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 N AM IN G AND
NATION-BUILDING
IN TURKEY
e Law
The 1934 Surnam

Meltem Türköz
Naming and Nation-building in Turkey
 Meltem Türköz

Naming and
Nation-building
in Turkey
The 1934 Surname Law
Meltem Türköz
Işık University
̇
Şile/Istanbul, Turkey

ISBN 978-1-137-57633-0    ISBN 978-1-137-56656-0 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56656-0

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017951395

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

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 Guide to Spelling and Pronunciation and
Special Characters

Modern Turkish uses a modified Latin alphabet, adopted in 1928. Though

most consonants are pronounced the same as in English, there are some
exceptions.
c is pronounced as j as in Jane (hoca)
ç is pronounced as ch as in child (çocuk)
ş is pronounced sh as in shell (şen)
ğ serves to lengthen the vowel that comes before it oğlu (pronounced
oh-loo)
g is pronounced hard like in garment
Modern Turkish has eight vowels:
a is pronounced as in father
e can be pronounced in a closed way, as in met, or in an open way as in
gal
ı this is a sound that is foreign to English. It is similar to the e in open
i can be pronounced as in sin or as in eel
o as in open
ö is similar to the i in bird
u as in look (Mustafa)
ü is similar to the ew in flew
The letters Q, W, and X don’t exist in the Turkish alphabet and are only
used for borrowed words.

v
 Acknowledgments

Interviews with women and men who agreed to speak to me about their
memories of the 1930s were crucial windows into understanding the
many facets of the way the Surname Law was received. For the memory
slices they shared with me in their older years, I thank my interviewees
with all my heart. I do not claim that this book is a comprehensive cover-
age of all demographic groups’ experiences of the Surname Law; rather,
this study reveals patterns of experience, paths of internalization, and cor-
ridors of remembering of Turkish citizens residing in Western Turkey.
Though I contemplated collecting additional data encompass a broader
demographic base, I decided to leave that step to a later project, since it
would also be informed by a dramatically different present and would be
conducted with a different generation.
In its earlier incarnation, this book was a dissertation submitted to the
University of Pennsylvania’s Graduate Program in Folklore and Folklife.
In the following pages, I have expanded the manuscript with additional
archival documentation from the Prime Ministry Archives, unpublished
documents from the population registry, updated to reflect more recent
work, and woven through conceptual strands from law and narrative and
sociolinguistics.
I want to thank my dissertation supervisor Dan Ben-Amos, and the
members of my committee, Regina Bendix, Lee Cassanelli, and finally my
first advisor and mentor, Margaret Mills. I chose the program in Folklore
at Penn at the encouragement of my valuable friend and mentor, Arzu
Öztürkmen.

vii
viii Acknowledgments

During my research and writing I was supported financially in various

ways. A grant from the Ford Foundation Workshop on States and
Identities in the summer of 1998 funded my pre-dissertation research. A
Penfield Fellowship for travel and research funded my to travel and
research in Turkey in 1999–2000, and a School of Arts and Sciences
Dissertation Writing Fellowship in 2000–2001 supported part of my
writing process.
During the research process in Turkey, a number of people provided
me with invaluable assistance and support. In Yeni Foça the late Nurten
hanım introduced me to Yalçın Kurtpınar. Family friends Mahmut and
Enise Tüzün took me into their homes in Gaziantep. In Istanbul, Sevgi
Usta helped me access documents and provided a legal perspective on my
topic. Sevin Ayas and Beryl Anderson were instrumental in helping me
gain access to interview participants in Istanbul. At the Soeurs de Pauvres
elderly home, Soeur Claire welcomed me and introduced me to residents,
while at the Maltepe Elderly Home, Rojda Geter took the time to accom-
pany me to meet numerous residents and along with the rest of the staff,
made me feel very welcome. I was also made welcome at the Etiler Emekli
Sandığı Nursing Home. I thank Börte Sagaster and the Istanbul German
Orient Institute for providing me office space and a supportive atmo-
sphere in which to share my work. In Istanbul I often took shelter in the
kitchen and house of the late On-Ke and James Wilde. I shall never forget
their hospitality, warmth and laughter.
My friend and colleague Veronica Aplenc read early drafts and sat in
on my defense and continued to be of great support to me as I devel-
oped the dissertation into a book. During the writing up of the disserta-
tion phase Sharon Nagy always provided a dose of optimism and courage.
Amanda Holmes and Dan Stewart supported me with their friendship
and assistance. Bilge Özel nurtured me with meals and company, and
Emily Freeman opened her home to me when I commuted between
New York and Philadelphia. Cory Thorne took me in as his housemate
and I finally submitted the dissertation while living on Darien Street in
Philadelphia.
The late Mine Ener, whom we lost too soon, was a reader on my exams
and when we kept company in Istanbul, she helped me navigate and assign
meaning to documents I would find.
As I completed the dissertation I was so pleased to be invited to join
Hale Yılmaz and Gavin Brockett on panels at the American Historical
 Acknowledgments 
   ix

