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The Linguistics
of the History
of English
Remco Knooihuizen
The Linguistics of the History of English
Remco Knooihuizen

The Linguistics
of the History of English
Remco Knooihuizen
University of Groningen
Groningen, The Netherlands

ISBN 978-3-031-41691-0 ISBN 978-3-031-41692-7 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41692-7

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2023

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Preface

This is an introductory textbook on the history of the English language. At the

same time, it is also an introductory textbook on historical linguistics in English.
The book has as its starting point some of the major questions in the study
of language change—how do different types of language change originate and
spread?—and discusses these with a particular focus on examples from the history
of English. Compared to many other introductory textbooks, which take students
through the different stages of the English language chronologically, the focus here
is less on history and more on linguistic theory. Textual evidence is offered in sup-
port of the theoretical discussion. Text boxes on empirical studies go into more
depth on specific details, and other boxes give a more cross-linguistic perspective
by looking at comparable developments in other languages.
Although this is an introductory textbook, some prior knowledge is assumed.
Students should ideally have followed one or more introductory linguistics courses
and should be familiar with basic concepts and terminology; advanced knowledge
of linguistic theory is not required. It is also assumed that students are familiar
with the broad strokes of the history of the English language and the history of
Anglophone countries (especially England). The overview of these histories in
Chapter 1 is meant as a refresher that will bring readers up to speed, but it does
not pretend to be a comprehensive presentation.
At the end of the book, my goal is that students will be equipped with
enough theoretical and factual knowledge to conduct their own independent or
semi-independent research on topics from the history of English. They should
also be well-equipped to engage in public debate about language change and to
dispel many of the myths we see in public discourse, such as the idea that lan-
guage change entails the decay of a perfect Standard English, brought on by the
exceptionally lazy youth of today.
The textbook has been developed as teaching material over a decade of teaching
the course ‘English Language Change’ at the University of Groningen. It should
hopefully fit courses in other degree programmes equally well. My thanks go out
to many cohorts of students for their feedback on various iterations of the text,
and to many colleagues for their support. Comments from an anonymous reviewer
have been extremely helpful in clarifying the focus in some of the chapters, and in
dealing with smaller issues throughout. My own educational and research history
at the Universities of Groningen and Edinburgh is as a generalist with a focus on
v
vi Preface

Germanic languages more widely, and I have had to make myself familiar with the
norms and traditions of ‘Anglistics’ separately. I hope that this mixture of inside
and outside perspectives on the field will inspire new generations of students to
work on historical linguistics both in English and in other languages.

Groningen, The Netherlands Remco Knooihuizen

Contents

Part I Introduction
1 So What Had Happened Was . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
2 Explaining Language Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

Part II Sound change

3 Phonetic Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
4 Phonological Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
5 Track Changes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

Part III Contact-Induced Change

6 Language Contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
7 Dialect Contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115

Part IV Structural Change

8 Analogy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
9 Grammaticalisation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
10 Syntactic Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
11 The Loss of Case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
12 Concluding Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197

vii
List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Schematic representation of the S-curve pattern

of the spread of a linguistic change through a speech
community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Fig. 3.1 Sound changes in lenition (Adapted from Bauer 2008,
p. 686) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Fig. 4.1 Schematic representation of the Great Vowel Shift . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Fig. 4.2 The Northern Cities Shift (Adapted from Labov 1994,
p. 191) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
Fig. 4.3 The Canadian Vowel Shift (Adapted from Boberg 2019,
p. 93) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
Fig. 4.4 The California Vowel Shift (Adapted from Podesva et al.
2015, p. 159) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
Fig. 4.5 The Southern Hemisphere Shift . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
Fig. 4.6 Schematic representation of the foot/strut split
and related changes, after Wells (1982, p. 199) and Turton
and Baranowski (2021, p. 166) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
Fig. 4.7 Schematic representation of the trap/bath split and related
changes, after Wells (1982, pp. 232–234) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
Fig. 4.8 Schematic overview of, from left to right, primary split
(trap/bath), secondary split (foot/strut), and merger
(square/nurse) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
Fig. 6.1 Distribution of Scandinavian place names in England
(Adapted from Fellows-Jensen 2011, p. 70) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
Fig. 6.2 Uptake of French loan words in English from the eleventh
to nineteenth centuries, based on data by Jespersen
and Baugh (Baugh 1935) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
Fig. 7.1 Restructuring along a spectrum of contact varieties
(Adapted from Siegel 2001, p. 193) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135

ix
x List of Figures

Fig. 10.1 Tree diagram for The black cat found cheese
from Germany in the pantry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
Fig. 10.2 Verb movement and the change from OV to VO order . . . . . . . . . 174
Fig. 10.3 A negated subordinate clause before the loss of V-to-I
movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
Fig. 10.4 A negated subordinate clause after the loss of V-to-I
movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
List of Tables

Table 3.1 Regular correspondences in five Germanic languages . . . . . . . . 35

Table 4.1 Consonant inventories in Old English, Middle English,
and Modern English . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
Table 4.2 Changes to the pronunciation of long vowels in the Great
Vowel Shift . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Table 5.1 Sound changes in the history of the English word comb . . . . . . 72
Table 5.2 Changes to the pronunciation of long vowels in the Great
Vowel Shift . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
Table 6.1 Thomason and Kaufman’s borrowing scale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
Table 6.2 Old English paradigms for to be: wesan and bēon . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Table 6.3 Overview of contact situations in English . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
Table 8.1 Paradigms for the verb ‘to choose’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
Table 8.2 Strong verb classes in Old English . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
Table 11.1 Cases in German . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
Table 11.2 Some examples of case patterns in Old English . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
Table 11.3 Comparison of case patterns in Old English and Old
Norse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189

xi
 Part I
Introduction
So What Had Happened Was
Fifteen Centuries of English-Language Change
1

