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Political Revolt and Youth Unemployment in Tunisia: Exploring the Education-Employment Mismatch 1st Edition Isabel Schaefer (Auth.) full chapter instant download
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POLITICAL REVOLT
AND YOUTH
UNEMPLOYMENT
IN TUNISIA
Exploring the
Education-Employment
Mismatch
Isabel Schaefer
Middle East Today
Series editors
Fawaz A. Gerges
Department of International Relations
London School of Economics
London, UK
Nader Hashemi
Center for Middle East Studies
University of Denver
Denver
CO, USA
The Iranian Revolution of 1979, the Iran-Iraq War, the Gulf War, and
the US invasion and occupation of Iraq have dramatically altered the
geopolitical landscape of the contemporary Middle East. The Arab
Spring uprisings have complicated this picture. This series puts forward a
critical body of first-rate scholarship that reflects the current political and
social realities of the region, focusing on original research about conten-
tious politics and social movements; political institutions; the role played
by non-governmental organizations such as Hamas, Hezbollah, and the
Muslim Brotherhood; and the Israeli-Palestine conflict. Other themes
of interest include Iran and Turkey as emerging pre-eminent powers in
the region, the former an ‘Islamic Republic’ and the latter an emerg-
ing democracy currently governed by a party with Islamic roots; the
Gulf monarchies, their petrol economies and regional ambitions; poten-
tial problems of nuclear proliferation in the region; and the challenges
confronting the United States, Europe, and the United Nations in the
greater Middle East. The focus of the series is on general topics such as
social turmoil, war and revolution, international relations, occupation,
radicalism, democracy, human rights, and Islam as a political force in the
context of the modern Middle East.
vii
Contents
1 Introduction 1
Bibliography 5
ix
x Contents
9 Conclusions 93
Bibliography
97
Index 107
Abbreviations
xi
xii Abbreviations
xiii
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
1 A previous version of this research was published as a working paper under: Schäfer,
Isabel (2017): Economic crisis and youth unemployment in Tunisia: a danger to the
democratic transition process? In: Mühlberger, Wolfgang (ed.) (2017): Transformation in
Tunisia: The First Five Years. EuroMeSCo Joint Policy Study, No. 5, Barcelona: IEMed, pp.
42–65.
2 Three major terrorist attacks in 2015 and one in 2016, an estimated number of 5000
Tunisian foreign fighters in Syria, and hundreds of returned foreign fighters in Tunisia.
1 INTRODUCTION 3
Bibliography
ASDA’A Butson-Marsteller. 2015. Arab Youth Survey. Dubai: asdea.
BAFD. et al. 2015: African Economic Outlook. Tunisia. Tunis: BAFD.
Schäfer, Isabel. 2017. Economic critis and youth unemployment in Tunisia: A
Danger to the Democratic Transition Process? In: Mühlberger, Wolfgang
(eds.): Transformation in Tunisia. The First Five Years. Euromesco Joint
Policy Stusy, no.5, Barcelona: IEMed, pp. 42–65.
UNDP (2016): Arab Human Development Report(AHDR 2016), New York:
UNDP.
Weinmann, Christoph David. 2014. Employment and Labor Market Analysis
Tunisia. Final Report. Bonn: GIZ.
CHAPTER 2
Abstract This chapter develops some reflections on the state of the art
and various theoretical approaches, including political economy, demo-
cratic transition literature, labor market theory, labor market sociology,
and development economics with regard to youth, unemployment, skill
mismatch, and human development.
the MENA region is not new (it began in the 1980s), and there is
also a significant amount of scientific publications on unemployment
even from before the Tunisian revolution, which is less dealt with
here, because the political framework conditions have significantly
changed since then, and the focus of the analysis is on the current
situation.