Association and on a roundtable at the Middle East Studies Association. I

thank them for their collegiality and particularly to Gavin Brockett for
editing a subsequent publication on the social history of modern Turkey.
I could not have completed this version of the manuscript without Hale
Yılmaz’s invaluable support and patience. She has generously offered to
read drafts and gave me the feedback that I needed.
This manuscript benefited from conversations I had at a Journee du
Nom (Day of the Name), hosted by Institut Francais d’Études Anatoliennes
(IFEA). I thank Elise Massicard for inviting me to be part of this discus-
sion group. When I was invited by Elise Massicard to the Journée du Nom
in Istanbul I met Francophone colleagues in history and political science
who shared an interest in the role of the surname law as an administrative
as well as linguistic nationalist idea. I gained a lot from the insights and
eloquence of Elise Massicard, Emmanuel Szurek, Marc Aymes, Olivier
Bouquet, and Samim Akgönül for expanding my vision of the Surname
Law through their theoretical and methodological perspectives.
I met the late Dicle Koğacıoğlu at the Northwestern University Faculty
Development Workshop organized by Rita Koryan and Galya Ruffer in
Istanbul. Along with the late Ferhunde Özbay, we had plans to work
together on the social life of laws. I pay respects to their memory, and miss
the collegial conversations we would have continued to have on law and
society.
I want to thank Alina Yurova and Ben Bailey in the editorial office at
Palgrave Macmillan. They took over from a previous editorial team and
supportively nudged me along so that I could complete the manuscript.
Vinodh Kumar managed the proofs stage, with prompt replies and sup-
port during this important stage. I thank all concerned for their patience
with my pace.
My sister Gülden and her husband Chris were instrumental in my com-
pleting earlier phases of this work. During the time that I stayed with
them, they gave me shelter and a quiet space to work. Along with my
niece, Marisa, they continue to encourage me to finish what I start and to
meet challenges with an organized mindset. I hope this book will make a
proud addition to their bookshelf.
My parents, Yıldız and Nurettin Türköz, were witnesses to, and sup-
ported, the early phase of this project. I learned that our surname, Türköz,
was taken later in the late 1930s, by our oldest uncle who worked in a
population registry, but no further details remain. Like many families from
x Acknowledgments

Turkey, our history, too has parts unknown. My father understood the
importance of the research and accompanied me to coffee shops in Yeni
Foça to introduce me to people his age. He annotated my notes so that I
could understand the language of the parliament with more ease. They
too were children of the Republic, and it is to their loving memory, and to
all the stories that I remember, and those I did not hear, that I dedicate
this book.
Parts of this manuscript, particularly excerpts from Chaps. 1, 5 and 6,
have been published in similar or overlapping form in Middle Eastern
Studies (Türköz 2007) and in a volume on the Social History of Modern
Turkey (Brockett 2011).
 Contents

