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OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
CLASSICA L PR ESENCES
General Editors
lorna hardwick james i. porter
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
CLASSICAL PRESENCES
Attempts to receive the texts, images, and material culture of ancient Greece and Rome
inevitably run the risk of appropriating the past in order to authenticate the present.
Exploring the ways in which the classical past has been mapped over the centuries allows
us to trace the avowal and disavowal of values and identities, old and new. Classical
Presences brings the latest scholarship to bear on the contexts, theory, and practice of such
use, and abuse, of the classical past.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
Su Fang Ng
1
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
1
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
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First Edition published in 2019
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OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
Acknowledgments
Following Alexander into Europe and Asia has been a long labor of love, and along the
way I have incurred many debts to institutions and individuals. I am grateful for all
the support that made this book possible. A Bunting fellowship at the Radcliffe
Institute for Advanced Study at Harvard in 2005–6 provided an inspiring environment
of highly-accomplished women in which to begin this project. I must thank Judy
Vichniac, then Executive Director, and her staff, as well as fellow fellows, especially
Susan Suleiman, who invited me to contribute an essay to a special issue. When I was
on a Delta Delta Delta fellowship at the National Humanities Center, Research Triangle
Park, I learnt much from discussions with a group of like-minded scholars who formed
a seminar on Master Languages and Vernaculars—Catherine Chin, Mary Ellis Gibson,
Alison Keith, Tim Kircher, Stephen Rupp, David Samuels, and Nigel Smith—as well
as benefiting from the support of the Center’s staff and librarians. In 2009–10 as a
Harrington faculty fellow at the University of Texas at Austin, I enjoyed the intellectual
community of early modernists in the English department. It was a particularly lively
time as it was the inaugural year of the Texas Institute for Literary and Textual Studies
(TILTS) organized by Wayne Rebhorn and Frank Whigham. At Texas I particularly
appreciated the warm welcome from Hannah Wojciehowski and John Rumrich, whose
work on Milton I have long admired. I also thank the Harrington Foundation for spon-
soring a symposium I organized on “The Seaborne Renaissance”; additional support
was provided by the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, the South Asia Institute, and
the Harry Ransom Center.
It is a pleasure to thank several other institutions for short-term fellowships and
grants that supported research for this book. The American Philosophical Society and
British Academy awarded me a Joint Fellowship for Research in London, which gave
me a summer in London archives. The International Institute for Asian Studies at Leiden
granted me an affiliated fellowship for a month’s stay. This research was supported in
part by a grant from the Oklahoma Humanities Council and the National Endowment
for the Humanities. (Findings, opinions and conclusions do not necessarily represent
the views of the OHC or the NEH.) In addition, this scholarship was supported by an
Arts and Humanities Faculty Fellowship from the Arts and Humanities Working
Group through funding from the Office of the Vice President for Research (VPR) at
the University of Oklahoma Norman Campus. During its tenure, I spent two months
at Leiden University as a visiting scholar courtesy of the Scaliger Institute: I thank
Harm Beukers, at the time the Scaliger chair, and Kasper van Ommen for helping me
get settled. I would also like to acknowledge the scholarship I received from the Dutch
Language Union (Nederlandse Taalunie) for a three-week Dutch immersion course in the
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
vi Acknowledgments
Netherlands; and tuition grants for language study from the University of Oklahoma’s
Office of the Vice-President for Research.
A number of scholars generously shared their expertise and work, including
Bernadette Andrea, Richmond Barbour, Jonathan Burton, Martin Dzelzainis, Annabel
Teh Gallop, Jane Grogan, Robert Markley, Ian McClure, Thom Richardson, Peter
Riddell, Lisa Voigt, Rienk Vermij, Timothy Wilks, and Paul Wormser. I would also like
to thank Leonard Blussé, who graciously allowed me to audit his graduate course on
the history of European-Asian relations when he was Erasmus Chair at Harvard, as
well as Sharon Achinstein, Chris Chism, Geraldine Heng, Vince Leitch, Curtis Perry,
and Michael Schoenfeldt. I appreciate the opportunities to present work-in-progress
to various audiences. Especially fruitful was the conference on “Alexander the Great in
Medieval and Early Modern Culture” organized by Markus Stock at the University of
Toronto: the collected essays have now been published. I thank the following organ-
izers for kindly inviting me to speak on their campuses: Elizabeth Chang and Samuel
Cohen at the University of Missouri, David Porter who organized a conference on
“Comparative Early Modernities” at the University of Michigan, Jonathan Eburne and
Lovalerie King at Pennsylvania State University, David Loewenstein (then) at the
University of Wisconsin at Madison, Allyson Creasman and Christopher Warren at
Carnegie Mellon, Jennifer Waldron at the University of Pittsburg, Adam McKeown
and Scott Oldenburg at Tulane University, Thomas Martin at College of the Holy
Cross, and not the least, at my alma mater Whitman College, Dana Burgess, who first
got me interested in all things Greek.
