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THE TRANSGENERATIONAL
CONSEQUENCES OF THE
ARMENIAN GENOCIDE
NEAR THE FOOT OF MOUNT ARARAT
ANTHONIE HOLSLAG
PALGRAVE STUDIES
IN THE HISTORY
OF GENOCIDE
Palgrave Studies in the History of Genocide
Series Editors
Thomas Kühne
Clark University, USA
Deborah Mayersen
University of Wollongong, Australia
Tom Lawson
Northumbria University, UK
Genocide has shaped human experience throughout history and is one of
the greatest challenges of the twenty-first century. Palgrave Studies in the
History of Genocide is dedicated to the study of this phenomenon across
its entire geographic, chronological and thematic range. The series acts
as a forum to debate and discuss the nature, the variety, and the concepts
of genocide. In addition to histories of the causes, course, and perpe-
tration of genocide, the series devotes attention to genocide’s victims,
its aftermaths and consequences, its representation and memorialization,
and to genocide prevention. Palgrave Studies in the History of Genocide
encompasses both comparative work, which considers genocide across
time and space, and specific case studies.
The Transgenerational
Consequences of the
Armenian Genocide
Near the Foot of Mount Ararat
Anthonie Holslag
Research School for Memory, Heritage
and Material Culture, Faculty of
Humanities
University of Amsterdam
Amsterdam, The Netherlands
v
Preface
vii
viii Preface
the minds of the perpetrators lies at the core of genocide, as both Staub
and Semelin claim, then this identity crisis (real or imagined) will be visi-
ble and acted out in the violence. This makes violence meaningful instead
of meaningless or incomprehensible. It shows the perpetrators’ intent,
and demonstrates the extent to which the violence is truly genocidal.
Additionally, I argue that the meaning of this violence becomes inter-
nalized and embodied by the victimized group and is expressed in day-
to-day life, in contemporary Armenian art, and literature and ceremonies
within present-day Armenian diasporic communities. These expressions
are transgenerational and even more importantly non-spatial in nature.
Thus, certain cultural symbols are used by first-, second-, third- and
fourth-generation Armenian survivors. These symbols are used not only
in the Dutch diasporic community, but also in the diasporic communities
in England and the United States and elsewhere in the world. I argue
that, from a social scientific perspective, this is a peculiar outcome, since
generally, diasporic communities adapt to the dominant culture group.
That the Armenians do so to a lesser extent speaks to the resilience of
their collective experiences and sense of loss. Thus, the weight of the
(collective) Armenian pain and history is engrained in the (re)construc-
tion of their Armenian identity. The Armenian genocide becomes an
inseparable part of the “Armenian self.”
Finally, I argue that the Armenian internalization of violence not only
brings cohesion, but ironically also causes friction and schisms within the
Armenian diasporic communities. These schisms are an integrated part of
an over-focus on identity and underlines the Armenian community’s fear
of (another) annihilation. These fears are both imagined and real, for the
Armenians have experienced exactly what the perpetrators projected—
their pathological fixation on identity or the self-concept and projecting
this on an Other that must be eradicated. This is a fear that can be traced
back to the impact that the Armenian genocide had on the psychology of
the survivors and the whole social fabric of the Armenian culture.
Westerners have to bear in mind that the Armenian genocide has had
no closure, and will not have closure until these horrendous acts are fully
recognized by the Turkish State and the international community. The
fact that Armenians’ pain has not been recognized is reopening the same
old stinking wound and perpetuates the last phase of genocide—denial of
history and remembrance.
Although this book is about the Armenian genocide and Armenian
identity, the analysis of this book is a starting point for future
x Preface
prolonged and reproduced and how this suffering can be mobilized for
political agendas when the circumstances are right.
Although I will not discuss this political dimension of genocide in
detail in this book, my analysis contributes to an understanding of the
political processes such as inclusion and exclusion, discriminatory policies
or, in extreme cases, processes that Lemarchand (1998) called “counter-
genocide(s).” In a case study of the refugee camps in Tanzania, Malkki
(1995) was surprised that the acts of violence committed by Hutus dur-
ing the Rwanda genocide were similar to the acts of violence directed
at the Hutus themselves in 1972. Such acts included the impaling of
citizens, cutting foetuses from mothers’ wombs, forcing parents to eat
their children’s flesh and forcing parents and children to commit incest
(Malkki 1995; see also Shaw 2007: 138). Although not all Hutu perpe-
trators were descendants of survivors of massacres in Burundi in 1972,
and not all survivors of the Burundi massacres resorted to violence,
Rwandan refugees from Burundi were disproportionally involved in the
early stages of the killing during the genocide in Rwanda (Campbell
2010: 304). It is a disturbing and thought-provoking observation that
the once-victimized group became perpetrators using the same symbolism
and modes of violence as the original aggressors.
I do not claim that the Armenians commit genocide or similar acts of
violence today; rather, I argue that the transference of the pathological
fixation on identity from the aggressors to the victimized group can be a
starting point for further investigation.