1 Introduction: Surnames and the Construction of Turkish

Citizens   1

2 Intellectual Precursors and Cultural Context: Turkology,

Language Reform, and Surnames  31

3 Making, Disseminating, and Enforcing the Law  63

4 Generating Surnames in Theory and Practice: Surnames

Booklets and Registry Documents   95

5 The Social Life of the State’s Fantasy 117

6 The Burden of Minority Names 143

7 Turkish Surnames and Their Critics Since 1934 163

8 The Legacy of the Surname Law and Defensive

Nationalism in the Twenty-­First Century 175

xi
xii Contents

Appendix A: Soy Adı Kanunu (The Surname Law) 183

Appendix B: Soy adı nizamnamesi (The Surname Regulation) 187

Bibliography 193

Index 211
 List of Figures

Image 2.1 Two âlims (scholars of religious sciences) seated across

from each other discuss the prospect of having to
communicate their knowledge in simple language.
“[First âlim]: Apparently we will be able to make ourselves
understood more easily with the simple language of the
masses. [Second âlim]: That may be true, hazret, but now
we will not be able to explain that we are âlims! The framed
inscription hanging on the wall, (attributed to the Prophet
Muhammad), reads, “seek knowledge, even if it’s in China.” 46
Image 2.2 A public official asks members of the public to wait while
he looks for the öztürkçe equivalent to an Ottoman word.
“Civil servants will use öztürkçe words: Old head: (using
ornate speech) Please have mercy, do not hurry me, for I
am looking for the öztürkçe [translation] of olbapta (an
archaic word meaning “therefore”). (Akbaba, Vol 48, 1934) 48
Image 2.3 “Inside face—outside face Insides—Outsides. A caricature
depicting the discrepancy between the outward form of
Western culture and learning and the inward tradition,
backwardness or Easternness 50
Image 3.1 On the occasion of the Law on the Registration of Hidden
Population (Gizli Nüfusların Yazımı Hakkındaki Kanun, No
2752). A population official is overwhelmed by a group
crowding around him to register unregistered citizens: “Have
mercy, man! I’ll be lost among you trying to register the
hidden populace. (Akbaba, Vol 13, September 1934) 68
Image 3.2 An aged pasha crouches in an armchair across from a man
with Western dress and expresses bewilderment at having his

xiii
xiv List of Figures

title abolished. “Amazing, they took away the pasṃa title with
one word…Why are you surprised, [since] you took the pasṃa
title with one word!” (Akbaba, November 1934) 80
Image 3.3 A common notice in newspapers, informing readers that the
deadline for taking a surname is coming to an end. On the
second of July, the legal duration for this matter will end. Those
who have not chosen a surname and registered it with the civil
registries must hurry! (Servet-i fünun (46) 80/16, June 11, 1936) 81
Image 4.1 Page of a surname booklet with alphabetical lists of names in
öztürkçe and their meanings. Prefixes and suffixes (left) were to
be added to create new names. On the left hand page there
is a list of “appendages” or suffixes and prefixes. “A few
monosyllabic appendixes to place at the beginning or end
of a name that you will choose from the list [of surnames].”
On the right hand page is the beginning of the list of
surnames. (Orbay, K.Sṃ., 1935) 96
Image 4.2 A surname document stamped June 24, 1936, showing a
previously selected name, Paksoy (clean lineage), crossed
out and replaced with Kankılıç (blood sword) 102
Image 4.3 A list of surname alternatives, dated September 8, 1936, and
fingerprinted, attached to a surname document 104
Image 4.4 A surname document from Büyükada registry. The applicant
wants the name Tezel (hurried hand) but says he can take
Sṃener (merry soldier) if the former is already taken. He is
instead given the surname, Tam (whole) 110
Image 4.5 A list of eight surname alternatives with their definitions, attached
to a surname document (not available here) dated April 28, 1936.
The surname applicant writes, “If the name Aramyan is not
accepted, one of the eight names should most likely be accepted.
Though it may not be on the list, Aram by definition means
‘at rest’. Since it is öz türkçe, I request that it be accepted.” 111
Image 5.1 Caricature depicting a mother and daughter in the foreground
and behind them people crowding into movie theaters. The
movie posters are images of women in romantic poses with
titles (front to back) such as “The Fındık Girl”; “Am I a
Prostitute”; “Girl or Boy”; “Pleasure Island.” The mother
says to her daughter: “Walk quickly, my daughter, I think we
are in some naughty neighborhoods.” 131
Image 6.1 Anti-semitic caricature of Jewish merchant: “Salamon—They
say that all nations should reduce their arms. Will they also
reduce my money?” 160
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Surnames
and the Construction of Turkish Citizens