Introduction

To make sense of the different forms that English has taken throughout its history,
it is customary to divide that history into different periods. The major divisions that
are conventionally made are Old, Middle, and Early Modern English, before we
get to present-day English. There is variation in the dates given to these different
periods, and the years given in this chapter are meant as indicative only.
The periods in the history of English are ideally defined by means of linguis-
tic characteristics. This is necessarily imprecise, as language change is a gradual
process. A medieval peasant in Kent did not go to bed one day having spoken Old
English and wake up the next day speaking Middle English; these are our own
projections, and we use different factors in deciding when one period ends and
the next starts, such as historical events, the reigns of kings or dynasties or sim-
ply round numbers. There is a lot of variation within periods, and there are many
similarities between periods as well. Ultimately, the periodisation is as much a
socio-historical as it is a linguistic decision.
The bird’s-eye view of the history of English in this chapter focuses on both
these factors: it sketches the historical context for the development of English in
the past 1500 years and gives brief illustrations of what the language looked like
in the different periods. The illustrations are based on a short bible passage (Luke
9: 12–17) as the bible is a text that has been translated many times at different
periods in the history of English, and we can therefore easily compare the forms
of the language at different times. Neither the socio-historical nor the linguistic
overview aim to be exhaustive. They serve as background for the discussion later
in the book of the processes by which English has changed.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 3

R. Knooihuizen, The Linguistics of the History of English,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41692-7_1
4 1 So What Had Happened Was

Old English (500–1150)

Socio-Historical Context

The Romans were gone, to begin with.

The Old English period starts shortly after the settlement of Angles, Saxons, and
Jutes in England from the mid-fifth century. These were Germanic peoples stem-
ming from the coastal areas of what is now the Netherlands, northern Germany,
and southern Denmark. Their settlement in England is part of a period of large-
scale migrations within Europe surrounding the fall of the Western Roman Empire.
There is debate among historians about the number of settlers, with estimates
ranging from 20,000 to as high as 200,000 (Ward-Perkins 2000, p. 524).
The Germanic settlers did not arrive in an unpopulated country, of course. The
Roman occupation of Britain may have ended in 410 AD—some of the earliest
Germanic settlers may have encountered some Roman stragglers—but there was a
native Celtic population, the Britons, still in place. The exact interactions between
the Germanic settlers and the Britons are unclear because of a lack of historical
sources, but what is clear is that from the earliest history of English, the language
developed in a situation of language contact (see section “Influence from Celtic
Languages” in Chapter 6).
The settlers spoke different Germanic dialects that over time coalesced into
a variety that was distinct and ‘English’ (see Chapter 7 for a discussion of this
process). We have very few sources for the earliest forms of Old English. Most
manuscript evidence dates from the ninth century onwards, by which time we
can already distinguish a number of regional dialects: Mercian, Northumbrian,
Anglian, and West Saxon. This last dialect was the most prominent and at times
served as a sort of standard written language—both because the kingdom of
Wessex was relatively powerful and because a lot of West Saxon material was
written and subsequently copied, also in other parts of England (Timofeeva 2022,
pp. 175–176). This does not imply the uniformity of language that the concept of
a ‘standard’ suggests today, however. Although some features show almost com-
plete uniformity (Faulkner 2020), the variation found in written texts is enough that
Timofeeva (2022) could successfully use sociolinguistic methodology to uncover
the influence of social networks and communities of practice on the language in
this period.
Despite the political fragmentation into smaller kingdoms, the term the people
of early medieval England used for themselves and their language was Englisċ
or Ænglisċ: simply ‘English’. The appearance of the term ‘English’ suggests that
regardless of political allegiance, the people came to see themselves as speakers
of the same language no later than the early eighth century (Smyth 1998).1

1 The terminology surrounding language and culture in early medieval England has been subject
to heavily debated change over the years. The term Anglo-Saxon has long been used to refer to the
language, culture, and people at the time. However, in public discourse in some Anglophone groups
the term has developed connotations with a racialised imagined indigenous heritage in Britain,
Old English (500–1150) 5

There are two further historical developments that led to language contact in
the Old English period. The first of these is the Christianisation of England in the
seventh century. Initiated by Pope Gregory I in 597, this process ended with most
royalty and nobility being converted before 700. The church used a good deal of
Latin terminology, which was borrowed into Old English (see section “Influence
from Latin” in Chapter 6).
The other language contact situation involved Vikings, who invaded England
regularly from the eighth century (e.g., the raid on the monastery of Lindisfarne in
793) and who settled in the north of England from the ninth century. By 878, much
of Northern England was under Viking control. Although armed conflict contin-
ued until the eleventh century, Viking settlers and the already existing English
population co-existed and mixed during these centuries (Hadley 2000, pp. 1–17).
The Vikings spoke Old Norse, a language closely related to Old English, which
brought with it a particular type of language contact (section “Influence from Old
Norse” in Chapter 6 and Chapter 7). The Old Norse influence on Old English is
therefore extensive but difficult to see.
The conquest of England by the Normans, starting in 1066, is the beginning of
the end for the Old English period. A changing sociolinguistic status and increased
contact with French changed the language almost beyond recognition. The result
of that process is generally seen as Middle English.

Linguistic Sketch

Old English was characterised by an almost exclusively Germanic lexicon, which

makes it very difficult for speakers of present-day English to read. It also had a
very extensive inflectional system, with many different case endings for nouns and
adjectives and different verb endings to indicate person, number, tense, etc. This
is exemplified by the translation of the bible fragment from the Wessex Gospels,
written around 990:

12 Þa geƿ at se dæg forð. 7 hig tƿ elfe him genealæhton 7 sædon him; Læt þas menego þ̄ hig
farun on þas castelu 7 on þas tunas þe her abutan synt: 7 him mete findon. forþam þe ƿ e synt
her on ƿ estere stōƿ e; 13 Ða cƿ æð he to him. sylle ge him etan; Ða cƿ æðon hı̄g ƿ e nabbað
buton fı̄f hlafas 7 tƿ egen fixas. buton ƿ e gan 7 ūs mete bicgon 7 eallum þissum ƿ erede; 14
Þar ƿ æron neah fif þusenda ƿ era; Ða cƿ æþ he to his leorningcnihtun: Doþ þ̄ hig sitton. þurh
gebeorscypas fiftegum. 15 7 hig sƿ a dydon 7 hi ealle sæton; 16 Ða nam he þa fı̄f hlafas 7 þa
tƿ egen fixas. 7 on þone heofon beseah 7 bletsude hig 7 breac. 7 dælde his leorningcnihtum.