In Chap. 1, I describe the life of Arshile Gorky and tell the story of
two significant portraits of a mother and her son. In Chap. 2, I present
the theoretical framework for this investigation. I discuss the background
of my research, give more in-depth explanations of the terminology of
the research question and present contemporary anthropological theories
on identity, identity making and the social construction of history.
Chapter 3 is contextual in nature. Here, I look at the development
and history of the present-day Armenian diasporic communities in
the Netherlands and London, examing them in comparison with the
Armenian diasporic in France. The questions that I address are as follows:
What can these comparisons tell us about the Dutch Armenian diasporic
community? How are the Armenian diasporic communities organised?
In Chap. 4 of Part I of the book, I examine the Armenian geno-
cide from an anthropological point of view. I focus on three elements
of genocide: the political and social causes, the symbolic meaning of
Preface xiii
Bibliography
Aya, R.R. 1990. Rethinking Revolutions and Collective Violence: Studies on
Concept, Theory and Method. Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis.
Baumann, G. 1999. The Multicultural Riddle: Rethinking National, Ethnic, and
Religious Identities. New York and London: Routledge.
Baumann, G. 2004. Grammars of Identity/Alterity. In Grammars of Identity/
Alterity: A Structural Approach, ed. G. Baumann, and A. Gingrich. Oxford:
Berghahn Books.
Campbell, B. 2010. Contradictory Behavior During Genocide. In: Sociological
Forum, 25 (2): 296–314.
Lemarchand, R. 1998. Genocide in the Great Lakes: Which Genocide? Whose
Genocide? African Studies Review 41 (1): 1–18.
Malkki, L.H. 1995. Purity and Exile: Violence, Memory and National Cosmology
among Hutu Refugees in Tanzania. Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press.
Melson, R.F. 1992. Revolution and Genocide: On the Origins of the Armenian
Genocide and the Holocaust. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Semelin, J. 2007. Purify and Destroy: The Political Uses of Massacre and Genocide.
London: Hurst and Co.
Shaw, M. 2007. What is Genocide?. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Staub, E. 1989. The Roots of Evil: The origins of genocide and other group violence.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Staub, E. 2009. The Origins of Genocide and Mass Killing: Core Concepts.
In The Genocide Studies Reader, ed. S. Totten, and P.R. Bartrop New York:
Routledge.
Van de Port, M. 1998. Gypsies, Wars and Other Instances of the Wild: Civilisation
and Its Discontents in a Serbian Town. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University
Press.
Acknowledgements
xv
xvi Acknowledgements
Before I thank some of the scholars who helped me, directly or indi-
rectly, through the process of theorizing and doing research, I want to
thank two specific people at Palgrave Publishing. I think that my delays
and resetting the deadlines drove them nuts, yet they were always patient
and helpful to the point that deserves admiration. I want to thank
Carmel Kennedy who always politely reminded me of deadlines when
I had exceeded them (more than once). I also want to thank Emily
Russell who gave me the room and free reign to finish this book at a
slower pace. They didn’t had to, but their indirect trust in me, gave me
the energy I sometimes desperately needed. I would also like to thank
Thirza Fockert and Julia Challinor who helped me with the tedious work
of editing and rewriting. I also like to thank Vinothini Elango and every-
one in the team of Springer and Palgrave for helping me with the proofs.
Scholarly there are so many people I would like to thank that even if
I fill pages and I would probably still forget many names. If I do, please
forgive me. My first thanks go to Frank van Vree and Jojada Verrips who
were always brutally honest with me and sharpened my ideas. Secondly
I would like to thank Peter Balakian for letting me use his poem. This
was of extreme importance to me, as I didn’t want this book to start with
a non-Armenian voice. His poem Armenia, 1987 explores, addresses
and expresses the feelings many of my respondents felt, and doing that
in words and beautifully constructed sentences is a talent I simply do
not possess. Further I would like to thank Alexander Hinton, Armen
Marsoobian, Donna Lee-Frieze, Douglas Irving, Kjell Anderson, Adam
Jones, Gregory Stanton, Joop de Jong, Devon Hinton, Ria Reis and
many other scholars I met at universities or during conferences in Yerevan,
Buenos Aires and Siena and whose papers and lectures inspired me.
I would also like to thank some scholars I never met in person but
whose ideas formed this book. First I would like to thank belatedly Gerd
Baumann who helped me in looking differently at identities and iden-
tity building. Secondly, I would like to thank Ervin Staub, Mattijs van de
Port, Carol Kidron, Robert Melson, my personal hero Clifford Geertz
and many others. Their work and their ideas pulse through the heart of
this book.
Finally, I would like to thank Arijana Hergic and my son Mack.
Without their patience as “daddy disappeared once again in his study”,
utterly stressed and dissatisfied, this book would never be finished. I
know I was absent many times, but they understood the importance of
my research subject.
Acknowledgements xvii
1 Introduction 1
5 Intermezzo 187
xix
xx Contents
9 Conclusion 277
Index 287
List of Tables
xxi
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