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 Bernard Shaw
and His
Contemporaries

BERNARD SHAW AND

MODERN ADVERTISING
PROPHET MOTIVES

Christopher Wixson
Bernard Shaw and His Contemporaries

Series Editors
Nelson O’Ceallaigh Ritschel
Massachusetts Maritime Academy
Pocasset, MA, USA

Peter Gahan
Independent Scholar
Los Angeles, CA, USA
The series Bernard Shaw and His Contemporaries presents the best and
most up-to-date research on Shaw and his contemporaries in a diverse
range of cultural contexts. Volumes in the series will further the academic
understanding of Bernard Shaw and those who worked with him, or in
reaction against him, during his long career from the 1880s to 1950 as
a leading writer in Britain and Ireland, and with a wide European and
American following.
Shaw defined the modern literary theatre in the wake of Ibsen as a
vehicle for social change, while authoring a dramatic canon to rival
Shakespeare’s. His careers as critic, essayist, playwright, journalist, lec-
turer, socialist, feminist, and pamphleteer, both helped to shape the
modern world as well as pointed the way towards modernism. No one
engaged with his contemporaries more than Shaw, whether as contro-
versialist, or in his support of other, often younger writers. In many
respects, therefore, the series as it develops will offer a survey of the rise
of the modern at the beginning of the twentieth century and the subse-
quent varied cultural movements covered by the term modernism that
arose in the wake of World War 1.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14785
 Christopher Wixson

Bernard Shaw and

Modern Advertising
Prophet Motives
Christopher Wixson
Eastern Illinois University
Charleston, IL, USA

Bernard Shaw and His Contemporaries

ISBN 978-3-319-78627-8 ISBN 978-3-319-78628-5 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78628-5

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018941875

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction
on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published
maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: Lebrecht Music and Arts Photo Library/Alamy Stock Photo

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer

International Publishing AG part of Springer Nature
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Acknowledgements

Every monograph is fundamentally a collaborative venture, and I am

humbled by the network of benevolent individuals that animated this
one and sustained its author intellectually, emotionally, and creatively at
various moments throughout the process.
I am incredibly beholden to series editors Peter Gahan and Nelson
O’Ceallaigh Ritschel, for their kindness, enthusiasm, and deep reposi-
tory of Shavian knowledge. I am also sincerely appreciative of all of the
fine editorial work done by Tomas René and Vicky Bates at Palgrave
MacMillan on behalf of this project. Special thanks too to Debra Rae
Cohen, R. Darren Gobert, and three anonymous reviewers whose crit-
ical feedback was perceptive and insightful. A section of Chapter 1
and Chapter 2 first appeared as “Looking After the Drainage: Health,
Marketing, and the Turkish Bath in Bernard Shaw’s Misalliance” in
Modern Drama (60:1). That material is reprinted with permission from
University of Toronto Press, with thanks to Meaghan Lloyd for her help
securing it.
I also wish to thank Dr. John Boneham, Jane McGuinness, and Sue
Waterhouse (British Library), Eve Read (History of Advertising Trust),
Joshua Rowley and Pete Moore (Hartman Center, Duke University),
Sarah Johnson (Eastern Illinois University), the Council on Faculty
Research (Eastern Illinois University), and the librarians at Eastern
Illinois University and the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
who all provided invaluable research assistance during the process.

v
vi    Acknowledgements

Warm gratitude is due to fellow members of the International Shaw

Society, whose support and guidance have been exceptional along the
way, especially Jennifer Buckley, Leonard Conolly, Richard Dietrich,
Ellen Dolgin, Brad Kent, Gustavo A. Rodríguez Martín, Michael
O’Hara, Michel Pharand, Sally Peters, Lawrence Switzky, Jay Tunney,
and Matthew Yde, all of whom I admire as scholars and as people.
I also want to recognize colleagues at Eastern Illinois University and
its environs whose commitment to research and creative activity has been
nourishing and inspirational: Melissa Ames, Melissa Caldwell, Kevin
Doolen, Christopher Gadomski, Anne Thibault Geen, Frank Monier,
Robin Murray, Linda Peete, Christina Peter, Dana Ringuette, Nick Shaw,
Anita Shelton, Jad Smith, Leslie Sweet-Myrick, Tim Taylor, and Angela
Vietto.
A quarter-century ago, Austin Briggs introduced me to Shaw with
Heartbreak House and modeled gracefully and passionately how to be
a teacher-scholar. For decades, the Shaw Festival directors Tadeusz
Bradecki, Jackie Maxwell, Neil Munro, and Christopher Newton, along
with their superb design teams and companies of actors, profoundly
deepened my understanding of the stage life of Shaw’s brilliant and com-
plex plays.
My mother, Donna Wixson, first cultivated in me the habit of theat-
ergoing and thus engendered what have become lifelong personal and
professional conversations with plays, playwrights, and theater practi-
tioners. During the process of writing, advice and encouragement from
my father, Neal Wixson, were thoughtful and impactful, as was the vital-
ity drawn from a community of family members: Lindsey Wixson, Lois
Worthington, Roland Worthington, and Valerie Worthington.
I am ineffably indebted to Marjorie for her love and support; her com-
mitment to the mission of the academy is remarkable and galvanizing.
Finally, I wish to thank especially Maisie and Charlie Wixson who as
toddlers reaffirmed for me the importance of sustained, undaunted curi-
osity and risk-taking in play and now in their middle childhood make me
grateful, happy, and proud to be engaged in meaningful, lifelong conver-
sations with them.
 Contents

1 Introduction: “Press as Corrected, G.B.S.” 1

2 Prescription and Petrifaction: Proprietary Medicine,

Health Marketing, and Misalliance 31

3 “The Shadow of Disrepute”: G.B.S. and Testimonial

Marketing 59

4 “The Biggest Scoop in Advertising History”: Personality

Marketing, G.B.S., and the Near-Testimonial 93

5 “Those Magic Initials, G.B.S.”: Copywriting for the

Irish Clipper 133

Bibliography 163

Index 177

vii
 List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Turkish bath advertisement, The Windsor Magazine 35:204

(December 1911), p. xviii 4
Fig. 3.1 Formamint advertisement, from Collier’s Magazine
(5 December 1914), p. 26 74
Fig. 3.2 Formamint advertisement, digital collections at the New York
Public Library 75
Fig. 4.1 Cartoon, Advertiser’s Weekly (March 15, 1929), p. 441 104
Fig. 4.2 Simmons advertisement, Time 13:18 (May 6, 1929), p. 29 120
Fig. 5.1 Irish Clipper advertisement, The New Yorker (July 17, 1948) 140
Fig. 5.2 Irish Clipper advertisement, The Saturday Review (July 17,
1948), p. 6 141
Fig. 5.3 Irish Clipper travel poster, ca. 1940s 151

ix
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction:
“Press as Corrected, G.B.S.”

Should you set out to extol or to advertise Bernard Shaw,

you know that this has already been done with incomparable
energy and talent, and that it has been done by one who knows.1
—John Palmer

In its November 18, 1950 issue, The New Yorker reported that Scribner’s
bookstore, the day after Bernard Shaw’s death, “threw together a win-
dow display made up of a number of his works and a sign reading, ‘G.B.S.
1846–1950.’” The short article went on to recount how “Scribner’s Shaw
remained a hundred and four years old until the next day, when the year
of his birth was moved up to 1856. It was Scribner’s that was born in
1846.”2 The bookseller’s mistake actually produced an ideal piece of mar-
keting in which the writer (Shaw) is obscured by the client (Scribner’s) and
the brand (“G.B.S.”). It also creates two competing pictures of Shaw—an
author transfigured into a commodity by marketing over which he had lit-
tle control and a copywriter who expertly deployed self-­advertising to mar-
ket his work and a larger political, ethical, and aesthetic vision.
Raymond Williams maintains that “the half-century between 1880
and 1930 [saw] the full development of an organized system of com-
mercial information and persuasion, as part of the modern distribu-
tive system in conditions of large-scale capitalism.”3 For Roy Church,
this apogee had its roots in “the late seventeenth century when, to