which has led to the term being seen as exclusionary. The International Society of Anglo-Saxonists
changed their name to International Society for the Study of Early Medieval England in 2019 in
response to these connotations. The term Old English, which is the term used in this book, had ear-
lier already been used for the language only: Anglo-Saxon people spoke Old English. This term
is sometimes criticised because it is felt to over-emphasise the continuity between Old and Mid-
dle English, for many of the same reasons of imagined heritage (see Watts, 2011, pp. 30–32, for a
discussion).
6 1 So What Had Happened Was

17 Þa æton hig ealle 7 ƿ urdon gefyllede. 7 man nam þa gebrotu þe þar belifon tƿ elf cypan

fulle;

The most obvious thing about this passage is the use of letters we no longer use
in English today: <æ> (which represented the vowel /æ/), <þ> and <ð> (which both
interchangeably represented the dental fricatives /θ/ and /ð/), and <ƿ > (which stands
for the consonant /w/). There are also two frequent abbreviations: <þ̄> stands for
þæt ‘that’, and <7> stands for and ‘and’.
There are many words in the fragment that are no longer used in English today:
forþġewı̄tan ‘to proceed’, ġenēalǣċan ‘to approach’, and ġebēorsċip ‘company’
(literally ‘beer-ship’) are some of the most striking ones.2 Others have only a
residual existence or a different meaning in present-day English, such as stōw
‘place’ (in stowaway), wer ‘man’ (in werewolf ), cȳpa ‘basket’ (now coop ‘hen-
house’), and mete ‘food’ (not just ‘flesh’). And we see compound words typical
of Old English, such as leorning-cniht ‘disciple’ (literally ‘learning-knight’). It is
no coincidence that the vast majority of present-day English translations of these
words are Romance loanwords, but in the Old English period, these were very few
and far between, with only castel ‘castle, town’ in this fragment.
The fragment also shows evidence of the case system of Old English: compare
eallum (a dative form for the indirect object) in verse 13 with ealla (a nominative
form for the subject) in verses 15 and 17. Verb inflection was much more extensive
than today, as can be seen from he cwæþ ‘he said’ (v. 13) and hı̄e cwæþon ‘they
said’ (v. 13). All these inflectional endings showed a variety of unstressed vowels:
<a>, <e>, <o>, and <u> in this text. The pronoun they is hı̄e (spelled hi, hig or hı̄g in
the fragment; dative him) with an initial h-.
The syntactic structure of Old English is more difficult to glean from the
untranslated passage, but the differences can be seen in the glossed version of
v. 12 in (1):

(1) Þa geƿ at se dæg forð. and hig tƿ elfe him genealæhton and sædon him; Læt þas menego
þæt hig farun on þas castelu and on þas tunas þe her abutan synt: and him mete findon.
forþam þe ƿ e synt her on ƿ estere stōƿ e;

Then went the day forth and they twelve him approached and said him Let the crowds
that they go to the castle and to the towns that here about are and them food find because
that we are here on desert place
‘Then the day proceeded, and the twelve of them approached him and said to him, “Let
the crowds (go), so that they go to the castle and the towns that are around here, and find
them food, because were are in a deserted place.’

2 Examples in the text are given in a standardised dictionary reference form of Old English, and
therefore differ slightly from the forms that are found in the fragment.
Middle English (1150–1500) 7

The two most striking syntactic features in this sentence are the position of the
verb last in the relative clause þe hēr abūtan sind ‘that are about here’, and the
place of the indirect object him ‘him’ before rather than after the verb ġenēalǣhton
‘approached’.
All in all, Old English was a very different type of language from present-day
English. Speakers of other Germanic languages often find it slightly easier (but
still difficult!) to read a text in Old English than speakers of English who do not
speak another Germanic language. The changes that would turn Old English into
Middle English meant that a lot of Germanic vocabulary was lost, as well as some
grammatical features that Old English shared with other Germanic languages.

Middle English (1150–1500)

Socio-Historical Context

The Norman Conquest of 1066 brought about considerable change. The ensuing
migration of Norman French speakers was not at an incredibly large scale, but they
did take up key leadership positions, essentially replacing the existing nobility.
The courts became Francophone, with English being relegated to the lower social
classes. But just as there was no population replacement after 1066, there was no
language shift either: everyone continued to speak their own language, Norman
French for the elites or English for the common man, with bilingualism restricted
to those people whose professions meant they had to deal with both population
groups (see section “Influence from French” in Chapter 6).
English played second fiddle to French for two to three centuries. In the thir-
teenth, and especially in the fourteenth century, however, we see that the balance
shifts again in favour of English. There are a number of reasons for this. One is that
the political relations between England and France became increasingly difficult.
The continental possessions of the English king were lost under John Lackland in
the early thirteenth century, although contacts of course remained. The Hundred
Years War (1337–1453) between England and France, however, did much to whip
up anti-French sentiment and nudge the anglicisation of the elites. Another rea-
son is the Black Death of 1349. Mass death and population decline caused labour
shortages, which meant that the Anglophone working classes held a stronger social
position. The same can be said for the emergent merchant middle class.
The demise of French and the emancipation of English can be seen in the rein-
statement of English as the language of the law (in the Statute of Pleading, 1362)
and of official government (under Henry V, r. 1413–1422). There was also a revival
of English-language literature in this period. Most of the English writing since the
Norman Conquest had been religious in nature—while French was the language of
government, religion had continued as an English-language domain—but the four-
teenth century saw literary highlights as Geoffrey Chaucer (The Canterbury Tales)
and William Langland (Piers Plowman), as well as an English bible translation by
John Wycliffe.
8 1 So What Had Happened Was

Some changes in the language are visible in the language already shortly after
the Norman Conquest in 1066. We can partly explain these by scribes no longer
being educated in the West Saxon pseudo-standard, so that they would once again
write the language as they would speak it. Some of this, therefore, reflects changes
that had already happened, and that only appeared in manuscripts with some delay,
and not anything to do with Norman French influence. By the end of this period,
we again see an increasing standardisation of the language, based on the dialect of
the most populous region, the East Midlands, and especially the capital, London.
The introduction of the printing press in the 1470s drastically accelerated this
development.

