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i

Armies of Deliverance
ii
iii

Armies
of Deliverance
A New History of the Civil War
zz
ELIZABETH R. VARON

1
iv

1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2019

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data

Names: Varon, Elizabeth R., 1963–​author.
Title: Armies of deliverance : a new history of the Civil War /​Elizabeth R. Varon.
Other titles: New history of the Civil War
Description: New York : Oxford University Press, [2019] |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018028897 (print) | LCCN 2018029572 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780190860615 (Updf ) | ISBN 9780190860622 (Epub) |
ISBN 9780190860608 (hbk. : alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: United States—​History—​Civil War, 1861–​1865. | Slavery—​United States—​
Public opinion. | Secession—​United States—​Public opinion.
Classification: LCC E468 (ebook) | LCC E468 .V37 2019 (print) | DDC 973.7—​dc23
LC record available at https://​lccn.loc.gov/​2018028897

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2

Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America

v

Contents

Acknowledgments  vii
Map x

Introduction: “We Are Fighting for Them” 1

PART ONE: Loyalism

1. March of Redemption: First Bull Run to Fort Donelson 23

2. Ripe for the Harvest: To Shiloh   48

3. Sacred Soil: Virginia in the Summer of 1862   78

4. The Perils of Occupation   119

PART TWO: Emancipation

5. Countdown to Jubilee: Lincoln’s Hundred Days   153

6. The Emancipation Proclamation   184

7. Fire in the Rear: To Chancellorsville   210

8. Under a Scorching Sun: The Summer of 1863   241

vi

vi Contents

PART THREE: Amnesty

9. Rallying Point: Lincoln’s Ten Percent Plan   285

10. Is This Hell? Fort Pillow to Atlanta   322

11. Campaign Season: The Election of 1864   356

12. Malice Toward None: The Union Triumphant   384

Conclusion: “Deliver Us from Such a Moses”:

Andrew Johnson and the Legacy of the Civil War   422

Notes 435
Index 489
vi

Acknowledgments

Of the many debts of gratitude I incurred in writing this book, none is

greater than my debt to the John L. Nau III Center for Civil War History at the
University of Virginia, and to the staff, colleagues, students, and interns who
make up the center’s uniquely supportive community. I am grateful, as always,
to my colleague and Nau Center founder and director Gary W. Gallagher.
He is a model of intellectual integrity and generosity, and it has been a priv-
ilege and joy to work with him. William Kurtz, the Nau Center’s managing
director and digital historian, has been a source of insight about nineteenth-
​century America and also about how our scholarship can engage with
the public. I have learned so much with and from our Civil War Seminar
participants—​students and former students including Frank Cirillo, Mikes
Caires, Tamika Nunley, Adrian Brettle, Willa Brown, Jack Furniss, Melissa
Gismondi, Jesse George-​ Nichol, Lauren Haumesser, Shira Lurie, Asaf
Almog, Clayton Butler, Stephanie Lawton, Brian Neumann, Katie Lantz,
Daniel Sunshine, Joshua Morrison, Brianna Kirk, and Stefan Lund—​and
I cherish them, as individuals and as a team. At the heart of our work is UVA’s
wonderful library system and its extensive collection of Civil War books,
manuscripts, and databases; I deeply appreciate the skill and helpfulness of
the library staff. And I deeply value the fellowship and scholarship of UVA
colleagues who work on early America and the nineteenth century, especially
Alan Taylor, Max Edelson, Justene Hill Edwards, Cynthia Nicoletti, Ervin
Jordan, Holly Shulman, Kirt Von Daacke, Carrie Janney, and Steve Cushman.
I am grateful to John L. Nau III for all he does to promote Civil War
scholarship. His remarkable archive of Civil War documents—including
thousands of unique, unpublished firsthand accounts by soldiers—​is a treas­
ure trove from which I drew much material for this book. The Nau Civil War
Collection’s curator, Sally Anne Schmidt, in Houston, Texas, was generous
with her time and expertise in navigating the collection.
vi