© The Author(s) 2018 1

C. Wixson, Bernard Shaw and Modern Advertising,
Bernard Shaw and His Contemporaries,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78628-5_1
2 C. WIXSON

strengthen sales appeal, rhetoric was added to information in the form

of announcement concerning the availability of goods,” coextensive
“with the appearance of newspapers which proliferated during the eight-
eenth-century in London and also in the provinces.”4 Most accounts
of the advent of modern British advertising identify the abolition of
the advertisement tax (1853) and the newspaper stamp (1855) as the
impetus for its proliferate growth, contemporaneous to the swell of
commodity culture. In Advertising in Britain: A History, T. R. Nevett
additionally attributes the expanding circulation growth of magazines
and newspapers (hence advertising) to a decrease in prices, an increase
in wages, and advancements in transportation and mass production.5
Indeed, “the publishing trade was one of the most highly industrialized
sectors of British manufacturing [and,] using modern systems of produc-
tion, communication, and distribution, publishers created a mass pub-
lic for their products” and a showcase for those of their advertisers.6 If
this network initially sought to promote goods and services, it evolved
quickly to focus on the registering of brands on the public conscious-
ness in order “to build long-term reputation … [and] guarantees [of]
the consistent quality of the branded product.”7 An enormous uptick in
the amount and visibility of press advertising and agencies occurred in
Britain in the middle of the nineteenth century, and Shaw was born into
“a widespread culture of brand advertising in Ireland”: “From the period
of the Famine onwards … the Irish press, from north to south, and from
supposedly non-partisan and widely distributed freesheets to paid-for
newspapers of various political hues, was inextricably wedded to adver-
tising.”8 He would observe in the 1890s that, “in the present century
of universal progress, no art, perhaps, has attained to such subtly-varied
developments, as that of advertising.”9
Concurrent with the rise of modern advertising, Shaw’s prolific cam-
paign to create and sustain his “G.B.S.” persona in the public conscious-
ness endured for more than seventy years. As Brad Kent has argued, the
“self-fashioning and creation of a public personality was an integral ele-
ment of literary culture in the modern period,”10 and, beginning in the
1880s, Shaw skillfully brokered print appearances by “G.B.S.” in news-
papers and periodicals to enhance the visibility of his literary writing and
dovetail with his Fabian interests in getting important ideas into pub-
lic discourse for debate. Although he wrote to Otto Kyllman in 1903
of an intention to “give [his] mind to the whole business of advertising
one of these days,” Shaw indeed was already and always a consummate
 1 INTRODUCTION: “PRESS AS CORRECTED, G.B.S.” 3

salesman.11 As shrewdly as he could imitate professional marketing strat-

egies, though, Scribner’s shop window is indicative of how “G.B.S.”
could be a marketing tool for other hands besides his own. Alice
McEwan has observed that the brand he created “was so successful that
it was co-opted by the marketplace, assuming its role within a myriad of
advertising gimmicks and promotional strategies in mass culture,” even-
tually surpassing its creator.12
Advertising’s double-edge for Shaw is pointedly displayed in his 1910
play Misalliance by the characters of Gunner and Lina Szczepanowska.
Arriving in the play to exact revenge on Tarleton, Gunner musters no
resistance to the lure of commodity upon entering the Tarleton house-
hold when he is suddenly and mysteriously arrested by the sight of the
unwrapped Turkish bath unit, one of the most widely recognized and
advertised home-cure contraptions: “his attention is caught by the
Turkish bath. He looks down the lunette, and opens the panels.”13 His
preoccupation is disrupted by the arrival of Hypatia and Joey, and he
quickly takes refuge inside the bath. As the lovers banter, Shaw writes
that “the head of the scandalized man in the Turkish bath has repeatedly
risen from the lunette, with a strong expression of moral shock.”14 The
humor of Gunner’s head popping up through the bath is not derived
solely from the farce of unexpected and undesired eavesdropping. E. S.
Turner reminds that “hardly any magazine or store’s catalogue of the
’eighties and ’nineties was without an illustration of one of these domes-
tic sweat-boxes, with the patient’s head protruding from the top.”15
Original audiences would surely and immediately have recalled the ubiq-
uitous image of the disembodied head atop the Turkish bath contrap-
tion from decades of periodical advertisements (see Fig. 1.1). The man
depicted is wholly absorbed by commerce, his individual agency fully
co-opted by the marketplace.
A more empowering relationship to advertising is illustrated by
another unexpected visitor to the Tarleton home, Polish acrobat Lina
Szczepanowska who, with her speeches and demonstrations, proves to be
a master copywriter, styling herself like a patent medicine that sells an
entire lifestyle, a vision of robust health and well-being. As such, Lina
is an incarnation of the figure Shaw promoted throughout his life, ani-
mated solely by individual will but operating under the auspices of “a
dynamic ever-moving biological Life Force.”16 Like Lina, Shaw was
his own copywriter marketing salubrious Shavian physical, mental, and
spiritual fitness via “G.B.S.” Throughout his life, Shaw endeavored to
4 C. WIXSON

Fig. 1.1 Turkish bath advertisement, The Windsor Magazine 35:204

(December 1911), p. xviii
 1 INTRODUCTION: “PRESS AS CORRECTED, G.B.S.” 5

harness marketing successfully as a vehicle towards individual and collec-

tive advancement and to fend off as much as possible being harnessed
like Gunner into a mere hoarding, complicit with oppressive economic
forces. His eventual forays into commercial campaigns were always
fraught with anxious negotiation to retain integrity apart from client and
product.
Advertising’s double-edged potential informs Shaw’s understand-
ing of the word itself and governs his usage of it in his literary work.
Actually, the meanings gathered during the etymological journey of
the word “advertising” seem themselves very Shavian indeed, begin-
ning with a provocative amalgam of promulgation and admonishment.
Derived from Old French, “advertising” initially meant to “give notice
of (something)” or “to make generally known,” often as a formal and
sincere warning. It referred to the action of both taking and giving note,
announcing information for consideration and the heeding of counsel.
This sense certainly endured, as newspapers even into the modern period
retained the title of “advertiser.” Surprisingly, it is another great play-
wright (William Shakespeare in Much Ado About Nothing) who provides
the earliest recorded usage of the word to mean “calling public atten-
tion to.” By the early eighteenth century and the advent of print media,
“advertisement” gains further texture as publicity transfigures to promo-
tion, announcement to a means of selling services or commodities, arriv-
ing closer to our contemporary definition. At that point, in practice, the
word thus embarked upon what Shaw calls its “adventures in Capitalism
in pursuit of profits.”17
The word “advertising” and its variants appear more than forty times
in Shaw’s plays and prefaces, and, while its usage threads his entire play-
writing career, there is a clear concentration during its first half, up to
the First World War. The word’s journey through his writing follows an
evolution in which connotative and denotative meanings accrue, and his
choices of when to use it provide a clue as to Shaw’s developing under-
standings of the concept. Among the novels, the word only appears in
Cashel Byron’s Profession, Love among the Artists, and The Irrational
Knot, all written in the early 1880s. In four of six instances, the word is
used to denote benign newspaper publicity for artistic endeavors (theater
productions, novel publication). The other two refer to solicitation
notices, in one case for a “comfortable husband [that] need not be hand-
some, as the lady is short sighted.” When he turns to playwriting in the
6 C. WIXSON

1890s, “advertising” begins to appear more frequently and with an edge.