Linguistic Sketch

Over time, the Old English inflections were simplified and mostly eroded away.
The language that we call Middle English, then, has far fewer inflections, and as a
consequence of that, a more fixed word order. There are also significant changes in
its lexicon. In the Early Middle English period, the lexicon was still predominantly
Germanic, although there had been many Old Norse loanwords due to the Viking
settlements in the North of England in the ninth and tenth centuries. But by the
Late Middle English period, the lexicon had changed profoundly, and many Old
English words had been replaced by loanwords from French (or more properly,
Anglo-Norman). This is illustrated by the bible translation by John Wycliffe (c.
1380):

12 And the dai bigan to bowe doun, and the twelue camen, and seiden to hym, Leeue the

puple, that thei go, and turne in to castels and townes, that ben aboute, that thei fynde mete,
for we ben here in a desert place. 13 And he seide to hem, Yue ye to hem to ete. And thei
seiden, Ther ben not to vs mo than fyue looues and twei fischis, but perauenture that we
go, and bie meetis to al this puple. 14 And the men weren almost fyue thousynde. And he
seide to hise disciplis, Make ye hem sitte to mete bi cumpanyes, a fifti to gidir. 15 And thei
diden so, and thei maden alle men sitte to mete. 16 And whanne he hadde take the fyue
looues and twei fischis, he biheeld in to heuene, and blesside hem, and brak, and delide to
hise disciplis, that thei schulden sette forth bifor the cumpanyes. 17 And alle men eeten, and
weren fulfillid; and that that lefte to hem of brokun metis was takun vp, twelue cofyns.

The lexical developments are probably the most striking in this passage:
puple ‘people’, desert, place, peraventure ‘maybe’, disciples, cumpanyes, cofyns
‘coffins’, … These are all French loanwords that in some cases was simply added
to the lexicon, but also very often entirely replaced the Germanic words from Old
English.
The majority of morphological endings had disappeared, and what remained
was spelled with an <e>, which suggests a pronunciation with /∂/. The endings
may even no longer have been pronounced at all. There is no longer any evidence
of case, apart from in the pronominal system—where in this fragment, the subject
form they had been introduced, but the object form was still hem. The only remnant
Early Modern English (1500–1700) 9

of verbal morphology is the plural ending {-en} in the past tense (camen, seiden,
weren, etc.) but not in the present (turne, finde; but ben ‘are’).
The syntax in this passage does not strike a modern reader as very odd. Subor-
dinate clauses are no longer verb-final, and constituent order is more or less fixed
as it is in present-day English. This means that the greatest amount of syntactic
change happened in the transition from Old to Middle English.

Early Modern English (1500–1700)

Socio-Historical Context

The Early Modern period, the period of the Renaissance, saw another emancipa-
tion of English. This time it was not an emancipation from French, but English
joined in a European-wide process in which vernacular languages took over func-
tions from Latin, in particular in religion (driven by the Reformation) and science
(Burke 2004). In order to be able to use English in these new domains, the lan-
guage needed to expand its vocabulary significantly. This meant that there were
many Latin loanwords, so many in fact that there was an ultimately unsuccessful
puristic pushback. These Latin loanwords often ended up in higher, more for-
mal registers. This leaves us with a number of English-French-Latin triplets of
increasing formality, e.g., kingly, royal, regal.
In this period, the written language is becoming much more standardised in both
spelling and grammar, partly as a result of the introduction of the printing press,
a growing market for books, and the authoritative bible translation commissioned
by King James VI and I (1611). This means that it becomes more difficult to
spot language change as it happens in the many documents we have from this
period. Many private documents survive from this period as well, however, and
they do allow for a more detailed tracking of changes in progress (Nevalainen and
Raumolin-Brunberg 2003).
An important development is that this period sees the beginning of nation build-
ing, although perhaps with a less strong ideological link between language and
nation than we come to see from the nineteenth century onwards (Anderson 2006;
Burke 2004, pp. 160–172). We also see the first contours of a growing British
Empire, with settlement colonies in North America from the early seventeenth
century. Although these colonies at first retained close connections to Britain,
they soon grew, became increasingly self-sufficient, and developed social group
identities separate from those in the British Isles.3 This meant that we can see
the beginnings of growing numbers of varieties of English, which develop along
separate paths.

3 The colonisation of Ireland from the twelfth century, and the incorporation of Scotland and Eng-

land under one ruler in 1603, were earlier beginnings of Empire. The smaller distance and closer
connections, however, meant that the dynamics of development of these new varieties of English
were different from those in the Early Modern period and later.
10 1 So What Had Happened Was

Linguistic Sketch

The form of English in the Early Modern period can be exemplified by this frag-
ment from the Geneva Bible (1560). This is relatively early in the period; the
translation pre-dates the King James Version by about fifty years, and is less than
200 years younger than the Late Middle English translation by Wycliffe.

12 And when the day began to weare away, the twelue came, and sayd vnto him, Sende the
people away, that they may goe into the townes and villages round about, and lodge, and
get meate: for we are here in a desart place. 13 But he sayd vnto them, Giue ye them to
eate. And they sayd, We haue no more but fiue loaues and two fishes, except we should go
and buy meate for all this people. 14 For they were about fiue thousand men. Then he sayde
to his disciples, Cause them to sit downe by fifties in a company. 15 And they did so, and
caused all to sit downe. 16 Then he tooke the fiue loaues, and the two fishes, and looked vp
to heauen, and blessed them, and brake, and gaue to the disciples, to set before the people.
17 So they did all eate, and were satisfied: and there was taken vp of that remained to them,

twelue baskets full of broken meate.