viii Acknowledgments

My friend Matt Gallman read the entire manuscript and offered invalu-
able advice for improving it. I very much appreciated the chance to workshop
parts of this book at Yale’s Gilder Lehrman Center for the Study of Slavery,
Resistance, and Abolition, and I thank David Blight for the invitation to
speak at its annual conference in the fall of 2017; I am also grateful to have
received feedback at the Harvard University conference, that same fall, in
honor of my treasured graduate school mentor Nancy Cott.
Oxford University Press has been wonderful throughout this process, and
my thanks go to Susan Ferber and Charles Cavaliere for their editorial steward-
ship, and mapmaker George Chakvetadze for his expert work. The anonymous
readers who vetted the manuscript for Oxford made many helpful suggestions.
I am fortunate to live in a family of writers, and I rely on all of them for
inspiration: my husband, best friend, and all-​time favorite historian, Will
Hitchcock; our kids, Ben and Emma, whose strong voices fill us with pride
and hope; my brother, Jeremy, with his fierce social conscience; my father,
Bension, whose productivity leaves us all in the dust; and my late mother,
Barbara, to whose standard we still aspire.
Nothing buoyed me more in the final stages of writing this book than the
experience of watching my nephew Arlo, a Brooklyn sixth-​grader, become a
Civil War buff. Like I did at his age, he has become fascinated by the voices of
the war. But he has been exposed by his teachers to a far wider range of those
voices, and a more nuanced treatment of the war, than I was. His newfound
passion for the study of the Civil War makes me optimistic for the future of our
field, and serves as a reminder that we should never underestimate the capacity
of young people to handle the complexity of history. This book is for Arlo.
E.R.V.
Charlottesville, Virginia
ix
x
xi
xi
xi

Armies of Deliverance
xvi
1

Introduction
“We Are Fighting for Them”

In July 1864, in the fourth summer of the Civil War, the popular Northern
journal Harper’s Weekly featured an article entitled “Fighting for Our Foes.”
The article invoked the “terrorism under which the people of the rebellious
States have long suffered”—​the extortion, intimidation, and violence per-
petrated by elite slaveholders against the Southern masses in order to keep
“their white fellow-​citizens ignorant and debased.” The Union army, Harper’s
pledged, would bring liberation to the South:

Many of these wretched victims are in arms against us. But we are
fighting for them. The war for the Union and the rights secured by
the Constitution is a war for their social and political salvation, and
our victory is their deliverance. . . . It is not against the people of those
States, it is against the leaders and the system which have deprived
them of their fair chances as American citizens, that this holy war is
waged. God send them and us a good deliverance!1

A modern reader might be tempted to ask: could Harper’s Weekly have been
sincere? Surely Northerners had learned, after so much blood had been shed
on so many battlefields, that the Southern masses were diehard Confederates,
not unwilling dupes of slaveholding aristocrats. Surely Northerners had given
up waiting for Southern Unionism to come to the fore. Surely Northerners
no longer cherished the naive hope of changing Southern hearts and minds.
Of all the ongoing debates over the Civil War, perhaps none has proven
so difficult to resolve as the issue of Northern war aims. What was the
North fighting for? Some modern scholars emphasize Northerners’ bedrock
2

