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edited by
ASHLEY THORPE . DIANA YEH
CONTESTING
BRITISH
CHINESE
C U LT U R E
Contesting British Chinese Culture
Ashley Thorpe • Diana Yeh
Editors
Contesting British
Chinese Culture
Editors
Ashley Thorpe Diana Yeh
Department of Drama and Theatre Department of Sociology
Royal Holloway, University of London City, University of London
Egham, UK London, UK
The editors would like to thank all of the contributing authors for their
work on this volume and for their patience and responsiveness during the
editing process. We would also like to thank the Department of Sociology,
City, University of London for generous financial support for this
publication.
vii
Contents
5 Testing, Contesting 85
susan pui san lok
ix
x CONTENTS
Index 261
Notes on Contributors
xi
xii Notes on Contributors
xv
xvi LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. 8.4 Grace Lau, Ad/Dressing Death series, 2013. (©Grace Lau) 149
Fig. 10.1 Jennifer Lim as Xiao Mei in Red (Fong 1996). (©Rosa
Fong)169
Fig. 12.1 In the background, a projected figure of Veronica Needa
acting in Women in Law by April de Angelis (produced by
ReSisters in the late 1980s) with her in front reacting to a
voiceover segment during FACE. (©Veronica Needa) 231
Fig. 12.2 Veronica Needa with her dragon in performance, 2006.
(©Veronica Needa) 234
CHAPTER 1
so-called Black arts and Chinese art paradigms. From its beginnings, how-
ever, its boundaries were highly contested and its meanings disputed. In
part, this reflected the diverse backgrounds of those classified as
“Chinese” in Britain. While the generations of the 1950s and 1960s
were often Cantonese-speaking Hong Kong Chinese from the New
Territories, the 1970s–1980s saw significant numbers of ethnic Chinese
from Southeast Asia, especially Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam, arriv-
ing in Britain. More recently, there has been a significant surge in immi-
gration from Mandarin-speaking parts of China, as well as an exponential
increase in students and workers from Asia, especially China, Malaysia,
and Hong Kong, who are further transforming understandings of
“British Chinese” today. Ethnic Chinese have also long arrived, albeit in
smaller numbers, from Britain’s former colonies—such as India,
Mauritius, and Guyana—alongside others from the United States,
Australia, Canada, and elsewhere. Thus, fierce debates have arisen over
hegemonic formulations of “British Chinese” and whether it should
refer, for example, to anyone Chinese living in Britain, to the Chinese in
Britain who have had experience of living in one of Britain’s former colo-
nies, or to British-born Chinese, and who is rendered invisible in these
dominant definitions. Another point of contention has been the position
of “multiracial” or “mixed” individuals, who have often experienced
invisibility if not exclusion due to narrow understandings of what consti-
tutes “authentic” “Chineseness.”
Further, when debates over British Chineseness have surfaced in rela-
tion to cultural production, the emphasis on race and ethnicity per se, over
issues of artistic practice notably, but also other factors, such as class, gen-
der, sexuality, generation, and geography, has been widely disputed. This,
particularly so in the context where dominant understandings of “dia-
sporic” and “transnational” cultural practices assume ties to a primordial
ethnicity linked to the “homeland” (Anthias 1998) (here, “China”) rather
than to specific localities or, recognizing the multidirectional routes of
inspiration and identification that might connect “British Chinese” artists
to, for example, African American, Korean or French Canadian artists (Yeh
2014a; Rogers, Chapter 13, this volume). Further, as the category “British
Chinese” became institutionalized in the 1990s, contestations grew in
response to the ways in which it became used, if not, co-opted to package
and commodify rather than engage difference, often rendering invisible
precisely those positions, experiences, and subjectivities that once sought
recognition under its name.
INTRODUCTION: CONTESTING BRITISH CHINESE CULTURE 5
Equally problematic has been the way in which the term “Chinese,” as
a result of colonial legacies, has effectively functioned as a racial category
in Britain and become hegemonic over other East and Southeast Asian
identities, prompting alternative mobilizations over “Oriental” (a highly
contentious term) and British East Asian identities (Yeh 2014a). As Yeh
notes in Chapter 2, this volume, opportunities for British Japanese,
Korean, Laotian, Filipino, and other East and Southeast Asian artists have
often been shaped by “Chineseness,” and despite attempts to carve out
recognition to combat incorporation and erasure within the category
“Chinese,” such mobilizations did not significantly change public dis-
course during the 1990s. Only in recent years has mobilization around
“British East Asian” entered cultural and academic discourse, where the
term is often, to the consternation of Southeast Asians, used to include
those from Southeast Asia.