We can see that the last remaining verb endings have disappeared: came and sayd
for earlier camen and seiden. The spelling in this fragment is considerably closer
to what we are used to today: the only major difference is the distribution of <v>
word-initially and <u> elsewhere, where present-day English has reassigned these
symbols to represent a consonant and a vowel, respectively. The fragment also
sometimes uses <y> where we would write <i>. Finally, there are still some cases
of <e> at the end of words, but these were almost certainly not pronounced.
What we cannot learn from the spelling itself, but what is clear from meta-
linguistic comments as well as rhyming patterns in the literature, is that English
underwent a significant change in the pronunciation of long vowels, known as
the Great Vowel Shift. This sound change has been given almost mythical status,
perhaps undeservedly so (see section “The Great Vowel Shift” in Chapter 4). It is,
however, one of the earliest examples in English of a standardised spelling system
obscuring a major sound change.
In addition to this change in the phonology, there are also a few important
grammatical changes in this period. One is the introduction of the auxiliary verb
do in questions, negations, and emphatic statements. In the early stages of this
change, it was also used in simple affirmative statements, as in they did all eat
(v. 17), but it disappeared from those contexts again before the usage had gained
currency.
Another change, which unfortunately is not exemplified in the fragment, is
the disappearance of the informal second-person singular pronoun thou. This was
replaced by the second-person plural pronoun ye (see v. 13), which was also used
to address individuals in more formal contexts. The form ye itself was eventually
replaced by you, originally the object form of the pronoun. The singular pronoun
thou was still in regular use when the King James Version of the bible was trans-
lated. According to the conventions of the time, informal thou was the appropriate
form to address God by, as it indexed trust, intimacy, and affection. Now that we
Late Modern English (1700–Now) 11

no longer use thou, the archaic and formal nature of the KJV has given the pronoun
an air of formality that is completely anachronistic.

Research Highlight
CONTACT AND CHAOS CAUSE CHANGE
Language change is inevitable, but different languages change at different
speeds, and the rate of change can also change at different time periods in
the history of a single language. Linguists have been trying to find out what
causes these differences.
One explanation is that languages with less drastic change tend to be
geographically isolated. The Old Norse spoken around the year 1000 was
roughly the same across all of Scandinavia, but if we look at present-day
Scandinavian languages, geographically remote Icelandic is much more sim-
ilar to Old Norse than Danish, spoken close to the European heartland, is.
Within Norwegian and Swedish, it is the dialects spoken in more isolated
valleys that retain archaic features like the dative case.
The driver of change in this scenario is language contact, in particular
contact scenarios that involve adult learners of the language. Trudgill (2012)
has argued that complex features disappear in adult second-language acqui-
sition, and he posits that this sociolinguistic situation may also lead to faster
language change (Trudgill 2020).
Another explanation is that language change accelerates in situations of
social upheaval. This view sees language as a ‘punctuated equilibrium’: it is
roughly stable until some event disturbs the balance and a lot of language
change happens suddenly. This would explain why there was rapid change in
English in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries—caused by the Black Death
and the Hundred Years’ War—but relative stability in the eighteenth century
(Trudgill 2020, p. 8). An analysis of language change across many features in
Middle and Early Modern English suggests that there are indeed periods of
rapid change that can be temporally linked to major social events. In addition
to the Black Death and the Hundred Years’ War, the Norman Conquest also
triggered a period of rapid language change. With social upheaval as well as
language contact, how could it not have?

Late Modern English (1700–Now)