As everyday performers of cultural and personal identity, names have long

been a concern to nation-states, which have, at times, intervened to man-
date renaming in a prescribed language. The Republic of Turkey’s Surname
Law of 19341 ruled that citizens adopt and register Turkish language sur-
names. Given two years in which to perform this task, citizens were
restricted in their choices by Article Three of the law on existing or newly
adopted surnames: Names with reference to foreign nationalities, races,
tribes, and morally inappropriate and ugly names were prohibited. Citizens
who did not voluntarily come to register a surname, would be assigned a
name by the local official.
As a historical ethnography of surname legislation informed by James
Scott’s notion of the modern state as an entity that seeks legibility
(1998),2 my book explores this law’s genesis in the cultural nationalist
imaginary, its drafting in parliamentary debates, its shaping by the
Language Reform, and its release and variously mediated popular recep-
tion among citizenry. My project uses oral historical narrative, official
parliamentary and previously untapped documents from registries,
archival documents, and visual and written material from popular
media. This book brings narrative methodology and pragmatics to bear
on the various contexts in which names and surnames became created
or maintained and, more specifically, how names became sites of neu-
tralized or augmented meaning. I argue that surnames circulated in

© The Author(s) 2018 1

M. Türköz, Naming and Nation-building in Turkey,
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56656-0_1
2 1 INTRODUCTION: SURNAMES AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF TURKISH...

competing, parallel, and overlapping cultural economies absorbing of,

opaque to, or paralleling the state-disseminated culture. Oral historical
and petition statements show that while much of the reception of the
law took place across context-dependent and culturally defined status
relationships, there were other situations providing upward or down-
ward mobility. Depending on the perceived and actual relationship of
the interlocutors, names were taken, received, created, bestowed, trans-
lated, truncated—and even bought. Selected population registry
records indicate that while many families maintained surnames that had
been registered previous to the law, others came to have new surnames
that either erased their background, or paralleled other local names.
Petitions by, and oral historical interviews with members of Armenian
and Jewish citizens show attempts to neutralize or maintain ethnic
markers in names, or directives by the registry to replace ethnically or
religiously marked names with a Turkish name, but there are also cases
where families were able to maintain original family names. Ultimately,
the Surname Law was mediated through agents who often reinforced
existing patterns of authority and in circumstances that particularized
the nature of the surname adoption. Beyond larger patterns, there was
great variation among the experiences of surname adoption, depending
on the relationship of the citizen and official to one another and to the
particular geographic location.
The Surname Law is one of the last reforms undertaken by the
Republican People’s Party (RPP) under Mustafa Kemal, who, under a
separate law that year, acquired the surname, Atatürk,3 chief of Turks. As
students of modern Turkey are well aware, the elite driven reforms were
designed to transform all aspects of life, including costume and language,
and to sever Turkey’s ties with an Islamic, Ottoman past. Much has been
written about what the reforms intended to accomplish, and recent
decades have seen a growing body of work that explores social and cultural
history as well as the transnational history of the reform period.
My study enriches an emerging social and cultural history of this
period marked by a focus on new sources that both challenge and com-
plement official and political history approaches. Current approaches
question previous periodization, draw from sources beyond the urban
and political centers, and employ methodologies in oral history, anthro-
pology and cultural studies to uncover and deepen understanding of the
broader impact of major events that had been omitted from official his-
torical accounts.
 1 INTRODUCTION: SURNAMES AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF TURKISH... 3

The population registry documents I accessed are typically closed and

the petitions, correspondence and name lists opened up an exciting new
source base and made it possible to see the “graphic artifacts” (Hull 2003,
290) of surname registration. Though set in the context of the study of
modern Turkey, my book is informed by the history of surname legislation
in a broader geography and places Turkey’s surname legislation in a his-
torically comparative framework.
The Republic of Turkey, successor to the multi-ethnic Ottoman Empire,
was declared in 1923, and immediately thereafter, its government led by
Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) launched a series of reforms to sever the new
republic’s ties with the imperial past,4 to catch up with Western sociocul-
tural and political standards, and to consolidate a nationalized citizenry. In
Turkish official sources, these reforms are known as Atatürk Inkilapları
(Atatürk revolutions).5
These reforms began with the abolition of the Caliphate and the exiling
of the Ottoman Dynasty in March 1924 and continued with the Hat Law,6
which replaced the fez7 and other traditional headgear with the western
style hat. In 1926, the government adopted the Italian Penal Code and
the Swiss Civil Code and also the Western clock and calendar.8 With the
Alphabet reform in 1928, the Arabic alphabet was replaced by the Roman
script,9 and the Language Reform was launched in 1931 to weed out
Arabic and Persian loan words in Ottoman Turkish and replace them with
rediscovered, or invented, Turkic equivalents.
The Turkish Grand National Assembly (GNA) ratified the Soyadı
Kanunu (Surname Law) on June 21, 1934. The law enforced the registra-
tion of Turkish surnames and reversed traditional name sequence by stat-
ing that a surname should follow the personal name in speech and writing.
More importantly, it mandated that surnames be in Turkish and be devoid
of markers of religion, ethnicity, and Ottoman hierarchy. It forbade names
belonging to civil officials, tribes or foreign nations, and names that were
morally unsuitable or disgusting.
That fall, the GNA bestowed upon the founder of the nation, Mustafa
Kemal, the surname Atatürk (chief of Turks), by which he would henceforth
be known. Shortly thereafter, “The Law on the abolition of such appella-
tions and titles as efendi, bey, and pasha” would ban all religious, military,
tribal, and other honorific titles.10 The following month, the Resmi Gazete
(Official Gazette) would publish the Soy Adı Nizamnamesi11 (Surname
Regulation), providing detailed guidelines for state registrars and other local
officials on enforcing the law. Citizens were notified of the law via daily
4 1 INTRODUCTION: SURNAMES AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF TURKISH...