The meaning of the word expands beyond simply informational notices
to include rhetorical craft on the part of their creators. In act three of
Widowers’ Houses, for instance, Lickcheese reveals that Cokane helps him
by infusing a “literary style” into the former’s “letters and draft prospec-
tuses and advertisements.”18 In Getting Married, Mrs. George indicates
to Hotchkiss that “Mr. Collins was looking out for a clever young man
[like him] to write advertisements.”19 That cleverness in turn intends to
exert an effect on readers, as, at the beginning of act two of You Never
Can Tell, Finch McComas is described as having “exhausted all the news
in his papers and is at present reduced to the advertisements, which are
not sufficiently succulent to induce him to persevere with them.”20
There is always an agenda of course behind the manufactured suc-
culence, and Shaw’s continued use of the word indicates that for him
“advertising” denotes a staging of authority. The most vulgar exam-
ple occurs in a set description for the public marketplace in The Devil’s
Disciple:

The gallows which hangs there permanently for the terror of evildoers,
with such minor advertizers and examples of crime as the pillory, the whip-
ping post, and the stocks, has a new rope attached, with the noose hitched
up to one of the uprights, out of reach of the boys.21

The various punishment apparati are both symbols of state power as well
as criminal in and of themselves, all threatening the individual’s autonomy.
With that meaning, “advertising” provides Shaw with a vocabulary for var-
ious critiques. Vivie, in act four of Mrs. Warren’s Profession, uses it when
she confronts her mother, designating the difference between them:

I know very well that fashionable morality is all a pretence, and that if I
took your money and devoted the rest of my life to spending it fashion-
ably, I might be as worthless and vicious as the silliest woman could pos-
sibly be without having a word said to me about it. But I don’t want to
be worthless. I shouldn’t enjoy trotting about the park to advertize my
dressmaker and carriage builder, or being bored at the opera to shew off a
shopwindowful of diamonds.22

Similarly, Shaw describes Hector Malone’s father in Man and Superman

as “not having the stamp of the class which accepts as its life-mission
the advertising and maintenance of first rate tailoring and millinery.”23
 1 INTRODUCTION: “PRESS AS CORRECTED, G.B.S.” 7

Both instances loudly evoke Shaw’s famous critique of a theater cor-

rupted by commercial forces, producing plays consisting of “a tailor’s
advertisement making sentimental remarks to a milliner’s advertisement
in the middle of an upholsterer’s and decorator’s advertisement.”24 The
enslavement of consumers to marketed taste to such an extent that they
become advertisement pops up in Misalliance not only in Gunner’s ref-
uge inside the Turkish bath but also extends into environment, as Mrs.
Tarleton is embarrassed to discover that her punchbowl is deemed tacky
since “the shopman [told her] it was in the best taste.”25 Similarly, in
Candida, the furniture of Morell House, “in its ornamental aspect,
betrays the style of the advertised ‘drawing-room suite’ of the pushing
suburban furniture dealer.”26 Based upon this grouping of the word’s
appearances, advertising poses a particular danger to the critical auton-
omy of the individual.
For Shaw, the term grew to become shorthand for publicity for any
dishonest enterprise in the service of unrepentant commercialism. He
wrote to William Faversham in 1917 that he “always steadily set [his]
face against the particular form of advertisement – for it is nothing else
– which poses as philanthropy.”27 When Adolphus Cusins reveals in
Major Barbara that Undershaft gave his Salvation Army donation anon-
ymously, Charles Lomax is surprised and impressed that he wouldn’t
want the credit since “most chaps would have wanted the advertise-
ment.”28 In the same way, while he disapproves of his father’s “public
work” because it “takes his mind off the main chance,” Johnny Tarleton
admits in Misalliance “it has its value as an advertisement [that] makes
useful acquaintances and leads to valuable business connections.”29 Julius
Sagamore, in The Millionairess, hastily rebuffs Epifania’s characterization
of him as “the worthless nephew of the late solicitor Pontifex Sagamore,”
retorting that, in taking over his uncle’s practice, he does not “advertise
himself as worthless.”30 Even Stegna, the pianist in “The Music-Cure,” is
thrilled at the prospective publicity when the distraught Reginald threat-
ens to commit suicide in her studio, saying “Do! What an advertisement!
It will be really kind of you.”31 In the marketplace, those who don’t excel
at advertising perish by it. In the preface to Pygmalion, for instance, Shaw
bemoans that a failure to effectively market dooms Henry Sweet’s supe-
rior system of Shorthand: “the triumph of [the popular Pitman system]
was a triumph of business organization,” and Sweet “could not organize
his market in that fashion [with] his four and six-penny manual, mostly in
his lithographed handwriting, that was never vulgarly advertised.”32
8 C. WIXSON

The word also comes up frequently when Shaw writes about what
he refers to as “propagandists of the Cross,” including those convinced
the Christian apocalypse is at hand who produced “warning pamphlets
… in constant circulation” and “advertisements … in the papers.”33
When discussing the staging practices of the Salvation Army in the
preface to Major Barbara, Shaw advises that, “when you advertise a
converted burglar or reclaimed drunkard as one of the attractions at
an experience meeting, your burglar can hardly have been too bur-
glarious or your drunkard too drunken.”34 Similarly, in the preface to
Androcles and the Lion, he contrasts the altruistic miracles of Jesus with
those vindictively and judgmentally wielded by the apostles, animated
in his view by a “spirit of pure display and advertisement.”35 He goes
on to critique the absurd “notion that [Christ] was shedding his blood
in order that every petty cheat and adulterator and libertine might
wallow in it and come out whiter than snow: ‘I come as an infallible
patent medicine for bad consciences’ is not one of the sayings in the
gospels.”36 The language of marketing enables Shaw to articulate how
the commodification of the religion’s organizing figure is a self-serving
misrepresentation.
For Shaw, the term gradually accrued an association with dishon-
esty, and advertising was just part of a larger system rife with hypocrisy
and deception, an outrage to which he would return countless times
throughout his career. For instance, in an 1889 lecture, he condemns
commercial demagoguery as another by-product of capitalism:

In the matter of advertizing, [Private Enterprise] is exempt from all moral

obligations: the most respectable newspapers give up the greater part of
their space every day to statements which every well-instructed person
knows to be false, and dangerously false, since they lead people to trust
to imaginary cures in serious illnesses, and to ride bicycles through greasy
mud in heavy traffic on tires advertized as “non-slipping”: in short, to
purchase all sorts of articles and invest in all sorts of enterprises on the
strength of shameless lies.37

Similarly, The Revolutionist’s Handbook (1903) notes that “straightfor-

ward public lying has reached gigantic developments, there being noth-
ing to choose in this respect between the pickpocket at the police station
and the minister on the treasury bench, the editor in the newspaper
office, the city magnate advertising bicycle tires that do not side-slip, the
 1 INTRODUCTION: “PRESS AS CORRECTED, G.B.S.” 9

clergyman subscribing the 39 articles, and the vivisector who pledges his
knightly honor that no animal operated on in the physiological labora-
tory suffers the slightest pain.”38
In Everybody’s Political What’s What (1944), Shaw charges that
“advertising enjoys impunity also for lying on matters of fact, with the
object of obtaining money on false pretenses. This, the most obviously
outrageous of such claims, is the one that is completely conceded; for
though prosecutions for seditious, blasphemous, and obscene libel occur
often enough to keep their possibility alive and dreaded, prosecutions for
obtaining money by lying advertisements are unheard of today.”39
Of course, advertising is not only a deceitful business in and of itself
but is insinuated into the larger system of capitalist exploitation. The
playwright was quite right that the practice was deeply rooted within
the economy. In Britain, “estimates of expenditure in the interwar years
vary considerably, but the lowest figure, for direct advertising in a single
year, is £85,000,000 and the highest £200,000,000. Newspapers derived
half their income from advertising, and almost every industry and ser-
vice, outside the old professions, advertised extensively.”40 For Raymond
Williams, advertising is “the official art of modern capitalist society.”41
Corporate entities routinely unleash a marketing tidal wave against the
gullible consumer, an act which for Shaw connects to his vision of how
capitalism poisons the collective. In an extended example from The
Intelligent Woman’s Guide to Socialism and Capitalism (1928), Shaw dis-
cusses the final phase of a distillery established by private capitalists:

They will spend enormous sums of money in advertisements to persuade

the public that their whiskey is better and healthier and older and more
famous than the whiskey made in other distilleries, and that everybody
ought to drink whiskey every day as a matter of course. As none of these
statements is true, the printing of them is, from the point of view of the
nation, a waste of wealth, a perversion of labor, and a propaganda of perni-
cious humbug.42

In the postscript to How He Lied to Her Husband, Shaw reports with

some glee that “a leading New York newspaper, which was among
the most abusively clamorous for the suppression of Mrs Warren’s
Profession, has just been fined heavily for deriving part of its revenue
from advertisements of Mrs Warren’s houses,” illustrating for him the
tentacles of the prostitution industry:
10 C. WIXSON

the profits of Mrs Warren’s profession are shared not only by Mrs Warren
and Sir George Crofts but by the landlords of their houses, the newspapers
which advertise them … in short all the trades to which they are good cus-
tomers, not to mention the public officials and representatives whom they
silence by complicity, corruption, or blackmail.43