Socio-Historical Context

The standardisation processes that were initiated in the Early Modern period con-
tinued into the most recent period, which despite its fairly long time span we will
call Late Modern English, or sometimes ‘present-day’ English. In particular the
eighteenth century was an important time for standardisation, with the publication
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 Kameeltreiber Katoto
entlassen.
Hamis bin Jumah Bagamoyo Swahíli-Askari Am 1. 8. 92 in
had. Balossi und Koch Mwansa
entlassen.
Mzee bin Jumah Tanga Swahíli-Askari
u. Schuster
Muhariso bin " Swahíli-Askari
Mwamsema
Munyipembe bin " Swahíli-Askari
Mkassi und Schneider
Shaha wadi " Swahíli-Askari
Kingaru
Kihara wadi " " † Am 7.11.92 in
Mwamba[38] Tabora.
Hassani Bedui[38] " " Am 1.11.92 in
Tabora krank
entlassen.
Mwalim bin " Swahíli-Askari
Kivuma und Schreiber
Kipishi wadi Mtangata Swahíli- Askari † Am 21. 5. 92 in
Bakari und Fahnentr. Mugango
gefallen.
Kiroboto bin Tanga Swahíli-Askari
Abdallah
Hamisi hadim " "
Mirari[38]
Munyishomari Bagamoyo " † Am 21. 5. 92 in
wadi Mugango
Abdallah[38] gefallen.
Kibwana wadi " "
Sefu[38]
Sudi wadi " "
Jumah[38]
Hassani bin Mtangata Swahíli-Askari
Munyichande und Fahnentr.
Sadiki wadi Tanga Swahíli- Askari † Am 21. 5. 92 in
Farajallah Mugango
gefallen.
Kisessa " " † Am 29. 1. 93 in
Umbugwe.
Bakari wadi Juko " "
Munyibakari wadi " "
Mwishan
Muharizo bin " "
Mwamgeni
Athmani bin Pangani Ruga-Ruga
Jumah
Saïdi wadi Bagamoyo "
Munyibegu
Munyishomari " "
wadi
Makussi[38]
Faraji wadi " "
Homani
Kibange wadi " "
Munyijumah
Abdallah bin Tanga "
Athman
Hamisi Mzee " "
Mabruki Pangani "
Wadudu[38]
Swedi wadi Bin " " † Am 23. 11. 92
 Issa in Tambarale
gefallen.
Athmani wadi " "
Salim
Abdallah bin " "
Athman
Mwalim wadi " "
Kombo
Mahamadi hadim " "
Munyiheri
Kirubi hadim " "
Munyiheri
Mambokumi " "
hadim
Munyiheri
Abedi wadi " "
Munyiheri
Mabruki hadim Sansibar "
Bedui[38]
Mabruki bin Nasor Pangani "
Ambari wadi " "
Mirongo
Mabruki hadim " "
Munyiheri
Ferusi wadi Omari " "
Fundi Hamis " "
hadim Salim
Kombo bin Uledi Tanga Ruga-Ruga und
(Jabu) Büchsenmacher
Rajabu bin Nasibu " Ruga-Ruga
Marijani hadim " "
 Bushiri
Abdallah bin Pangani Ruga-Ruga und
Mohamadi Hirt
Elmoruo Ndaikai Aruscha Aeltester der Im Dezember 92
Massai-hirten in Irangi
entlassen.
Nubi Fereji Bagamoyo Träger Am 15. 11. 92 in
Tabora
entlassen.
Mondogwa wadi " "
Beri
Hassani bin Ali " " Am 3.11.92 in
Urambo krank
entlassen.
Bilali wadi " "
Mangara
Twansapi bin " "
Majaliwa
Munyipembe wadi Bagamoyo Träger Am 1. 5. 92 in
Munyijumah Katoto
entlassen.
Munyishomari " " Am 1. 5. 92 in
wadi Bakali. Katoto
entlassen.
Abdallah wadi " " Am 1. 8. 92 in
Kambwa Mwansa
entlassen.
Munyimbwana " "
wadi
Munyimvua
Munyikondo wadi " " † Am 30. 3. 92 im
Munyiamani Massailand.
Munyishomari " "
wadi Abdallah
Saïdi wadi Hamis " " † Am 30. 3. 92 im
Massailand.
Munyikombo wadi " "
Kambwa.
Munyijumah wadi " " Am 1.5.92 in
Munyigoha Katoto
entlassen.
Munyikondo wadi " " Am 1.8.92 in
Mbakana Mwansa
entlassen.
Bakari wadi " "
Hatibu
Mfawme wadi " " Am 7.11.92 in
Kambwa Tabora krank
entlassen.
Sefu bin Abdallah " "
Wingu wadi Zoka " "
Mwalim wadi " " Am 1.2.93 in
Chanzi Umbugwe
krank
entlassen.
Salehe wadi " " † Am 21.5.92 in
Munyigoha Mugango
gefallen.
Madenge wadi " " † Am 30. 3. 92 im
Kambwa Massailand.
Munyihamis wadi " "
Fuguta
Abdallah wadi " " Am 1.5.92 in
Seliman Katoto
 entlassen.
Ramazani wadi " "
Munyimkuu
Mkayanina Kafuko " "
(Mnyamwesi)
Sefu bin " "
Munyichande
Msa bin Hamis " " Am 1.5.92 in
Katoto
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Mlele wadi Sadani "
Munyisongo
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Mhunzi Mwansa
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Mabruki wadi Tanga "
Salim
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Sahera Umbugwe
gefallen.
Mlondwa wadi " " Am 1.5.92 in
Gengeni Katoto
entlassen.
Mabruki Baraka " "
Jumah wadi Tanga Träger
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Jumah Kombo " " † Am 3. 3. 92 in
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Bilali wadi " " Am 1.8.92 in
Seliman Mwansa
entlassen.
Baruani bin Pangani " † Im Januar 93 in
Marika Irangi.
Sadala wadi " " † Am 10. 8. 92
Hamis vermisst.
Ali bin Omari " " Am 1. 8. 92 in
Mwansa
entlassen.
Adimas wadi " "
Bakari
Jumah bin Saburi " "
Munyichande wadi " "
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Jumah hadim " " Am 15.12.92 in
Mwangombe Ussure krank
entlassen.
Mabruki hadim " " † Am 3.3.92 in
Baraka Umbugwe
gefallen.
Manalla hadim " " † Am 23. 11. 92
Munyiheri in Tambarale
gefallen.
Abdallah hadim " "
Munyiheri
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Munyiheri
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Munyiheri Mwansa
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Baruti hadim " "
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Munyiheri
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Mtego Ikiju.
Abdallah bin " " † Am 3.3.92 in
Munyihali Umbugwe
gefallen.
Hamis wadi " "
Msabaha
Maliabwana " "
hadim
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hadim
Munyiheri
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Munyiheri Tabora krank
entlassen.
Hamis wadi " "
Munyiheri
Borafya hadim " " † Am 21. 5. 92 in
Munyiheri Mugango
gefallen.
Mgeri hadim " "
Munyiheri
Katilfil hadim " "
Munyikombo
Yakud hadim " "
Munyikombo
Hamisi wadi " "
Omari
Maftaa wadi Ali " "
bin Omari
Makusudi hadim Pangani Träger Am 1. 10. 92 in
 Munyiheri Usige krank
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Abdallah wadi " "
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Bwana
Munyishehe
Marijani had. " "
Bwana
Munyishehe
Ruveva hadim " "
Mamdera
Mganga hadim " "
Mamdera
Muya hadim " "
Mamdera
Pita wadi Mbwana Tanga "
Johann wadi " " † Am 3. 3. 92 in
Muhando Umbugwe
gefallen.
Mwalim bin " " † Am 5. 12. 92 in
Sejuma Sunguisi.
(Kibudu)
Sadi wadi Uledi " " † Am 7. 3. 92 in
Umbugwe.
Maftaha wadi " "
Munyibakari
Tafifa wadi Bakari Mtangata "
Maftaha wadi " "
Bakari
Majaliwa wadi " " Am 1. 8. 92 in
 Bakari Mwansa
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Toakadi wadi " " Am 16.12.92 in
Bakari Ussure krank
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Nasiri wadi Shech Tanga "
Sherif bin Mpuna " "
Hassani bin " " Am 1. 1. 93 in
Abdallah Irangi
entlassen.
Ngapi bin Mkono " "
Koya bin Sui " "
Kassim bin Sui " "
Tossa bin Tandala " "
Mfunguu hadim " " † Am 1. 3. 92 in
Nuru der
Massaisteppe.
Seraji hadim " "
Munyihamis
Fathili bin " "
Kibwengo
Mabruki bin Abed " " Am 1. 12. 92 in
Sunguisi
entlassen.
Munyimwaka bin " " † Am 6.4.92 in
Munyikondo Usenye.
Mfumbo bin " "
Majogo
Mardadi bin " "
Majogo
Maftaha hadim " "
 Mwalim
Kombo
Abdallah wadi " " Am 22. 12. 92 in
Athman Unyanganyi
krank
entlassen.
Kibange hadim " "
Munyichande
Selimani hadim Pangani Träger
Mtunguru
Abdallah hadim " "
Mtunguru
Farhani hadim " "
Mambo Sassa
Faraji hadim " "
Mambo Sassa
Pemba wadi " "
Munyijumah
Mamisi hadim " "
Munyiheri
Msa hadim Seyid Tanga " Am 1. 8. 92 in
Mwansa
entlassen.
Munyishomari " " Am 1. 8. 92 in
wadi Hassan Mwansa
entlassen.
Ramadani hadim " " Am 1. 5. 92 in
Seyid Katoto
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Maftaa hadim " "
Seyid
Borafya hadim " " Am 19. 11. 92 in
 Seyid Uyui
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Msembuyu hadim Tanga "
Seyid
Tua Munyikombo Mtangata " † Am 24. 3. 92 in
Massailand.
Ucheche wadi " "
Mgenya
Sudi bin Mirari[38] " "
Hetiari bin " " † Am 21. 5. 92 in
Shahongwe Mugango
gefallen.
Simba hadim " "
Hassan
Mambo hadim " "
Hassan
Jumah hadim " " † Am 31. 3. 92 in
Hassan Massailand.
Munyidadi bin Bori " "
Baraka hadim " " † Am 4. 3. 92 in
Toba bin Umbugwe
Divani gefallen.
Omari bin " "
Munyishummu
Sudi hadim Tanga " † Im Novbr. 92 in
Massudi Urambo.
Ajali hadim Tanga " † Am 9. 7. 92 in
Mbaruku Meatu.
Sahera hadim " " Am 1. 5. 92 in
Mwendakumbe Katoto
entlassen.
 Awale hadim " "
Renu
Sahera bin Jumah " " Am 1. 5. 92 in
Katoto
entlassen.
Alimassi wadi Pangani Trommler
Mgungurugwa
(Munyiamani)
Kopwe Tanga Hornist
Mohamadi bin Mwansa Diener
Hassan