newspapers, the religious directorate, and through educational institutions.

Newspapers, books, and registry offices made available lists of acceptable
names to guide the populace in their search for a new family name.
The Surname Law is routinely included in the history of modern Turkey
but has not received the same attention as the preceding reforms, even in
the official perspective. In university textbooks that reflect the official his-
tory perspective, the Surname Law has received a scant description and is
often presented without any comment (Ertan 2000, 256). It is likely that
this is because it was received with relatively less controversy compared to
other reforms of the time. With a rising interest in identity, nation-­building
and sociocultural history, since the 1990s it has come under increasing
scrutiny. Nevertheless, it was a law which citizens complied with by lining
up outside civil registries to adopt surnames, and each family’s story is
unique, though patterned by proximity to urban centers, or level of geo-
graphic or social mobility, and positioning in the evolving nation-state.

Kemalist Reforms and Critical Perspectives

Scholars today do not dispute that the reforms undertaken under the new
republic were top-down measures designed to transform a population
from above. Reşat Kasaba and other scholars of modern Turkey compare
the political elites of the early republic to the Jacobin movement, whose
top down reforms from 1793 to 1794 encompassed all aspects of life,
including the calendar, names, and clothing (Kasaba 1997, 30). Critiques
of this period have focused on the fact that it was top-heavy, driven by a
modernizing elite that imposed institutions, beliefs, and behavior on
Turkey’s people (Kasaba 1997; Keyder 1987; Mardin 1997). The critical
and social history12 of Turkey is informed by a broad social science base,
and challenges previously held assumptions. By questioning issues such as
the periodization of modern Turkey, the singularity of Mustafa Kemal as
an agent of the nation, by looking beyond the political center to the prov-
inces, by focusing on methodologies of oral history to uncover intersec-
tions of gender, ethnicity, and class, by seeking out sources beyond the
center, and finally by bringing a comparative lens to Turkey’s moderniza-
tion, these studies offer both correctives to, and a deep expansion on ear-
lier studies.
Earlier approaches to the Kemalist years, informed by a unilinear model
of modernization, have been criticized for minimizing social ambiguities
that did not fit into narrow schemas of progress.
 KEMALIST REFORMS AND CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES 5

Most such authors regarded the breaking of traditional ties as so urgent a

task that it mattered little what methods were used to achieve that end. So
long as those methods were directed against institutions and practices por-
trayed as intrinsically antithetical to progress and modernization (meaning,
in most cases, Islamic), they could be justified. (Kasaba 1997, 30)