Shaw expands his vision to conceptualize everyone living under capital-

ism as forced into prostitution, with advertising indicted as part of its
mechanics; in The Intelligent Woman’s Guide, Shaw provides a “few
examples of the male prostitutions … which are daily imposed on men
by Capitalism”:

the writer and publisher of lying advertisements which pretend to prove

the worse the better article, the shopman who sells it by assuring the cus-
tomer that it is the best, the agents of drugging and drink, the clerk mak-
ing out dishonest accounts, the adulterator and giver of short weight, the
journalist writing for Socialist papers when he is a convinced Liberal, or for
Tory papers when he is an Anarchist, the professional politician working
for his party right or wrong, the doctor paying useless visits and prescrib-
ing bogus medicines to hypochondriacs[,] … the solicitor using the law as
an instrument for the oppression of the poor by the rich, the mercenary
soldier fighting for a country which he regards as the worst enemy of his
own, and the citizens of all classes who have to be obsequious to the rich
and insolent to the poor.44

In similar terms, Shaw pitched his battle with the censor over Mrs.
Warren’s Profession as one between “the author, the managers, and the
performers, who depend for their livelihood on their personal reputa-
tions” and the “prohibitionists” who live on “rents, advertisements,
or dividends.”45 He refused to make his play “a standing advertise-
ment of the attractive side of Mrs. Warren’s business,” bowing to
pressure from the “White Slave traffickers” that “are in complete con-
trol of our picture theatres [and] reserve them for advertisements of
their own trade.”46
Nowhere was the insidiousness and dangerous collusion of marketing
and industry more pronounced for Shaw than in the field of proprietary
medicine. He repeatedly lamented that one tragic effect of income ine-
quality is that “beauty and health become the dreams of artists and the
advertisements of quacks instead of the normal conditions of life,”47 and
there is no shortage of material by Shaw about this particular mode of
 1 INTRODUCTION: “PRESS AS CORRECTED, G.B.S.” 11

advertising within his writings on the patent cure phenomenon. Medical

practitioners in The Doctor’s Dilemma (1906), for instance, bemoan the
profusion of product promotion. Blenkinsop wonders, “what are [the
medical papers] after all but trade papers, full of advertisements?” while
B. B. exclaims, “Look at the papers! full of scandalous advertisements
of patent medicines!”48 Perhaps reminiscent of Tarleton’s underwear
promotion in Misalliance, Knox the shopkeeper, in Fanny’s First Play
(1911), disapproves of “those hygienic corset advertisements that Vines
& Jackson want us to put in the window” because they “werent decent
and we couldnt shew them in our shop.”49
In 1932, Shaw wrote that “the [obtrusive and ubiquitous] advertise-
ments of quacks and their remedies, and of proprietary medicines, are
flaunting everywhere, and must achieve a considerable amount of man-
slaughter every year: indeed, some public restraint on these is probably
inevitable in the near future.”50 Fifteen years later, his views still had not
changed or conditions improved so, in the preface to Farfetched Fables,
he advocates the creation of a Ministry of Statistics, to correct the “sta-
tistical pretensions [of] lying advertisements of panaceas, prophylac-
tics, elixirs, immunizers, vaccines, antitoxins, vitamins, and professedly
hygienic foods.”51 He had sounded the alarm four decades earlier in the
preface to The Doctor’s Dilemma against this practice in which

even trained statisticians often fail to appreciate the extent to which statis-
tics are vitiated by the unrecorded assumptions of their interpreters. Their
attention is too much occupied with the cruder tricks of those who make a
corrupt use of statistics for advertising purposes.52

The Ministry, according to Shaw, would need to be

lavishly financed … as there is an enormous trade in such wares at present

[because] popular demand for miracles and deities has been transferred to
“marvels of science” and doctors, by dupes who think they are emanci-
pating themselves from what in their abysmal ignorance they call medie-
val barbarism when they are in fact exalting every laboratory vivisector and
quack immunizer.

He calls for this “public department [to be] manned not be chemists
analyzing the advertised wares and determining their therapeutical value,
but by mathematicians.”
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
from another district, and not disgrace that which sent him. (Hisses
and applause.) When he—Mr. Kelly—remembered the causes of the
division of the Democracy in 1848, he thought that the ‘isms’ and
those causes of division were to be forever buried in oblivion. But
they come here again. Shall it be said that the Democratic party of
New York shall not sustain a Democratic administration? If so, let it
go forth that the administration portion of the Democratic party of
New York has refused to endorse and sustain it. He trusted the
Convention would consider these matters well, and see what they
were going to do. They were going to divide the party and dissever it,
never to be brought together again in its present strength. They were
going to give the power to the proscriptive Know-Nothing party,
which would bring the country to ruin and desolation. Let them
consider the matter well, and ask their consciences whether they
could do such a thing as this. He, for one, would vote for the
resolutions endorsing the administration, and if it were necessary to
endorse the Kansas and Nebraska bill, he would vote for such
resolution, too, and he was sure that the majority of the New York
delegation would do so.”
General Nye: “It is not on the issue of the Kansas-Nebraska bill
that the Democratic party of New York can hope to triumph, nor on it
that my friend from New York city, Mr. John Kelly, can expect to be
sent to Congress in 1856.”
Mr. Kelly: “On that issue alone I was elected.”
General Nye: “It so happens, however, that the opposing
candidate voted for the bill, and you could not have much advantage
over him there. (Laughter.) Besides, the very district which my friend
Mr. Van Buren is said to misrepresent—the Thirteenth—elected John
Wheeler, who voted against the bill.”
Mr. Kelly: “Will you also state that John Wheeler was elected by
the Know-Nothing party?”
General Nye: “No: I know nothing of that party. (Laughter.) I wish
this Convention to treat the subject in a manly way. If you do, I do not
believe Mr. Kelly will withdraw from the Convention; but even if he
does, better he should go than that the hosts that I see around me
should do so.”
Mr. Ward Hunt, of Oneida, made a violent Free soil speech, in the
course of which he said:
“Another gentleman from the city of New York, a member of
Congress elect (Mr. John Kelly), threatened to walk out of the
Convention, if it happened to adopt a course not in accordance with
his views. He would only say that if that gentleman did walk out, his
blessing would go with him, and the delegation of the city of New
York might go with him, too.”
Mr. O’Keefe: “Except Van Buren.” (Laughter.)
Mr. Hunt: “Well, I am glad to see that there is one good man left in
the city of New York.”
Mr. Van Buren: “I will not give notice, like my friend from the
Fourteenth Ward, Mr. Kelly, that if the procedure of the Convention
should not please me I would bolt. Perhaps if I did, the Convention
on that very account would persist in adopting such measures.”
(Laughter.)
The repeated references by the leading opposition members of the
Convention to Mr. Kelly’s notice of his determination to retire, if the
Seward wing of the party persisted in its factious course, and the
concessions which followed, showed that the blow had been sent
home. The one strong man had been found to arrest the progress of
disunion, and to aid materially in staving off in 1856, the calamity
which finally overtook the country in 1860.
Had New York entered the Democratic National Convention of
1856, distracted by intestine feuds, as was the case in 1848, the
election of the Republican candidate for President, John C. Fremont,
probably would have followed, together with the dreadful appeal to
arms which shook the continent four years later. The State ticket
placed in the field by the Soft Shell Convention of 1855, was not
successful at the polls. The State was carried by the Know-Nothings
by decisive majorities. Samuel J. Tilden was the candidate on the
Soft Shell ticket of that year for Attorney General. A short time before
the election Mr. Tilden received the following letter from Josiah
Sutherland, nominee for the same office on the State ticket of the
other wing of the party:

New York City, Friday, Oct. 12, 1855.

