to flex the knee to a
considerable degree this can be done, e. g., in fractures near the
lesser trochanter.
In fractures of the thigh, patients are frequently disturbed by
muscle spasms occurring during sleep. This can usually be obviated
or minimized by suitable doses of sulphonal, given early in the
evening.
Fractures of the femur in children are not uncommon. In those who
still wear diapers, and perhaps in those a little older, these injuries
may be best treated by vertical suspension, with sufficient weight to
overcome all shortening. Here the adhesive strips and the
suspending cords should be attached to both limbs alike, in order to
have sufficient access to the perineum, and in order to judge of the
effect which we are obtaining. Figs. 323 and 324 illustrate this
method.
Plaster-of-Paris dressings for fractures of the thigh appeal
especially to those who are most familiar with the use of the material.
Some patients with fracture of the neck of the femur may be early
put in the erect posture, upon an elevated surface, allowing the
injured limb to hang down while the patient rests upon crutches. In
this upright position, with the down-hanging leg, to which traction can
be made by an assistant, a plaster-of-Paris spica may be applied,
extending from the waist-line down to or below the knee. As a limb is
thus dressed so it will heal, and it is of importance that complete
reduction be effected as a part of the procedure.
Fig. 324
Fracture of the thigh; vertical suspension. The fracture is compound in the patient
on the right. (Stimson).
Fig. 332
Wiring tibia. (Lejars.)