2 Introduction

commitment to saving the Union, seeing that as the central point of con-
sensus among the majority of Republicans and Democrats. Other scholars
emphasize the growing power and momentum of antislavery Republicans,
and their role in establishing emancipation as the defining purpose and
achievement of the war. Each of these interpretations focuses on only part of
the broad Northern political spectrum. This book takes a different approach,
by asking how disparate Northerners, who disagreed about the fate of slavery
and the future shape of the Union, managed to form a powerful Unionist
coalition and to defeat disunionism. The answer lies in the political theme of
deliverance.2
Northerners imagined the Civil War as a war of deliverance, waged to
deliver the South from the clutches of a conspiracy and to deliver to it the
blessings of free society and of modern civilization. Northerners did not
expect white Southerners to rise up en masse and overthrow secession. But
they did fervently believe that as the Union army advanced across the South,
Southerners, especially from the non-​slaveholding majority, would increas-
ingly welcome liberation from Confederate falsehood and despotism.
This belief in deliverance was not a naive hope that faded, but instead a
deep commitment that grew stronger over the course of the war.3 That is be-
cause the idea resolved the tensions within the Union over war aims. A dis-
tinct politics of deliverance—​a set of appeals that fused “soft war” incentives
and “hard war” punishments, and sought to reconcile the liberation of white
Southerners with the emancipation of enslaved blacks—​unified a pro-​war
coalition in the Union and sustained its morale. “As the guns of Grant and
Sherman shake down their idols and clear the air,” the Harper’s essay prophe-
sied, “these men, deluded fellow-​citizens of ours, will see that in this country
whatever degrades labor injures every laboring man, and that equal rights be-
fore the law is the only foundation of permanent peace and union.” Grant and
Sherman, symbols of hard war, also stood at the head of powerful armies of
deliverance.4

Setting the Stage: The Secession Crisis in the North

The image of the Confederate people as the deluded dupes of scheming leaders
tapped a deep vein in antebellum politics: the charge that a “Slave Power con-
spiracy” of ambitious planter-​oligarchs and truckling Northern Democratic
politicians exercised unseemly control over national politics, subverting de-
mocracy and imposing their proslavery agenda on the majority of Americans,
North and South. Abolitionists warned of such a conspiracy as far back as
3

Introduction 3

the 1830s, as slaveholders coalesced around an aggressive campaign to expand

slavery and to defend it as a “positive good” and a state’s right. The fledgling
Republican party took up and popularized the conspiracy theme in the mid-​
1850s, pointing to a series of proslavery victories, such as the 1850 Fugitive
Slave Law, the 1854 Kansas-​Nebraska Act, and the 1857 Dred Scott decision,
as proof that the Slave Power was ever more aggressive in its designs and
aimed at nothing less than nationalizing slavery, both spreading it westward
and reintroducing it in the free states. Republican politicians appealed to the
Northern mainstream by emphasizing slavery’s harmful effects on whites—​
the economic backwardness, lack of opportunity, and absence of free speech
in the South—​rather than by emphasizing the themes of racial justice and
equality. The party’s prescription for restoring majority rule was to restrict
slavery’s westward expansion while at the same time spreading the free labor
gospel in the South, so that white Southerners would gradually, over time, see
fit to dismantle the institution. Secessionist usurpers, so Republicans charged,
diverted history from its natural course, using fraud and violence to block this
peaceful evolution toward freedom and sectional harmony.5
Abraham Lincoln led the Republican party to victory in the 1860 election, a
contest in which Republicans capitalized on the recent split of the Democratic
party into Northern and Southern wings. In the free states, Lincoln prevailed
over his Democratic opponent and fellow Illinoisan Stephen Douglas, win-
ning 54 percent of the popular vote to Douglas’s 25 percent; two outlier
candidates, Southern rights Democrat James C. Breckinridge of Kentucky
and pro-​compromise John Bell of Tennessee, placed a distant third and fourth.
In the slave states, Breckinridge and Bell were the main attractions and Lincoln
and Douglas the outliers, with Breckinridge garnering 45 percent of the pop-
ular vote to Bell’s 40 percent; Douglas was third with 13 percent and Lincoln
a very distant fourth with only 2 percent of the Southern vote. Republicans
claimed a mandate based on the fact that Lincoln won more electoral votes
(180) than all the other candidates combined. But Deep South states, which
had been priming the pump for secession for the previous decade, rejected
Lincoln’s victory, seceded from the Union, and formed the Confederacy in
the winter of 1860–​61; four Upper South states followed them that spring,
while the four slaveholding border states (Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, and
Delaware) remained in the Union.6
As Lincoln took office, he faced the challenge of uniting Northerners
arrayed across a contentious political spectrum. On one end of that spectrum
were abolitionists and Radical Republicans who believed the federal govern-
ment should play an active role in dismantling slavery and in promoting black
4