Since the late 1980s, there has been more of an interest in the “less
tangible effects of processes of social transformation … the emergence of
new identities and forms of subjectivity, and…the specificities of the ‘mod-
ern’ in the Turkish context” (Kandiyoti 1997, 113).
The social historical works are united in their insistence on looking beyond
the “phoenix rising” story of modern Turkey with the periodization, attribu-
tions of agency, and narrative direction that entails. Historians and historical
studies of modern Turkey have moved away from previous narratives13 that
saw the emergence of modern Turkey as a stark rupture and also from “the
image of Turkey arising from the ashes like a phoenix” (Zürcher 1992, 237).
They have focused increasingly on the continuity between the Tanzimat
reforms, the Young Turk Era, and the early years of modern Turkey (Meeker
2002; Deringil 1993; Zürcher 1992; Georgeon 2000).
In discussions of the state’s control over the dissemination of Kemalism,
scholars have described the population as indifferent, passive, unlike popu-
lations that participated in upholding authoritarian regimes, elsewhere in
that period. In arguing that the regime of the 1930s could not be consid-
ered technically fascist, because it did not have a mass social base, Keyder
maintained that it was a “regime established over a society which had not
yet become a ‘people’, let alone citizens” (Keyder, 109). This description
of passivity may have also been used in comparative ways, as Keyder, for
instance, compares the participation of the masses in Turkey to Italy. Yet
Turkish citizens of different geographic origins, of different classes were
cognizant of ways they could or could not act upon their world, as more
recent studies have shown.
Gavin Brockett’s work, based on provincial newspapers, focuses on
“popular identification with the ‘nation’—as distinct from the articulation
of nationalism as an ideology” in the first decades of the republic. Provincial
newspapers were important aspects of the process of nation-building in
that “they allowed people to actually participate in the ‘theater of the
nation’” (Brockett 2011, 125).
A notable example of a study that examines the various ways that citizens
mediated and acted in response to the major reforms is Hale Yılmaz’s
Becoming Turkish (2013), which draws on exhaustive archival sources, print
6 1 INTRODUCTION: SURNAMES AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF TURKISH...

media, and oral histories to document the dress laws, language and alpha-
bet change, and national holidays.
Yılmaz’s monograph is based on detailed archival data, press clippings,
as well as oral historical interviews and memoirs and illustrates the variety
of ways that citizens responded to the reforms. We see, for example, that
the government made use of the Diyanet Iş̇ leri Riyaseti’s (Directorate of
Religious Affairs) reach into communities through mosque sermons to
instruct or guide citizens for the male dress reform (Yılmaz 2013, 39). We
learn from Yılmaz’s study that local producers and consumers of peçe, or
head coverings, petitioned the government in writing to complain about
the imposition of the dress reforms, which sometimes involved gendarmes
pulling off women’s covering (ibid., 135).
Oral history methodology has been a major tool in interpreting the
historical memory among various groups, and as Neyzi has pointed out,
many of these studies have been done by anthropologists and sociolo-
gists working in a historical framework (Neyzi 2010). One of the
absences from the study of Turkey and the Ottoman Empire was com-
parative work that placed the reform process in the context of a broader
geography and recent studies have focused on the authoritarian national-
isms under Atatürk and Reza Shah, while others have explored the way
in which Atatürk’s personage and reforms were perceived in France and
in Nazi Germany (Atabaki and Zürcher 2003; Dost-Niyego 2014; Ihrig
2014).
My book seeks to explore the way that the reforms were received,
appropriated, negotiated, and brokered within families and communities.
In their inspiring work on the production of legal identities, James Scott
et al. tell us that “there is no State-making without state naming” (2002,
4) and the fixing of surnames by modern states is one of the ways that
states make populations legible (Scott 1998). Drawing from this notion,
what unfolds in the following pages is about the state’s blueprint for order
and unity and the various worlds that conform, approximate, and trans-
form that order.
Narratives about the process of surname legislation in Turkey, many
relating the interactions between officials and citizens, provide a produc-
tive site to explore the boundaries between the state and the different
groups that it sought to transform, assimilate, or marginalize. In sur-
name narratives, which are invariably stories about bureaucracy, inter-
viewees positioned themselves—often simultaneously—in perceived social
 THE SURNAME LAW IN SCHOLARSHIP 7

orders, or affective states. As a result, they offer a unique window into

micro-­social worlds that have been variously termed as “individual pos-
sibilities of action” (Burke 1993), “mattering maps” (Migdal 2001), or
“lifeworlds” (Schutz & Luckmann 1973; Mardin 1997). A surname
change by itself did not transform a life dramatically, but it was one of the
ways in which positioning, or repositioning toward the state and com-
munity, took place.
An ongoing guiding image for this project has been the social life of the
state’s fantasy. In his chapter on the “Census, Map and Museum,” Benedict
Anderson discusses the manner in which colonial administrators in Malaya
ascribed the local population with arbitrary categories. Even though those
categories were not related to the local population, over time, the traffic-­
habits of people in schools, banks, and other institutions gave social life to
the state’s earlier fantasy (Anderson 1991, 169). The interview material
yields some idea of these traffic-habits or in Agha’s words, “speech chains”
(Agha 2003, 245) through which seemingly arbitrary surnames become
attached to their bearers.