Samuel J. Tilden, Esq.,
My Dear Sir:—I was nominated for the office of Attorney General
of this State, by that portion of the Democratic party of the State called
the Hards; you were subsequently nominated for the same office by
that portion or section of the Democratic party of the State called the
Softs. I look upon the resolutions passed and published by the
Convention which put me in nomination (a copy of which I herewith
enclose) as truly, emphatically and unequivocally expressing great
principles of the National Democracy and of the Constitution. The third
resolution, as you will observe, firmly enunciates the great Democratic
principle, “That it should be left to the people of the States to
determine for themselves all local questions, including the subject of
slavery;” it expresses also “an unqualified adherence to the Kansas-
Nebraska Bill,” and a firm opposition to “any effort to re-establish the
Missouri prohibition.”
I approve of these resolutions and have endorsed them, and do
now endorse them in letter and spirit. Do you look upon these
resolutions as truly and faithfully expressing principles of the National
Democracy and of the Constitution? Are you in favor of the Kansas-
Nebraska Bill, and of the great principle of the exclusive constitutional
right and liberty of the people of the Territories on the subject of
slavery, thereby affirmed?
Do you believe that in the organization of future Territories
Congress will have no right or power, under the Constitution as it now
is, to prevent the inception, existence or continuance of slavery in
such Territories as a domestic or Territorial institution; that the
question and subject of slavery as a domestic or Territorial institution,
in the absence of any express provision or clause of the Constitution
giving such right and power to Congress, will and must of necessity
belong exclusively to the people of such Territories—of natural, if not
of constitutional right; and that the only constitutional and legitimate
way in which a citizen of Massachusetts or of New York can interfere
with or act upon that question, is by exercising his undoubted right to
move to the territory where the question is pending, and to become a
citizen or resident thereof?
Are you opposed to the political, verbal “Black Republican” fanatics
and demagogues of the North, who, using words for things, oppose
this great principle, and call for a restoration of the “Missouri
Compromise line?” Are you opposed to the State ticket lately put in
nomination in this State, headed by Preston King, and to the declared
principles and grounds upon which that ticket was nominated?
The opinions, propositions, or principles which would be implied in
the affirmative answers to the foregoing questions appear to me to be
plainly expressed, or necessarily implied in the resolutions of the
Convention which put me in nomination, and of which you herewith
receive a copy.
Please answer these questions by letter at the earliest possible day;
for if you answer them in the affirmative, I shall take great pleasure in
immediately laying your letter before the State Committee of the party
which put me in nomination, and shall at the same time inform that
Committee that I decline any longer to be considered a candidate. I
will not stand in the way of a union of the Democratic party of this
State upon principle. The Constitution and the Union now need the
united force of the Democratic party of this State for their protection.
With the most sincere desire to promote such a union of that party,
and with high regard for yourself personally, I have the honor to be,
Your obedient servant,
Josiah Sutherland.

MR. TILDEN’S REPLY.

New York, Thursday, Oct. 18, 1855.
Dear Sir:—I have received your letter, offering, on certain
conditions, to send your declension to the State Committee of the
party by which you were nominated, with my letter of compliance, and
to open to me the opportunity of running before that Committee for
their nomination in the vacancy.
I think that, on reflection, you will see that it is impossible for me to
entertain any negotiation, or discuss any conditions, for a fusion of a
part of the two State tickets, as proposed by you, or of the entire
ticket, as proposed in other quarters. Still less can I initiate such an
arrangement for my individual advantage, irrespective of the other
 gentlemen nominated on the ticket with me, and which, even if not
intended for that purpose, may result in a call for some of them to
reciprocate your withdrawal. Discussions as to the feasibility, propriety
or terms of any union of the two tickets belong not to me, but to the
party which nominated me, or its authorized representatives. The only
countenance I could, in any event, give to the suggestion would be in
retiring myself, and not in being made instrumental in, or even a party
to, causing others to do so. Those who have done me the honor to
make me their candidate know that no delicacy toward me need
restrain them from anything of this nature which they think it advisable
to do. Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Hon. J. Sutherland.[20] S. J. Tilden.

It will be observed that Mr. Tilden made no answer to Judge

Sutherland’s inquiries on the vexed question of slavery in the
territories. Mr. Tilden was one of the Free soil bolters at the Baltimore
Convention of 1848, and supported Van Buren and Adams in the
Presidential contest of that year. His views on the subject of Slavery
in the Territories, which he did not disclose in this correspondence,
were frankly stated five years later in his letter of October 26, 1860,
to Judge William Kent. “I never held any opinion,” said Mr. Tilden in
the Kent letter, “which could justify either the policy or the
organization of the Republican party. If I had done so I should not
hesitate to frankly renounce so grave an error. * * * But, in truth, I
never adopted the doctrine of absolute and universal exclusion, by
federal legislation, of slavery from all territories, and still less that of
the exclusion of new slave States, or the philosophical theories on
which the doctrines are founded.”
Mr. Kelly’s energetic protests in the Soft Shell Convention of 1855
bore ample fruit in the Convention of the same party held at
Syracuse January 10, 1856. The delegates chosen to represent the
Softs at Cincinnati were headed by Horatio Seymour, and were
National Democrats of conservative convictions and feelings. Mr.
Kelly was a delegate from the Fourth Congressional District. An able
and elaborate address, written by Nicholas Hill, Jr., was adopted by
the Convention, and was replete with sound Democratic doctrine of
the broadest national character. Not a word of Free soilism appeared
in it. The resolutions were of the same conservative kind, and
adverted to the triumph of the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska bill
as shown in the recent elections. The fourth resolution was in these
words:
“Resolved, That the determination of Congress, avowed in the
Kansas-Nebraska bill, to reject from the National councils the subject
of slavery in the Territories, and to leave the people thereof free to
regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the
Constitution of the United States, is one that accords with the
sentiments of the Democracy of this State, and with the traditional
course of legislation by Congress, which under Democratic auspices,
has gradually, in successive Territorial bills, extended the domain of
popular right and limited the range of Congressional action; and that
we believe this disposition of the question will result most auspiciously
to the peace of the Union and the cause of good government.”
Thus the principles advocated by John Kelly were embodied in the
address and resolutions of this Convention, while those which John
Van Buren had urged were entirely rejected. Franklin Pierce was
unfortunate in the selection of his political representative in the State
of New York, at this important juncture. He was an aspirant for
renomination, and his brilliant but unstable counsellor, Prince John,
landed him in a Serbonion bog, and left the coveted prize to James
Buchanan. John Kelly would have proved a safer adviser for the
eloquent and patriotic Pierce. The differences between the two wings
of the New York Democracy, led respectively by Horatio Seymour
and Greene C. Bronson, were harmonized at Cincinnati, and on
motion of Mr. Bayard of Delaware, both were admitted on an equal
footing in the National Convention.
It has been said that William L. Marcy desired John Kelly, in place
of John Van Buren, to be made the mouthpiece of the Administration
in New York at this critical period. But from the day of Pierce’s
election John Van Buren had been assiduous in his attentions to
him. He went early to Concord before the inauguration, and was
closeted with the President elect.[21] He was with him at the White
Sulphur Springs, in Virginia, just before the Syracuse Convention of
1855. Mr. Van Buren was a man of varied and fascinating
accomplishments, and found it an easy task to capture the
President’s heart. Notwithstanding the preference of Mr. Marcy for
John Kelly as administration leader in New York, on Prince John was
bestowed that distinction. William L. Marcy, with the exception of De
Witt Clinton, the greatest Democratic statesman the Empire State
has yet furnished to the country, died at Ballston Spa, New York,
July, 4, 1857.
Mr. Kelly won a national reputation by his brilliant course in the
Syracuse Convention of 1855. His services in the cause of the
Democracy were recognized on all sides before he took his seat in
Congress at the meeting in December of that year. General Cass,
successor of Mr. Marcy in the State Department, introduced and
welcomed his old New York supporter of 1848 into the councils and
friendship of the Administration of Mr. Buchanan. John Kelly entered
the field of Federal politics, as a member of the Thirty-fourth
Congress, under favorable auspices for a successful career.