4 Introduction

citizenship. On the other end were conservative Democrats who rejected ab-
olition and black citizenship and were content for slavery to persist indefi-
nitely. Across the middle of the spectrum were moderates of various political
stripes who, like Lincoln himself, believed in the superiority of the free labor
system and resented the power of slaveholders but had a relatively patient atti-
tude toward slavery’s demise, wishing for its gradual extinction instead of im-
mediate abolition. From the start, antipathy to elite slaveholding secessionists
was a strong source of Northern unity. Republicans had long scorned Slave
Power oligarchs; Northern Democrats, bitter at the fracturing of their
party, felt betrayed by the leadership class of Southern Democrats. As his-
torian Martha Hodes notes, Northerners imagined a “simplistically divided
Confederacy” and did not carefully differentiate among the various strata of
non-​elite whites. The ambiguous category of the “deceived masses” lumped
together the South’s landholding yeomen farmers and landless poor whites.7
Very quickly, in the first months of the Civil War, the Slave Power con-
spiracy idea took on a new cast and increased potency. Northerners began
to argue that the Confederacy was a “military despotism” that herded white
Southerners into its ranks, seized private property for the war machine, and
suppressed dissent. This was the theme of Lincoln’s first wartime message to
Congress, delivered on July 4, 1861, nearly three months after the Confederate
firing on Fort Sumter had initiated war. After “drugging the public mind of
their section for more than thirty years,” the leaders of the secession move-
ment had relied on “ingenious sophistry” (the false doctrine of state sover-
eignty) and on coercion (votes in which “the bayonets are all on one side
of the question”) to bring “many good men to a willingness to take up arms
against the government,” Lincoln insisted. A small band of conspirators had
seemingly cowed the South into submission. But how deep did support for
disunion really run? “It may well be questioned whether there is, to-​day, a
majority of the legally qualified voters of any State, except perhaps South
Carolina, in favor of disunion,” Lincoln speculated. “There is much reason
to believe that the Union men are the majority in many, if not in every one,
of the so-​called seceded States.” The Union fought to uphold the principle of
majority rule—​that ballots, not bullets, should settle disputes—​and did not
intend “any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just sense of
those terms.”8
Claims that white Southerners were “ripe for their deliverance from the
most revolting despotism on the face of the earth,” as an influential newspaper,
the New York Herald, put it in May 1861, were standard fare in the Northern
press and among politicians in the early months of the war. Sometimes words
5