The Surname Law in Scholarship

The evolving nature of the interest in the Surname Law can be said to
parallel scholarly interest in the Atatürk reforms. A modernization trajec-
tory informed scholarship from the 1960s and 1970s and the Surname
Law was perceived as an appropriate culmination to earlier reforms, both
a Westernizing and a modernizing move. Both Bernard Lewis and Geoffrey
Lewis describe the Surname Law as an administrative measure necessitated
by a “complex society,” or as one that would alter a traditional Islamic
system of nomenclature.

The Turks, like other Muslim peoples, were not in the habit of using family
names. A man would be known by his personal names, given at birth, sup-
plemented by a second name given in childhood, or by his father’s name.
Surnames existed, but were rare, and not in common usage. The more com-
plex and extensive system of a modern society made a system of family
names desirable; the adoption of the new civil code made it immediately
necessary. (Lewis 1961, 289)

Geoffrey Lewis mentions the system of nomenclature, but focuses on

the Surname Law as an administrative measure of individuation.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 6. December 13. This forenoon I set apart for prayer: and being
to address God with regard to my proposal of marriage, I began the
work with an enquiry into my own state. Upon this enquiry, I found,

First, With respect to God, I was under a full conviction, that life
was in his favour, nay, that his loving-kindness is better than life
itself. That any interest in his favour is utterly impossible, without
respect had to a mediator: God being holy, I unholy; God a
consuming fire, I a sinner meet to be consum’d: that God out of mere
love has been pleased to send into the world Jesus Christ, as the
mediator through whom sinners might regain his favour.

Secondly, With respect to Christ, nothing has been able (since it

was first given me) to shake my full conviction of the following
particulars: that Jesus Christ is such a Saviour as it became the
goodness, justice, wisdom, and power of God to provide; and such
as became the desires and needs of sinners, as being sufficient to
save all that come to God through him, and that to the uttermost, his
blood being able to cleanse from all sin, his power to subdue all
things to himself, and his Spirit to lead into all truth: that I need him in
all his offices; there being no time when I durst once think of parting
them: God knows that my heart is as much reconciled to his kingly
as to his priestly office, and that it would for ever damp me, had he
not power to captivate every thought to the obedience of himself;
that all my hope of freedom from that darkness which is my burden,
is from Christ’s prophetical office; and my hope of freedom from the
guilt and power of sin, arises from his priestly and kingly offices. In
one word, I have no hope of any mercy in time or eternity, but
through him. ’Tis through him I expect all, from the least drop of
water to the immense riches of his glory.
 Thirdly, With respect to this law, notwithstanding my frequent
breaches of it, I dare take God to witness, that I count all his
commandments concerning all things, to be holy, and just, and good;
insomuch that I would not desire any alteration in any, and least of all
in those which most cross my inclinations: that I desire inward,
universal conformity to them all, and that in the spiritual meaning and
extent, as reaching all thoughts, words, and actions, and even the
minutest circumstances of them. Lastly, That since the
commencement of this affair particularly, I have seen a peculiar
beauty in the law, as exemplified in the life of our Lord; more
especially in his absolute submission to the divine will, even in those
things which were most contrary to his innocent nature. And though I
could scarce reach this submission at some times, yet I earnestly
desired it, I look’d upon it as exceedingly amiable, and condemned
myself so far as I came short of it.

7. As to the whole, my spirit was in a calm and composed frame:

but contrary to my positive resolution, and under fears of a refusal, I
was carried out to be more peremptory than usual as to the success.
Yea, when I was in the most submissive frame, I was more
peremptory as to the event, than when my heart was most eagerly
set upon it.

8. January 7, 1701, was a day set apart by us both, to be kept

with fasting and prayer, for obtaining a blessing on our marriage. I
began it with prayer, wherein I endeavoured to trace back sin to my
very infancy. Lord, I have been in all sin: not one of thy commands
but I have broken in almost all instances; save in the outward acts,
and from them, O Lord, only thy free grace restrained me.
 *I now again solemnly devoted myself to him, in this new relation
I was to enter upon; beseeching that he would not contend with
either of us, for the sins of our single life; that he would make us
holy, and bless us in this new state, fitting us every way for one
another. In my second address to God by prayer, he gave me much
sweetness and enlargement (blessed be his goodness) in reference
to that particular, for which I set apart this day. When he prepareth
our hearts to pray, his ear hearkeneth thereto.