Ausser den Genannten, dem Stande der Expedition angehörigen

Leuten, hielten sich stets zahlreiche Freiwillige (Elephantenjäger und
Wanyamwesi) bei derselben auf. Der Lohn war

für den 1. Mnyapara Rps. 25

" " 2. Mnyapara " 16
" " Massai-Dolmetsch " 25
Sudanesen-
" " " 16
Ombascha
" " Swahíli-Ombascha " 16
Sudanesen-
" die " 15
Soldaten
" " Swahíli-Soldaten " 12
Ruga-Ruga und 10 per Mann und
" " "
Träger Monat.

Ausserdem hatte jeder Mann Anspruch auf Verpflegung in natura

und erhielt auf Verlangen Vorschuss in Tauschwaaren, so weit der
Vorrath reichte. Vorschüsse in Zeug wurden den Leuten berechnet
 am Kilimanjaro die Gora Merikani Bombay Rps. 10
in Irangi " " " " " 10
" Tabora " " " " " 10
Victoria-
am " " " " " 18
See
" Tanganyika " " " " " 22

Vorschüsse in anderen Zeugarten wurden im Verhältniss zu

diesen Sätzen ausgegeben, welche dem Landesgebrauch
entsprachen und die Leute vollkommen zufriedenstellten.
Die Gesammtkosten der Expedition beliefen sich auf rund Mk.
80000.
 Anmerkungen