Introduction 5

such as “liberation,” “regeneration,” “redemption,” and “restoration” featured

in such rhetoric. But the core message remained the same. “The people of the
South are regarded as our brethren, deluded, deceived, betrayed, plundered of
their freedom of inquiry, of speech and of action; forced into opposition to
the Constitution and treason to the Union against their instincts, their sober
judgment and free volition, by bold bad men,” the New York Times editorial-
ized in June 1861, in a typical formulation.9
In Northern rhetoric, the treatment of anti-​Confederate Southerners
was a form of “terrorism.” While that word appears sporadically in ante-
bellum American political discourse, it became more prominent in 1861, as
Northerners accused secessionists of employing both force and intimidation
to get their way. An article entitled “Southern Terrorism” in the Milwaukee
Morning Sentinel, for example, quoted a U.S. army officer from the South
who had fled Virginia and who claimed to have seen citizens there “hung
for voting the Union ticket”: “He says there are thousands in Virginia, and
all through the South, who only wait to see Federal bayonets in order to
avow their loyalty.” Antislavery newspapers joined with mainstream papers
in publicizing the mistreatment of Southern Unionists as evidence of the
“terror which reigns in the rebel states.” The war was a “rebellion to extend
despotism—​despotism over white men’s minds as well as over black men’s
bodies,” the Liberator observed, in a May 31, 1861, article entitled “Slavery is
at the Bottom of It.” The border South, the New York Tribune opined in June,
was full of men who “will be ready to act when the hour of deliverance is
plainly at hand, but who dare not speak out at present.”10
In hindsight, Lincoln and other Northern political figures and writers
were clearly wrong about a Southern populace deceived and coerced into
supporting the secession movement. While evidence exists of the intimidation
and harassment of white Unionists, far greater evidence exists of the robust
support of white Southerners for secession on the eve of war. Unconditional
Unionism was in short supply among voters in the Deep South states during
the secession winter of 1860–​61; in the spring, the Lincoln administration’s
rejection of compromise proposals and willingness to use force against the
insurrection moved Upper South “conditional Unionists” off the fence and
into the Confederate camp.11
There were, nonetheless, clear military, political, diplomatic, and cultural
imperatives at work in Northerners’ emphasis on deliverance at the outset
of the war. The free states simply did not possess the military might or the
political will to conquer the Confederate South and impose a widespread
and lasting military occupation. The Union had considerable advantages in
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 [475] Eaton, p. 257.
[476] Subaltern, p. 101.
[477] Monroe to Jackson, Dec. 7, 1814; MSS. War Department
Records.
[478] Monroe to Jackson, Dec. 10, 1814; MSS. War
Department Records.
[479] Eaton, pp. 261, 282.
[480] Jackson to Monroe, Nov. 20, 1814; MSS. War
Department Archives.
[481] Jackson to Monroe, Dec. 2, 1814; MSS. War Department
Archives.
[482] Eaton, p. 290.
[483] Subaltern, p. 193.
[484] Eaton, p. 286; Latour, p. 53.
[485] General Orders of Aug. 6, 1814; Latour, Appendix, p. xvii.
[486] Notices, ii 177.
[487] Jackson to Monroe, Dec. 12, 1814; MSS. War
Department Archives.
[488] Eaton, p. 272.
[489] Eaton, p. 282.
[490] Sir Alexander Cochrane to J. W. Croker, Dec. 16, 1814;
Latour, Appendix, p. cxxxviii.
[491] James, ii. 349.
[492] Report of Captain Lockyer, Dec. 18, 1814; James, ii. 523.
[493] Letter of Dec. 16, 1814; Niles, vii. 316.
[494] General Orders, Dec. 16, 1814; Niles, vii. 316.
[495] General Orders, Dec. 16, 1814; Niles, vii. 317.
[496] Eaton, p. 290.
[497] Report of Major-General Keane, Dec. 26, 1814; James, ii.
529.
[498] Admiral Cochrane to Mr. Croker, Jan. 18, 1815; James, ii.
550.
 [499] Latour, p. 77; Jackson’s Report of Dec. 27, 1814; Latour,
Appendix, p. xlv.