In the abundant literature on the “Arab Spring” and its after-
math, one can find numerous articles on the situation of the youth
in Tunisia and other MENA countries, and on the political actorness
of youth in the uprisings (including the use of social media), as well
as in the turnover of some of the authoritarian regimes (e.g., Floris
2012; Khoury 2011; Stora 2011; Meddeb 2011; Allal and Pierret
2013; Colombo 2016), or on radicalization processes among the youth
(e.g., Daguzan 2017). I will not delve more deeply into the debate
here, or on whether the “Arab Spring” was a “revolt,” a “revolution,”
an “upheaval,” an “uprising,” or a “social movement.” The way I
understand it, it was a revolutionary movement from below that led
to a fundamental change in the political system. Some authors retro-
actively deny the revolutionary historical momentum of 2011 and its
region-wide, trans-national dynamic, leading to the fall of the regimes’
dictators Ben Ali, Gaddafi, and Mubarak, independently from what
happened afterwards (i.e., the return of authoritarianism in Egypt,
and civil and proxy war in Libya), and deliberately reduce the revolt
moment to a local “social” uprising, minimizing political aspirations
of participation and freedom of the young generation—or else they
focus on the resilience of the authoritarian regimes, or try to demys-
tify the change dynamic (Anderson 2011). Only a few authors have
explored the role that social policy and, in particular, a gender-sensi-
tive social policy can play in terms of inclusion and responses to the
socio-economic demands of the protesters, and analyze the neces-
sity of a well-functioning social dialogue for a well-functioning and
dynamic economy (Karshenas et al. 2014; Karshenas and Moghadam
2006; Romdhane 2006, 2011). Many debates have taken place on
the wide range and importance of the various political, historic, eco-
nomic, and social factors triggering the upheavals in Tunisia and else-
where in the MENA region, and on the so-called “model character” of
the Tunisian case for other MENA countries. This study stresses that
there is no such “model” character, that the contexts significantly dif-
fer in each MENA country, and that youth unemployment was (and
2 REFLECTIONS ON THE STATE OF THE ART … 9
continues to be) one of the major factors that triggered the Tunisian
revolution (e.g., Al-Momani 2011)—next to the lack of freedom and
political participation; the lack of legitimation of the governing; a cor-
rupt regime and authoritarianism; the growing gap between the society
and the regime; social inequality; social fatigue and frustration; the lack
of societal recognition and exclusion of marginalized youth; the lack of
perspectives and possibilities to live in dignity; and fears of downward
mobility among the middle classes.
The notion or concept of youth—as an analytical category—is con-
tested in the social sciences (Bayat and Herrera 2010). There is not just
one definition of youth—there are many “youths.” Youth is not a mon-
olithic bloc; it is plural, multi-layered, heterogeneous, and an inherent
part of civil society. The AHDR defines youth “as the phase in life during
which a person’s state changes from one of dependence (childhood) to
one of independence (adulthood)” (AHDR 2016: 12). The understand-
ing of adulthood in a MENA context as “waithood” (e.g., Singerman
2008) describes the situation of young people who are in a period of
stagnation, who continue to live with their parents until age 30 (and
sometimes even until 40), due to unemployment, rising housing prices,
and other social problems. In the context of international development
agencies and organizations, there tends to be a consensus on the defi-
nition of individuals between 15 and 29 in some cases (AHDR 2016),
due to the prolonged transition phase faced by many in the MENA
region, and between 15 and 24 in many other cases (e.g., the UN)—
nor is there a regionally accepted definition. Some consider youth to be
a burden or a problem, while others consider youth to be a resource,
change-makers, or human capital. Others stress the youth dimension of
the Tunisian unemployment problem, as young people were the main
driving force of the Tunisian revolution and its demands for decent jobs,
and a better and more inclusive government have not yet been satisfied
(Boughzala 2016). Most of the quantitative sources used for this analy-
sis apply the definition of 15–24 years old, but on the qualitative level,
youth is understood to be a fluid category, and, in a wider sense, as the
current young generation.
Another important aspect is the political dimension of youth, in the
sense that large sectors of youth feel excluded from politics, and that
the gap from state politics is increasing rather than decreasing (Murphy
2012). In the Tunisian society under the Ben Ali regime, youth was
partly considered as a second category, as second-class citizens, or even
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Niin saapuivat he sakaristoon ja kumartuen kumpikin eri nurkkaan
päin veivät lakin silmilleen. Se oli jumalanpalveluksen hiljainen alku.