[1] Matschwera wurde später von Kapitain Spring besucht und

mit den Nachbareilanden »Augusta-Inseln« getauft.
[2] Ich hörte selbst einmal wie die Weiber bei solcher
Gelegenheit von den »Bwana mkubwa« (grossen Herren)
sangen:
Oh — ho ana tumbo kaua bweta
Oh — ho kofia kana kiungo etc.
(Oh — ho, er hat einen Bauch wie eine Schachtel
einen Hut wie einen Mehlkorb u. s. w.)
[3] Usambára und seine Nachbargebiete. Berlin 1891.
[4] Siehe Anhang.
[5] So und nicht »I g r u i v i« heisst dieser Berg.
[6] Die chemische Untersuchung siehe im Anhang.
[7] Die chemische Untersuchung siehe im Anhang.
[8] Vid. auch Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha, p. 229.
[9] A. a. O. pag. 847.
[10] Briefe aus Egypten, Aethiopien und der Halbinsel des Sinai,
Berlin 1852.
[11] Geschichte Egyptens, pag. 415 und 677 ff.
[12] A. a. O. pag. 163.
[13] A. a. O. pag. 345.
[14] Zu den Nehasiu-»Schwarzen« der Alten gehörten auch die
Pygmäen. Einer derselben wurde unter Pepi II. der 6. Dynastie
(ca. 3000 v. Chr.) über Wadi Halfa aus dem »Geisterlande«
Innerafrika's eingeführt um bei Trauertänzen zu fungiren
(Schiaparelli tomba egiziana della 6. Dynastia pag. 50).
[15] Egyptens Vorzeit pag. 159.
[16] Burton erfuhr von Urundi, dass es ein streng monarchisches
Land sei, dessen lichtfarbiger Mwami (Sultan) Mwesi 6 Tage
nordöstlich vom Tanganyika an der Kitangule- (Kagera-) Quelle
sitze. Das Land galt als vollkommen unzugänglich. (Journal R.
G. Soc. 1859, pag. 253.) Es scheint mir wahrscheinlich, dass
der Mwesi damals schon eine mythische Persönlichkeit war.
[17] Siehe Baumann, »Usambára« pag. 277.
[18] Eine ganz ähnliche Sitte findet sich bei den Wapare im
Paregebirge und scheint auch bei den Wahima (Watussi) üblich.
[19] Vergl. Stuhlmann, a. a. O. pag. 282.
[20] So wurde ein Negerjunge aus Ubwari, Tanganyika, den ich
mit nach Europa brachte und der in Afrika zu den schwärzesten
Negern gehörte, die ich jemals gesehen, selbst im europäischen
Sommer täglich lichter und ging von schwarzbraunen zu
kastanienbraunen Schattirungen über.
[21] Vid. Baumann »Usambára« pag. 233.
[22] Ueber den Namen Mwesi vergl. pag. 150.
[23] Vgl. pag. 78 ff.
[24] Kinyamwesi: Sukuma Nord, Takama Süd, Mweri West, Kia
Ost.
[25] Ein ähnliches Zeug wird auch in Ubembe am Tanganyika
gefertigt.
[26] Siehe die chemische Analyse im Anhang.
[27] Siehe das Verzeichniss am Schlusse der Abhandlung. Die
dort in der Reihenfolge ihres Erscheinens aufgezählten und
bezifferten Abhandlungen sind im Texte wiederholt in Klammern
[—] citirt.
[28] Hell- und dunkelgelb, braun, aschgrau.
[29] cf.
1866. Martens [10] Mal. Bl. XIII, S. 9 und 102.
1874. Jickeli [19] S. 259. Taf. 8, Fig. 1.
1876. Conch. Cab. IX, 1, S. 185. Taf. 7, Fig. 1, Fig. 61,
Fig. 1 (Spatha rubens Lam).
[30] In den mit ๐ bezeichneten Abhandlungen sind Mollusken
aus dem Victoria-See genannt und beschrieben.
Ein † kennzeichnet die Abhandlungen, welche Angaben oder
Beiträge zur Fauna des Tanganyika-Sees enthalten.
[31] Mit denselben Tafeln wie in der Iconographie [48]. Der Text
behandelt nur Univalven.
[32] Die bei Rogenhofer l. c. unter No. 67 angeführte Varietät
Natalensis Stgr. wurde irrthümlich zu Cloantha Cr. statt zu
Octavia Cr. gesetzt, wogegen daselbst zu Cloantha Cr. die
Varietät Obscurior Stgr. beizufügen ist.
[33] Dieselben sind:
1. Amazoula B. Trim. Rhop. Afr. I., p. 111, pl. 3, Fig. 3 ♂;
Stgr. Exot. Tgfl. p. 86, Taf. 33.
2. Nyassa Hewits. Monthl. Mg. XIV. 1887, p. 6 (Nyassa).
3. Interposita B u t l . Ann. N. H. 5. Ser. XII. (1883) p. 103
(Victoria-Nyansa).
4. Hauttecœuri O b e r t h . Etud. XII. (1888) p. 7, pl. III.,
Fig. 9 ♂, 7 ♀ (Tabora).
5. Major O b e r t h . l. c. p. 7, pl. II., Fig. 5 ♀ (Sansibar).
6. Johanna S h a r p e . Ann. N. H. 6. Ser. V. (1890) p. 442
(Ost-Afrika).
[34] Callimorpha Zebra Rghf. (Baumann, Usambára 1892, p.
332) dürfte mit Call. Thelwalli Druce (Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond.
1882, p. 779, pl. 61, Fig. 1) als synonym zusammenfallen. Die
Abbildung letzterer Art stellt ein ♀ dar und unterscheidet sich
von der Type der Zebra (♀) nur durch die nicht unterbrochene
vierte Binde der Vorderflügel und den Mangel dunkler Flecke am
Rücken des Abdomens.
[35] Siehe z. B. G. Vasey, A Monograph of the Genus Bos pag.
120.
[36] Die von mir zu diesen Vergleichen benutzten Schädel der
Somali-Rinderrasse entstammen der schönen Sammlung des
Herrn Prof. Dr. Keller, Zürich, für dessen liebenswürdiges
Entgegenkommen ich nochmals herzlichen Dank sage.
[37] Im Herzen von Afrika, pag. 47-50; Leipzig, 1878.
[38] Hat schon frühere Reisen des Verfassers mitgemacht.
 [←] INDEX.
A B C D E F G H I J K L M
NO P Q R S T U V W _ Y Z
 A.
Ackerbau 184, 247 ff, 250.
— der Wafiomi 177.
— der Wanyaturu 189.
— der Waschaschi 198.
— der Watussi 206.
— der Wasinja 211.
— der Waha 226.
— der Wanyamwesi 231.
Aderlassen 160, 171, 207.
Ahnenkult 187.
— bei Wassandaui 193.
— der Warundi 223.
Akanyaru 77, 82, 83, 152.
Alexandra-Nil s. Kagera.
Alexandra-Nyansa 152.
Alexandra-See siehe Akanyaru.
Ali bin Nasor 105, 112.
Amboni 9, 13.
Araber 112, 113.
Arachis 55, 198, siehe auch
Kulturpflanzen.
Aristoteles 150.
Armring der Warundi 77, 218.
Aruscha 16, 241.
Askari 6.
—, Brauchbarkeit der 54.
Augusta-Inseln 46.
Ausrüstung 2.

B.
Bagamoyo-Leute 125.
Bahid Mohamed 7, 23.
Bakari 88.
Bakari bin Mfawme siehe
Kiburdangop.
Bakari Juku 28, 57.
Bakari Rumaliza's 93, 94.
Balanga 167.
Balangda-See 121, 138, 172.
Bambus 219.
Banane 219, siehe auch
Kulturpflanzen.
Barabeïda 121.
Bari 194.
Baridi 142.
Batwa siehe Watwa.
Baumann-Golf 51, 143, 199, 208.
Baumdorf 99.
Baumwohnungen 189.
Baumwolle 66, 251.
Baumwollzeug 252.
— der Wanyamwesi 229, 232.
Bayuta 168.
Begräbniss 190.
— bei Massai 163.
— in Umbugwe 187.
— bei Wanyamwesi 236.
— bei Warundi 222, 223.
— bei Wassandaui 193.
Beile der Wasinja 212.
Bemalung 159.
Benne-Berg 19, 134.
Bergkrystall 188.
Beschneidung 159, 161, 172, 178,
182, 186, 189, 190, 204, 216,
228.
— bei Waschaschi 197.
— bei Wassandaui 193.
— der Wataturu 171.