FOOTNOTES:
[10] Ingersoll’s Hist. Second War between the United States
and Great Britain. Vol. 1, p. 439.
[11] Message of President Madison to Congress, March 9,
1812. Vt. Gov. and C., Vol. V., 478-9. Henry himself for $50,000
revealed the matter to Madison. Ibid. Committee on Foreign
Relations Ho. Rep. June 3, 1812, also arraigns England. Ibid,
499.
[12] January 14, 1811, in the debate in the House of
Representatives upon the erection of the Louisiana purchase into
a State, Josiah Quincy, of Massachusetts, opposed the measure.
“He expressed his deliberate opinion that so flagrant a disregard
of the Constitution would be a virtual dissolution of the bonds of
the Union, freeing the States composing it from their moral
obligation of adhesion to each other, and making it the right of all,
as it would become the duty of some, to prepare definitively for
separation, amicably if they might, forcibly if they must! This
declaration, the first announcement on the floor of Congress of
the doctrine of Secession, produced a call to order from
Poindexter, delegate from the Mississippi Territory.” Hildreth’s
Hist. U. S., Vol. III., p. 226.
[13] Vol. 2, p. 723.
[14] Generative Principle of Political Constitutions, p. 19.
[15] Jefferson’s Complete Works. VII., 159.
[16] Address by Hon. John J. Ingalls at Ossawatomie, Kansas,
August 30, 1877, on the dedication of a monument to John Brown
and his associates.
[17] John Randolph of Roanoke. An Address delivered before
the Literary Societies of Hampden-Sidney College, June 13,
1883, by Daniel B. Lucas, LL.D.
[18] New York Herald August 31, 1855.
[19] “New York Hards and Softs,” p. 70.
[20] New York Hards and Softs, pp. 71-2.
[21] New York Hards and Softs, p. 39.
 CHAPTER V.
KELLY, AS ALDERMAN AND CONGRESSMAN—SKETCH OF MIKE
WALSH—GREAT STRUGGLE FOR SPEAKERSHIP—STORMY
DAYS IN CONGRESS—JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS PLAYS PART
OF CASSANDRA—CULLEN OF DELAWARE TALKS OF
EGGING THE CATHOLICS—KELLY REPLIES—READS
IMPORTANT LETTER OF LAFAYETTE ON PRIESTS WHICH
THE KNOW-NOTHINGS HAD GARBLED—KELLY THE ONLY
CATHOLIC IN THE HOUSE.
Although a political rather than a chronological order has been
observed in the preceding chapters, it is necessary now, for the
preservation of important threads of the narrative, to speak of some
events as they transpired.
John Kelly, then captain of that popular company the Emmet
Guards, was elected Alderman for the Fourteenth Ward at the
election in November, 1853, to serve for two years, beginning
January 1st, 1854. Twenty-five or thirty years ago the people of the
city of New York selected the strongest men in the community to
represent them in the Board of Aldermen. To attain, at that period,
the place of a City Father was an object of ambition with those who
sought an attractive rank among their fellow-citizens, and many men
were elected Aldermen who have since become famous in State and
National politics. The Boards of which Mr. Kelly was a member in
1854-5, were exceptionally able bodies. At his election, November
8th, 1853, the whole number of votes cast for Alderman of the
Fourteenth Ward was 1938, of which John Kelly received 1097;
Thomas Wheelan, 566; and Morris Miller, 275. Mr. Kelly’s majority
over all was 256. He was a member of the Committee on the
Almshouse Department in the Board of Aldermen, and of the
Committee on Annual Taxes in the Board of Supervisors, the latter
body being composed of the Mayor, Recorder and Board of
Aldermen. The Aldermanic list for 1854 contains the well-known
names of Nathan C. Ely, President of the Peter Cooper Insurance
Company, and also President of the Board of Aldermen; William
Boardman, jun.; Abram Wakeman, Amor J. Williamson, Thomas
Christy, Anson Herrick, Daniel D. Lord, John Kelly, Richard Mott and
Thomas Woodward. To these were added, in 1855, Isaac O. Barker,
who succeeded Mr. Ely as President of the Board, Orison Blunt,
William Chauncey, George W. Varian, and others, the new members
taking the seats of those whose terms expired in 1854.
Mr. Kelly’s aptitude for affairs was soon recognized by his fellow
members. President Barker placed him on no less than five
committees in his second year in the Board, and appointed him
chairman of the most important committee of the body—that on
Annual Taxes in the Board of Supervisors. The members of this
Committee were John Kelly, Henry R. Hoffmire and Daniel D. Lord.
The Know-Nothings were then powerful in New York, and John Kelly
was their sleepless opponent in the Board of Aldermen. His
constituents were warmly attached to the man, and duly appreciated
his services in official life. Some even went so far as to predict that
he would soon become a dangerous rival to the celebrated Mike
Walsh, then in the meridian of his popularity. Kelly and Walsh both
lived in the Fourth Congressional District, and the latter was at that
time representing the District with great acceptability in the Thirty-
third Congress. The prediction was verified, and Kelly became
Walsh’s competitor at the ensuing election. The interest which this
contest excited was not confined to the city, but extended to all parts
of the State of New York. The plan adopted in these pages of giving
outline sketches of the more conspicuous men with whose names
that of Mr. Kelly has been associated in political controversies,
certainly cannot be disregarded in the case of Mike Walsh, that
wayward genius, gifted orator, and child of misfortune.
Michael Walsh was born in the town of Bandon, County Cork,
Ireland, in 1815, and came to this country with his parents when he
was a child. His father was an intelligent, industrious, hard working
man, and the owner of a mahogany yard in Washington Street, New
York. He entertained peculiar views in regard to a republican form of
government, and on that account never became a citizen of the
United States. His son Michael possessed a great deal of talent, and
was educated at St. Peter’s school in Barclay Street. When he was
about sixteen years of age his father indentured him to a lithographer
at Broadway and Fulton Street, with whom he learned that business.
He was hardly twenty-one when he began to be exceedingly active
in political affairs in New York, and the whole country. As an orator,
for his age, he had probably no equal. He possessed literary ability,
and was equally ready with pen or tongue. His forte, however, was
sarcasm, and unfortunately for himself he had an unrivaled knack for
coining slang expressions. Many of the slang sayings peculiar to
New York at this day were invented by Mike Walsh. He was naturally
humorous, and was endowed with powers of mimicry that would
have made his fortune on the stage. He could describe the
weaknesses of human nature, and lay bare the motives which
influenced public men in their actions with a mastery which no other
man of his time possessed.
He was elected to the lower branch of the Legislature of New York
before he was twenty-one years of age, and although he had little or
no business ability, he distinguished himself in the House by his fine
oratorical powers. His speeches were not only interesting and
amusing, but often full of information. Without previous thought or
reflection, he could make a capital off-hand speech, expressing his
views very intelligently, and enlisting the attention of his audience
throughout. The Democratic party in New York, at that period, was
under the control and influence of men who had very little respect for
Walsh, as his manners were not only objectionable, but sometimes
his language was abusive. He was very strong, notwithstanding, with
the people, and on that account was feared by the leaders. He was
re-elected to the Assembly several times. He established and edited
a paper which he called “The Subterranean,” and his squibs,
sometimes clever but often coarse, were sent forth in its columns.
There was a furniture dealer in the Fifth Ward named John
Horsepool, between whom and Walsh a bitter feud existed. Several
times Horsepool had him arrested for libel. At last “The
Subterranean” belched forth an angrier flame than usual, and
Horsepool got his revenge. Walsh was indicted, tried and convicted,
and sent for a short term to the penitentiary. But this served to excite
sympathy for him and increase his popularity. He was a very
companionable man, was full of anecdote, and had a very retentive
memory. He recollected, without particular effort, nearly everything
he had ever read, and if called upon would recount a story or any
other matter with great precision. Among his companions, for several
years, were Tom Hyer, the pugilist, and Jack Haggarty, son of the old
New York auctioneer of that name. They generally made their
headquarters at the Hone House, a hostelry kept by Morgan L. Mott.
This was formerly the private residence of Philip Hone, and took its
name from him. Walsh and his coterie would gather together here
daily, and relate stories and anecdotes of their checkered
experiences. Having no business occupations and some money to
spend, they all shortened their days by the immoderate use of
alcoholic stimulants. As long as Mike Walsh survived he was the life
of the company. During the Presidential canvass of 1844 Walsh
formed a political organization on the East Side of New York city,
which he named the Spartan Band. This body was in opposition to
the Empire Club of Captain Isaiah Rynders. Both of these clubs were
exceedingly active during the Polk and Dallas campaign, and
rendered efficient service to the Democratic ticket. Walsh was proud
of the influence he wielded over his men, and of the power his