The book begins to chart these contestations by examining how
notions of “British Chinese culture” have been constructed and chal-
lenged across the visual arts, film, theatre, and performance. Although
there is an emerging body of sociological literature surrounding British
Chinese identities,1 this book is distinctive in adopting an interdisciplin-
ary methodology that maps the trajectories of past and present cultural
practices from a number of academic and artistic perspectives. It brings
together contributions from scholars working across the disciplines of
sociology, geography, theatre studies, art history, and film and screen
studies, and artists from across the visual arts, film, photography, and
theatre and performance. Unlike more totalizing forms of knowledge
production, the volume does not seek to provide a comprehensive over-
view of the field and necessarily excludes a host of cultural practices, such
as poetry and literature, fashion and design, music and other forms of
popular culture, despite flourishing activity in all these realms (for work
on popular music and the nightlife and entertainment industries, see Yeh
2014a, c). It seeks instead to provide in-depth insight into specific areas
of research that are particularly vibrant, focusing on the visual arts, film,
theatre, and performance with a view to encouraging further inquiry
across different fields.
In bringing together a range of scholars and artists from different dis-
ciplines and practices, with different theoretical and political positions,
embodied engagements and histories, this book does not seek to sub-
sume the contributions within a single analytical framework. The chap-
ters do, however, broadly engage with a range of poststructuralist,
6 A. THORPE AND D. YEH
CHAPTER VII.
A CHIVALROUS EXPLOIT.
"I can't," said Lucy, white with fear; "it's for father's
supper. I can't give it to you."
Gus was rather startled to see Lucas close the door and
lock it as soon as they were within the room. Then he
turned to the boy, and said in his lowest, most impressive
tones—
CHAPTER VIII.
GUS' NEW FRIENDS.
The boy saw and heard many things when he was with
them which made him wonder. He noticed that though
Lucas had no regular employment, he was never without
money. He would speak to the neighbours of the bad times;
but their badness seemed in no way to affect his comfort.
His food was of the best; he had dainties on his table that
were to be seen on no other in Lavender Terrace. He told
Gus that he bought them for Lucy's sake, whose appetite
required much tempting; but the fact remained that he had
the power to spend money as none of his neighbours could.
Certainly he had not the fatal weakness which had dragged
Gus' father down into the lowest depths of misery. He never
drank to excess. Some beer with his meals and an
occasional glass of spirits was all he took. But the spirit was
of the best quality, as was also the tobacco which he
smoked.
"You hold your tongue!" cried his father. "I tell you he
shall be a gentleman.
At last, when the sun was sinking low in the west, and
Gus was growing very weary, Lucas said, as they
approached some shops—
"That is not good money," she said; "where did you get
it?"
"I mean that it's a bad florin; one that never came from
the Mint. There's been a good many of them about lately. I
was deceived by one once, but I shall not be again. Come, if
that's all the money you've got to pay with, you'd best be
off."
CHAPTER IX.
AT SUNDAY SCHOOL.
IT was not often that Gus could get away from the baby
for a whole afternoon; but on the following Sunday, he
found himself once more at liberty. Sally Dent had gone to
visit a relative who lived in London, and had taken the baby
with her. So Gus started forth for a ramble with a delightful
sense of freedom. It was a lovely June day, lovely with that
first freshness of the summer, which in the neighbourhood
of London so quickly sullies.
"Why are you standing here, little boy? Will you not
come into school?"
"For shame, boys!" she said. "Is that the way to treat a
stranger? I am really ashamed. And I hoped I was going to
make gentlemen of you."
"Where have you been, Gus?" she asked. "I have seen
nothing of you all the afternoon."
"Did you?"
"Yes, she died five years ago. Gus, since I have been
sitting here and looking down there—" she pointed in the
direction of the cemetery—"I have been wishing that I too
could die; it would be so good to lie there beneath the trees
and rest for ever."