Mitä lie pappi rukoillut tuona vähäisenä hetkenä, jolloin hän seisoi
nurkkaansa päin kumartuneena, sitä oli vaikea sanoa. Mutta
kirkkoväärti ei ehtinyt muuta kuin syvään huokaista. Sekin tuntui
sentään juhlalliselta. Ja sitten… niin sitten hän auttoi kappaa papin
selkään ja sitä tehdessään tavallisesti virkahti, monesko
asianomainen oli järjestyksessä hänen palvelusaikanaan, sekä kertoi
muhoillen, kuinka lukkarille oli kerran tullut »korput» tässä
samaisessa hommassa.
»Ne ovat papin lapsia! Mitäs laki siitä sanoo?» Pappi oli tuuminut
hetken ja perääntynyt. Totta — ne olivat hänen lapsiaan, jotka olivat
aiheuttaneet kirkkopahennuksen. Lailla ei olisi muuta tehtävää kuin
todeta se, samoinkuin kirkkoväärtin tarmokas yritys lasten
kurissapitämiseksi. Sakariston ovelle kerääntynyt kansa oli
puolestaan todennut, että Setä-Kalle seisoi sukkasillaan, ilman
takkia, ja että papin poika pasteeraili edestakaisin ja toimitti: »Setä-
Kalle antoi, kun minä uhkasin huutaa.» Ei siis ollut auttanut papin
muu kuin kauniisti perääntyä ja pyytää Setä-Kallelta anteeksi.
— Pappilassako kävit?
— Niinpä loppui.
— Niinpä taitaa.
Vallankaappaus
Niinpä niin, olihan se. Suloista oli loikoa pirtin pankolla ja katsella
kissanpojan ilveitä. Sillä veitikalla oli notkea ruumis… Se se olisi
tukkilaiseksi sopinut. Ei olisi pudonnut sumaan niinkuin hän, kankea,
jaakea mies. Olisi pysytellyt tasapainossa vaikka minkälaisessa
vuolteessa.
Sisar Leena oli lypsylle lähdössä. Hän oli puuhaillut pirtissä pitkän
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veli kulutti aikansa makaamalla. Ja jos se ei olisi ollut sellainen
syöppö vielä päälle päätteeksi. Niin… tietysti… söi ja lihoi, vaatien
päivä päivältä yhä enemmän. Oikean oli isä sille aamulla nimen
antanutkin: »raparuuhi.» Niin juuri! Se oli tosi ja paikalleen sanottu.
Isä tuli heinästä hiukan ennen illallista. Väki oli jo kaikki koolla.
Lööres tutkisteli isänsä kasvoja. Happamennäköiset olivat. Niin
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pikanellirullaa pienentämään.
— Ei… ei sillä lailla… ei! Vaan h—tin raparuuhi! Ka, se… se kyllä!
Lööres hölmistyi. Mitä nyt? Oliko tuo hänen isänsä, tuo pikkuinen
äijä, jonka kasvolihakset näyttivät kovilta kuin kivi, ja jonka silmät
leimusivat? Tuoko pikkuinen, äkeännäköinen äijä, jonka äänikin
jyrähteli kuin ukkonen?
Lööres heittäysi penkille pitkäkseen. Hän oli voitettu. Isä oli hänet
lyönyt, tuo pikkuinen äijä, joka tuolla uunin sivulla leikkasi
pikanellirullaa, niin että pölkky heilahteli. Vai »raparuuhi» se olikin.
No… se nyt ei tuntunut miltään edelliseen verrattuna. Sanokoot
vain… vaikka sanoisivat miksi hyvänsä. Hän ei välittänyt…
Lööres asetti kädet päänsä alle ja tirkisteli kattoon. Kyllä olisi soma
olla kätilön miehenä niinkuin toisten Penjaami. Mutta — kätilöitä ei
riittänyt kaikille… ei riittänyt… ei riittänyt.
Ison Oskalon poika ajaa tunturia ja joikkaa. Hän joikkaa niin, että
enkelit vuoroin kauhusta kalpenevat, vuoroin puraisevat punaisia
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nuo, jotka alkuluomisesta jo olivat enkeleiksi luodut — kyselevät
Sissangin Marilta: »Sano, miltä tuntuu maahinen rakkaus, sano,
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on ihanaa!»
— Ei Maareeta, ei Kaarin
ei Sigga Saivo-Tuomaan.
Ison Oskalon poika toivottaa
nyt teidät Herran huomaan!