position brought to him as a leader. The singular notion occurred to
him of giving high-sounding titles to his several lieutenants, and he
consequently called them after the distinguished French Marshals
who fought in the wars of Napoleon the First. All the men who were
prominent in those days in the Spartan Band and Empire Club have
long since passed away, with the exception of Captain Rynders, who
still figures in New York politics at eighty-one, as erect of carriage
and almost as brisk of step as he was fifty years ago.[22]
A curious anecdote is told of the way in which Mike Walsh and
David C. Broderick, subsequently Senator from California, ceased to
be friends. After Walsh was sentenced to Blackwell’s Island, an
understanding is said to have been reached between them that
Walsh should commit suicide on his way to the penitentiary by
jumping from the ferry-boat into the East River. Walsh being
regarded as the champion of the poor as against the rich, and many
believing he had been sentenced to Blackwell’s Island because of
his advocacy of the interests of the poor, his death in the manner
indicated, it was thought, would be avenged by his followers as that
of a martyr in their cause. In view of the disgrace visited upon him,
Walsh is said to have promised Broderick that he would sacrifice his
life by drowning, and thus stir up the vengeance of the populace in
retaliation upon his and their oppressors. But Walsh showed better
sense than to do so foolish a thing, and Broderick became his
enemy, and branded him as a coward, because he did not kill
himself according to promise.
During the summer months Mike Walsh was in the habit of
frequently sleeping all night in one or another of the parks of the city,
because, as he claimed, the night air hardened his constitution. For
the same reason he seldom wore an overcoat in winter. He was an
inveterate joker, and was in his element whenever he could play a
trick on the unwary or uninitiated. He was the author of the Frank
McLoughlin hoax, which all old New Yorkers will remember.
McLoughlin was a noted sporting man in New York forty years ago,
and a great toast among horse men, pugilists, and like people of that
day. He was one of the California pioneers of 1849 when the gold
excitement broke out. In a few years he returned to New York. Mike
Walsh happened to be passing through the City Hall Park, and met
McLoughlin as he was on his way from the ship to the house of his
relatives.
“Well, Frank,” said Mike, “I see you have returned.”
“Yes,” was the reply.
“Do you expect to remain here?”
“Yes, sir,” said Frank, “I hope to spend the remainder of my days in
New York. I have been in no place since I left here that I like as well.”
“I suppose,” said Mike, “all of your friends will be glad to see you?”
“Yes, I am sure they will, and I shall be glad to see them.”
Thus they separated. Walsh hastened over to the Pewter Mug on
Frankfort Street, Thomas Dunlap proprietor, then known as
Tammany Hall. Passing into the bar-room, Walsh exclaimed to those
present that he had just seen Frank McLoughlin, and that he had
gone to a public-house on the Bowery, and requested his friends to
call on him there at once. McLoughlin being a favorite, a great many
persons started out to find him, but as it was Sunday they
encountered some difficulty in obtaining admittance to the hotel. The
bar-keeper there perceived the joke in an instant, and said
McLoughlin had been at the hotel, but had gone to John Teal’s, on
the corner of Stanton and Forsyth Streets, having left word, if any of
his friends should call, they were to go there and see him. Walsh
took care to circulate the hoax all over the city, sending people to
various points in quest of McLoughlin, who was the bearer, quoth
Mike, of many letters and presents to the boys in New York from old
acquaintances in California. Proprietors of drinking saloons reaped a
large harvest by selling extra quantities of their beverages to the
victims of the hoax. In sportive tricks of this sort Mike Walsh was
continually engaged.
In 1852 he was nominated for Congress in the Fourth
Congressional District, and elected. He served in the House of
Representatives for two years, and attracted by his peculiar powers
much attention in that body. He was nominated the second time in
1854 by the Hard Shells. The Soft Shells nominated John Kelly. A
very bitter and exciting contest followed. Many thought Walsh was
invincible in the Fourth District, but his opponent was very popular,
and the struggle between them was carried on with great enthusiasm
and energy. Mr. Kelly came out the victor, but only with eighteen
plurality. The whole number of votes was 7,593, of which John Kelly
received 3,068; Mike Walsh, 3,050; Sandford E. Macomber, 824;
John W. Brice, 626; James Kelly, 1; and scattering, 24.
After the election Walsh served notice on Kelly that he would
contest his seat, on the ground that illegal votes had been cast in the
Fourteenth Ward, where the majority against Walsh was quite large.
Mr. Kelly at once acted on information that had been given to him by
a friend of Walsh’s father, the late John Griffin, that Walsh was not a
citizen of the United States, his father not having been naturalized,
and he himself having neglected to take out citizen’s papers when he
reached the proper age. He was not, therefore, a citizen of the
United States. A certificate of his baptism was procured from the
parish priest at Bandon, Ireland, where he was born, and Walsh,
fearing the result of an exposure, withdrew, and the contest ended.
The subsequent career of Mr. Walsh was a checkered one. He
was employed by George Steers, the well-known ship-builder, as his
agent to go to Russia to negotiate a contract in his favor to build
ships for that Government. Walsh obtained letters of introduction
from the Secretary of the Navy of the United States to officials of the
Russian Government, and set out on his mission with fair prospects
of a successful issue to the business. Instead, however, of
conducting the affair well, the unfortunate man fell into riotous living
in Europe, and spent the remittances his employer sent to him. He
returned to the United States in the steerage of one of the
steamships plying between Liverpool and New York.
He was never a candidate for office again, after his memorable
contest with Mr. Kelly in 1854. In the winter of 1859 poor Mike, while
on his way home one night, slipped and fell down a cellar-way on the
8th Avenue, near 16th Street, and was supposed to have been
instantly killed, as he was found dead the next morning by the police.
Although at the time it was thought that he had been murdered, the
evidence taken at the inquest showed that this was not the case, and
the jury returned their verdict that his death was caused by an
accidental fall in an open cellar-way. His death called forth
expressions of profound sorrow in New York, for, in spite of the
infirmities of his nature, Mike Walsh had a powerful hold on the
popular mind, and over his new-made grave many an eye was
dimmed with unhidden grief, and all that was gentle and noble in his
nature was feelingly recalled.
Although John Kelly had been an ardent Hunker, or Cass and
Butler man, in 1848, he was now acting with the Soft Shells, having,
when the reconciliation took place between the Hunker and
Barnburner factions in 1849, followed the leadership of William L.
Marcy and Horatio Seymour, the two eminent Hunkers, who became
Soft Shells. It was by the Soft Shells he was nominated against
Walsh in 1854. The country was roused to a high pitch of excitement
by the Kansas imbroglio when he took his seat as a Representative
of the city of New York in the Thirty-fourth Congress. For the first
time in the history of the government a purely sectional candidate,
sustained exclusively by sectional votes, was elected Speaker of the
House of Representatives in 1856. This was Nathaniel P. Banks, of
Waltham, Massachusetts. The struggle was the most bitter and
protracted one that ever took place in the House, beginning when
Congress assembled on the first Monday of December, 1855, and
continuing from day to day for nine weeks. The contending forces
were so evenly balanced, and party spirit ran so high, that it seemed
impossible to break the dead-lock. There were three candidates in
the field, and the followers of each supported their respective
favorites with unflinching resolution. William A. Richardson of Illinois,
who had brought in the Kansas-Nebraska bill at the last session, and
carried it through successfully, was the caucus nominee of the
Democrats; Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts, of the
Republicans; and Henry M. Fuller, of Pennsylvania, of the Know-
Nothings. It was the beginning of the great sectional conflict, and the
ominous mutterings of the storm were now heard in the House of
Representatives whose thunder in a few years was to break forth on
a hundred battle-fields. There was Joshua R. Giddings, the ancient
Abolitionist, who for years like Cassandra in the gates had been
uttering prophecies of woe, and now in anticipation of victory was
goading the Hotspurs of the South to fury, such as Keitt, and Brooks,
and Caskie, and Bowie, and Extra Billy Smith, and Fayette McMullin.
There, too, were Humphrey Marshall, Henry Winter Davis, Zollicoffer
and Cullen, Know-Nothing birds of evil, shouting their No-Popery cry
in the House, like Lord George Gordon in the British Parliament,
seventy-five years before. There were Alexander H. Stephens, who