[500] James, ii. 355.
[501] Subaltern, p. 212.
[502] Latour, p. 66.
[503] Eaton, p. 293, note.
[504] Latour, p. 53.
[505] Subaltern, p. 215 (American edition, 1833).
[506] See Memoir of Latour in Cullum’s Campaigns of the War
of 1812–1815, p. 309.
[507] Latour, p. 88.
[508] Latour, p. 105.
[509] Latour, p. 105.
[510] Captain Henley’s Letter of Dec. 28, 1814; Niles, vii. 387.
[511] Latour, p. 104. Parton, i. 617. Commodore Patterson’s
Report of Dec. 28, 1814; Latour, Appendix, p. xliii.
[512] Patterson’s Report of Dec. 28, 1814; Latour, Appendix, p.
xliii.
[513] James, ii. 355.
[514] Latour’s Plan.
[515] James, ii. 355. Keane’s Report of Dec. 26, 1814; James,
ii. 529.
[516] Latour, pp. 96, 97. Parton, ii. 90.
[517] Report of Dec. 26, 1815; Latour, Appendix, p. xliv.
[518] Report of Dec. 27, 1814; Niles, vii. 357.
[519] Latour’s Plan of the Battle of December 23; Peddie’s
Sketch.
[520] James, ii. 362. Keane’s Report; James, ii. 530.
[521] Parton, ii. 100.
[522] Patterson to Secretary of Navy, Dec. 28, 1814; Latour,
Appendix, p. xliii.
[523] Report of Major-General Keane, Dec. 26, 1814; James, ii.
529.
 [524] Keane’s Report of December 26, 1814; James, ii. 531.
[525] Subaltern, pp. 228, 229.
[526] James, ii. 363.
[527] Latour, p. 121.
[528] Patterson’s Report of Jan. 2, 1815; Latour, Appendix, p.
1, no. xxviii.
[529] Gleig’s Campaigns, p. 165.
[530] Report of J. D. Henley, Dec. 28, 1814; Niles, vii. 387.
[531] Journal of Major Forrest; Latour, Appendix, p. cxlvii.
[532] Subaltern, p. 235.
[533] Cochrane’s Report of Jan. 18, 1815; James, ii. 552.
[534] Latour, pp. 147, 148.
[535] Patterson’s Report of Jan. 2, 1815; Latour, Appendix, p.
1, no. xxviii.
[536] Campaigns, p. 166.
[537] Henley’s Report of December 28; Niles, vii. 387.
[538] Latour, p. 136. Patterson’s Report of Jan. 2, 1815; Latour,
Appendix, p. 1, no. xxviii.
[539] Journal of Major Forrest, Assistant-Quartermaster-
General; MSS. British Archives. Latour, Appendix, p. cxlvii.
[540] Subaltern, p. 249. Gleig’s Campaigns, p. 173.
[541] Patterson’s Report of Jan. 2, 1815; Latour, Appendix, p.
1, no. xxviii.
[542] James, ii. 369.
[543] Subaltern, p. 249 (American edition, 1833).
[544] Life of Codrington, i. 334.
[545] Latour, pp. 133, 134.
[546] Return of Casualties; James, ii. 543.
[547] Journal; Latour, Appendix, p. cxlvii.
[548] Life of Codrington, i. 336. Lambert’s Report of Jan. 28,
1815; Latour, Appendix, p. clxvi.
 [549] Adair’s letters of Oct. 21, 1817; Letters of Adair and
Jackson, Lexington, 1817.
[550] Eaton, p. 359.
[551] Latour, p. 170.
[552] Adair to Jackson, March 20, 1815; Letters of Adair and
Jackson, 1817; Latour, Appendix, p. cxxxii.
[553] Journal of Major Forrest, Assistant-Quartermaster-
General; MSS. British Archives. Lambert’s Report, Jan. 10, 1815;
James, ii. 543.
[554] Life of Codrington, i. 336.
[555] Lambert’s Report of Jan. 10, 1815; Niles, viii. 177.
[556] James, ii. 373.
[557] Lambert’s Report; Niles, viii. 177.
[558] Niles, viii. 180.
[559] Jackson to Adair, July 23, 1817.
[560] Latour, pp. 147–152.
[561] Patterson’s Report of Jan. 13, 1815; Latour, Appendix, p.
ix.
[562] Journal of Major Forrest, Assistant-Quartermaster-
General; MSS. British Archives.
[563] Latour, p. 154.
[564] Lambert’s Report of Jan. 10, 1815; Latour, Appendix, p.
cxlix.
[565] Latour’s Plan.
[566] Return of Casualties; James, ii. 554.
[567] James, ii. 373.
[568] Latour’s Plan.
[569] Letter of Jan. 13, 1815; Niles, vii. 389.
[570] Thornton’s Report of Jan. 8, 1815; James, ii. 547.
[571] Letters of General Adair and General Jackson, 1817.
[572] Latour, p. 175.
[573] James, ii. 373.
 [574] James, ii. 382.
[575] Report of General Lambert, Jan. 28, 1815; James, ii. 565.
[576] James, ii. 179.
[577] Jackson to the Secretary of War, Jan. 13, 1815; Niles, vii.
374.
[578] Latour, p. 185.
[579] Lambert’s Report of Jan. 28, 1815; Latour, Appendix, p.
clxvi.
[580] Report of Feb. 14, 1815; Latour, Appendix, p. clxxii.
[581] Notices, ii. 176.
[582] Jackson’s Report of Feb. 24, 1815; Latour, Appendix, p.
xcvii.

Transcriber’s Notes:

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