This day I again searched into my state, and found these

evidences of the Lord’s work in my soul: 1. He hath given me by his
Spirit some discovery of the innumerable sins of every period of my
life, and especially of the root of all, the inexpressible corruption of
my nature: 2. He has discovered to me the vanity of all those reliefs
nature leads to, with regard to the guilt of sin; he hath made me see,
that my own works cannot save me, and, I hope, taken me off from
resting upon them; for under trouble, occasioned by sin, nothing but
Christ could quiet me: the view of my own works only increased it.
And God, when he assisted me most therein, so guarded me against
this, that he then always opened my eyes to see a world of sin in
them; insomuch that I have as earnestly desired to be saved from
my best duties, as ever I did from my worst sins: and whenever my
heart inclined to lay some stress on duties spiritually perform’d, God
stirred up in my soul a holy jealousy over my heart in this particular.
3. As to the power of sin, he hath brought me to an utter despair of
relief from my own prayers, vows, or resolutions. 4. He hath been
pleased to determine me to chuse the gospel-way of salvation, by
resting on Christ for righteousness, sanctification, and redemption;
as a way full of admirable mercy and wisdom; a way of great peace
and security to sinners, and best suited to give glory to God. Upon
these grounds, I conclude, that the Lord hath wrought faith in me,
and will compleat my salvation. And because he hath determined me
to chuse him, therefore I dare call him my God, my Saviour, my
Sanctifier.
 On January 23, 1701, he was accordingly married at Edinburgh,
to Janet Watson, daughter of Mr. David Watson, of St. Andrews. By
her he had nine children, three sons and six daughters, of whom one
son and five daughters survived him.

8. In March, 1705, his then youngest child fell into a languishing

illness: concerning whom he writes thus: “April 11. My child died:
blessed be God, I have had a child to give at his call; and blessed be
the Lord, that he helped me to give her willingly.”

In March 1712, his son George fell ill: I had often says he, given
all my children up to God, and now it pleased him to try me in the
tenderest point, whether I would stand to my resignation. I could not
find freedom in a asking for his life, but much, in crying for mercy for
him. Yet I cannot say, but the burthen was great upon me, till
communing with a friend about the state of the church and religion,
concern for God’s interest got the ascendant over that for my own,
and from that time I found comfort: *and the nearer he was to his
end, the more loosed I was from him, and the more chearful was my
resignation: so that before his death, prayers were almost made up
of praises, and he was set off with thanksgiving.
 C H A P T E R III.
Of his removal to St. Andrews.

1. HE place of professor of divinity in the university of St. Andrews

T being vacant, her Majesty’s patent was procured for him: upon
which he made the following reflection: “This seems to be of
the Lord, for it was without so much as a thought in me; yet were all
obstructions removed, all attempts for others crossed, and my spirit
so held that I durst not oppose it, but was obliged to submit to the
desires of those who were the most competent judges.”

2. Accordingly, April 26, 1710, he was by the principal of the

college admitted into his professorship. But he enjoyed little health in
that office: for in the beginning of April, 1711, he was suddenly
seized with a violent pleurisy, which obliged his physicians to take
from him a large quantity of blood; and although he was relieved
from the disease, he never recovered his strength, by reason of the
indisposition of his stomach, and frequent vomitings. Hereupon
ensued, ♦in the following winter, a coldness, swelling and stiffness in
his legs, with frequent and very painful cramps. But besides his
bodily illness, the grievances of the church did not a little add to his
trouble: especially the imposing the oath of abjuration upon
ministers, which he feared might have fatal effects, from the
difference of their sentiments, concerning the lawfulness of it. His
advice upon it was, that after all due information, every one should
act according to the light he had. But what he most of all inculcated
was, that their differing about the meaning of an expression therein,
gave no just ground for any alienation of affection, much less for
separation, either amongst ministers or people.
♦ duplicate word “in” removed

The End of the Tenth Volume.

 E R R A T A, Volume X.
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