on the outbreak of sectionalism left the Whigs forever, and now took
sides with the National Democrats, John Kelly, Howell Cobb, James
L. Orr, and William A. Richardson, marshalling the forces of the
administration, and striving to pluck success from the aggressive and
powerful sectionalists. They would have succeeded in electing the
Democratic candidate, William Aiken, finally settled upon in place of
Messrs. Richardson and Orr, but for the officious intermeddling of a
blunderer, who revealed the plans of the Democrats before they
were fully matured, and nominated Aiken in a theatrical speech
which repelled the two or three wavering votes, only needed to elect
him. This was Williamson R. W. Cobb of Alabama. In the homely
words of Mr. Stephens, as will be explained more fully a few pages
further on, he “plugged the melon before it was ripe.”[23] It was true
that Aiken was first nominated by John Kelly in a few tentative
words, that attracted several and did not repel any votes. Mr. Kelly
made no kite-flying speech, and the anti-Banks Whigs, such as John
Scott Harrison, Haven, Cullen and Barclay, who opposed an out-
and-out Democrat, were interested in Mr. Kelly’s off-hand manner of
presenting William Aiken’s name, and showed a disposition to vote
for him as against Banks. Harrison had avowed his intention to do
so.[24] But W. R. W. Cobb of Alabama, let the secret out that Aiken
was the Democratic dark horse, and the masterly plans of Alexander
H. Stephens and John Kelly, just as victory was in reach, were
dashed to the ground. An opinion further prevailed among many that
one or two Democrats were corruptly bought off.
On the 18th of December, 1855, after nearly two weeks had been
spent in a fruitless effort to organize the House, John Letcher of
Virginia proposed that all the members should resign, and new
elections be held. This proposal was not made seriously, but rather
as a protest against the dead-lock. Joshua R. Giddings of Ohio
chose to treat the proposition seriously, and on the 18th of
December spoke of the Democrats as follows: “These are the
gentlemen who propose here to the majority of the House, that we
shall resign and go home, if they will. The proposition is unfair. We
are endeavoring to organize this House; they are endeavoring to
prevent an organization. To illustrate my idea, I will remark that I am
reminded of the criminal standing upon the gallows, the rope
fastened to the beam over his head and around his neck, the drop
on which he stands sustained by a single cord, which the sheriff
stands ready with his hatchet to cut. ‘Now,’ says the criminal to the
sheriff, ‘if you will resign, I will, and we will go home together, and
appeal to the people.’ Let me say to gentlemen, we are each of us
now writing our biography with more rapidity than we generally
imagine. Gentlemen of the Democratic party, I say again, in your
attempt to extend this sectional institution, you have called down the
vengeance of the American people upon your heads. The
handwriting upon the wall has been seen and read of all men. Your
history is written, and your doom is sealed; the sentence is
pronounced against you, ‘depart, ye cursed!’ I have already given my
views upon Republicanism. They are expressed in the language of
that immortal instrument the Declaration of Independence. That is
the foundation of my Republicanism, as it is that of a vast majority of
the Whigs and Know-Nothings of the North. You, gentlemen of the
Democratic party, stand forth here denying this doctrine. You say
men are not endowed by their Creator with the inalienable right of
liberty. * * * I would to God I could proclaim to every slave in Virginia
to-day—You have the right of self-defence, and when the master
attempts to exercise the right of dominion over you, slay him as he
would slay yourselves!”[25]
Here then the incendiary appeal in favor of a servile insurrection,
which John Brown tried to carry out with arms in 1859, was openly
made on the floor of Congress in 1855.
That Giddings was either blinded by his fanaticism, or was a
dishonest pettifogger, became clearly established a few weeks after
he made this seditious speech. On the 18th of January, 1856, the
House still being in the wrangle over the Speakership, Mr. Giddings
took the floor, and advocated the adoption of the plurality rule. Mr.
Banks had the largest number of votes of the several candidates.
Giddings, who had bitterly opposed this rule in 1849, now, to help his
candidate, as earnestly advocated it.
He said: “We have but one precedent in the history of the
Government for our guidance. In 1849 this body found itself in the
same condition for three weeks that it now finds itself in during
almost seven weeks. There were then, as now, three parties in the
House. No one party had sufficient numbers to decide the election.
No one party now has sufficient numbers to elect.”
Mr. Jones of Tennessee rose to a question of order.
Mr. Giddings: “I do not blame the gentleman (Mr. Jones) for rising
to a question of order. He then stood with the party which
established a precedent which shall go down in all time to the
condemnation of his party. I mean that under the circumstances, the
Democratic party, as a party, in its caucus, speaking by a party
organ, then declared the plurality rule to be the proper and only rule
which could be adopted for the organization of the House.”
Mr. Howell Cobb, “Mr. Clerk, the gentleman is mistaken.”
Mr. Giddings: “No, sir; I stand upon the record. I have the record
before me, and the gentleman must contradict that before he
contradicts me. I read from the Congressional Globe. ‘The House
had now’ says the record, ‘reached the contingency contemplated in
the proposition of Mr. Stanton. It had exhausted the three votings
therein provided for, without a result, and had arrived at that point
where, in fulfillment of an agreement entered into between the two
parties, a Speaker was to be elected by a plurality vote.’ Here, sir,
stands the record. Now we stand precisely where we then stood. I do
not know the number of times that we, on this side of the House,
have endeavored to follow this established precedent that was then
adopted. It was adopted by gentlemen on the other side of the
House, and under it the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Cobb) himself
was exalted to that chair. The Republican party stands ready to carry
out that precedent now. The Republicans stand upon the great
principle which was avowed by both of the great parties, Whigs and
Democrats.”
Mr. Cobb: “I corrected the gentleman in a statement of fact. I rise
now for the purpose of putting that statement correctly before the
country in connection with his remarks. He stated that the
Democratic party had in 1849 adopted the plurality resolution in
caucus. The truth is simply this: the plurality rule was adopted in
caucus by the Whig party. When it was reported by the Committee of
Conference of the two parties to the Democratic caucus, it was
rejected there by a decided majority. And, if he desires to stand by
the record, there was no man on the floor more violent or more
denunciatory of the operation of the plurality rule than the gentleman
from Ohio. My recollection is that he offered a substitute for it, which
declared that it was wrong in principle, dangerous in its tendency,
and ought not to be adopted.”
 Mr. Giddings: “I only repeat what was said by a leading member of
the Democratic party, the Hon. Mr. Stanton, of Tennessee, on this
floor, and in the presence of the gentleman from Georgia, and his
party in this House. That gentleman sat silently in his seat when Mr.
Stanton declared the plurality rule to have been agreed to by the
Committee, and he did not deny it; no member of his party denied
the fact. I call the attention of the country to the fact that in their
caucus the Democratic party, as a party, agreed with the Whig party,
as a party, that this should be the rule. I do not involve gentlemen; I
only involve the Democratic party. I mean to pin it on that party.”
Mr. Edmundson: “Anybody who asserts that the Democratic party
agreed to adopt the plurality rule, asserts what is not true.”
Mr. Orr: “I was present on the occasion to which I suppose
reference is made; and I state distinctly that no such resolution as
that referred to by the gentleman from Ohio was adopted by the
Democratic caucus, either directly or indirectly.”
Mr. Millson, and other members who had attended the Democratic
caucus of 1849, made similar denials.
Mr. Cobb: “Fortunately the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr.
Stanton), although not a member of this House, is here, and I assert,
without one word of conference with him, that he never intended to
say before this House, nor did a single member of the House at that
time so construe his language—that the Democratic party had
adopted the plurality rule in caucus.”
At this point Mr. Jones, of Tennessee, referred to the Globe of
1849, and showed that the words put in Mr. Stanton’s mouth by Mr.
Giddings had not been used by him at all, but were words of the
reporter distinctly employed in another connection. This revelation,
so damaging to Mr. Giddings’s character for fair dealing, was
clinched by Mr. Letcher, who quoted from a speech made in the
House by Mr. Giddings himself, in 1849, five days after the adoption
of the plurality rule, in which he declared the Whig party had forced
the rule upon the House. Having quoted the passage from Mr.
Giddings’s speech contradictory of himself, Mr. Letcher remarked:
“Now, Sir, I submit that whatever may have been the opinion of other