The anonymous reviewers read the manuscript with care and their detailed comments
made this book far better. I am grateful for the support of the general editors of the
Classical Presences series, Lorna Hardwick and especially James Porter, and I thank
the press editors, Charlotte Loveridge and Georgina Leighton, for their indispensable
help. I also thank a number of colleagues who welcomed me into their language class-
rooms: Hossam Barakat (Arabic), Ehsan Qasemi and Marjan Serafi-Pour (Persian),
Joseph Sullivan (German), Vincent Vanderheijden (Dutch), and Arthur Verbiest (Dutch
at the Taalunie). Final revisions were completed while on a Solmsen Fellowship at the
University of Wisconsin at Madison. I thank Stewart Scales for drawing the maps. My
thanks also to Virginia Tech for their support: the cost of maps and image permissions
was covered by financial support from the Faculty Book Publishing Subvention Fund.
Librarians and staff at various archives have been very helpful, especially the British
Library, the Royal Asiatic Society in London, and Leiden University Special Collections.
I still remember the day when one librarian at Leiden thoughtfully brought out a stool
for me to stand on so I could more easily photograph an oversized manuscript in its
entirety. Particular thanks are due to the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford; the
syndics of Cambridge University Library; the Centre for Research Collections, University
of Edinburgh; and Leiden University Special Collections for permission to quote from
manuscript material. I am also grateful to archives that granted permission to repro-
duce images (noted in the List of Figures). Further thanks are due to journal publishers
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
Acknowledgments vii
Nota Bene
I follow Marshall Hodgson’s distinction between the adjective “Islamicate” to refer to
societies where Muslims are dominant and “Islamic” to pertain more specifically to the
religion. Europeanists, however, do not make such distinctions with Christianity. All
translations are mine, unless otherwise indicated or where I quote from published
translations. I use Loeb translations of Greek and Latin texts for their accessibility.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
Contents
Part I. Conjunctions
1. Heirs to Rome 49
2. Islamic Alexanders in Southeast Asia 75
3. Scottish Alexanders and Stuart Empire 113
4. Greco-Arabic Mirrors for Barbarian Princes 149
5. Hamlet and Arabic Literary Networks 179
Maps
1. Eastern Hemisphere. xiii
2. Southeast Asia. xiv
Figures
0.1 Map of the Spice Islands by Willem Jansz. Blaeu, Molvccae insvla
celeberrimae, Amsterdam, 1630? 6
Harvard Map Collection, Harvard Library.
0.2 Judocus Hondius, Vera totius expeditionis nauticae: description
D. Franc. Draci, Amsterdam?: I. Hondius, 1595 (“Drake Broadside”). 25
Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division, https://www.loc.
gov/item/92680608/.
2.1 Opening illuminated pages of Hikayat Iskandar Dhulkarnain, copied by
Enci’ Yahya bin ʿAbdulwahid anak Melaka, 1816. Farquhar MS 2, f.1–2. 82
Reproduced courtesy of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain
and Ireland.
2.2 Detail from “Genealogies of Rulers of Palembang,” copied by
Raden Mochtar bin Raden Rangga Astrawidjaija Abdulla at Palembang,
January 22, 1869 showing descent from Iskandar Zulkarnain.
MS Or. 78, f2. 98
Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Leiden
University Libraries.
2.3 World map, Nuzhat al-mushtāq fī ikhtirāq al-āfāq (Entertainment for
He Who Longs to Travel the World), copied from Muhammad al-Idrisi
(c.1110–66) in Cairo, 1553; Gog and Magog ( )یأجوج و مأجوجare confined by
Alexander’s wall in the bottom left corner. MS Pococke 375, f. 3v–4.
The Bodleian Libraries, the University of Oxford. 106
Image © Bodleian Library, University of Oxford.
3.1 [Poly-Olbion. Part 1] Poly-Olbion by Michael Drayton Esqr. [1612],
engraving of prince, fourth page from beginning. STC 7226 copy 1. 142
Used by permission of the Folger Shakespeare Library.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
Introduction
Intimate Strangers—Peripheries in
Global Literary Networks
. . . more kings and princes have written of his deeds [Alexander the Great] than
other historians have written of any king or prince that has ever been; that even
today the Mahometans who despise all other biographies accept and honour his
alone by a special dispensation.
Michel de Montaigne1
When Michel de Montaigne praises Alexander the Great as one of the three most
outstanding of men, he notes Muslim reverence for Alexander as proof of his wide
influence, suggesting the easy translatability of such stories into other kingdoms, cul-
tures, and religions.2 Alexander’s gests spread so widely they were retold in Southeast
Asia even before European arrival. The Southeast Asian Alexander, however, was a
Muslim conqueror, transmitted to the region through a Perso-Arabic literary tradition.
Furthermore, he was claimed as an honored ancestor in royal genealogies, and several
sultans took his Arabic name, Iskandar. When in the early modern period Europeans
started arriving in numbers in Southeast Asia, subsumed under the catch-all term East
Indies, they encountered this alternate Alexander tradition. Shortly after Afonso de
Albuquerque’s stunning victory in capturing the key port city of Melaka in 1511, the
Minangkabau people from the highlands of nearby Sumatra sent an embassy; the
report notes that they incorporated Alexander into their royal traditions:
And just at this very juncture there arrived at Malaca three pangajaoas [boat propelled by oars]
from the kingdom of Menamcabo [Minangkabau], which is at the point of the island of
Çamatra [Sumatra] on the other side of the south, and brought with them a sum of gold, and
they came to seek for cloaths of India, for which there is a great demand in their country. The
men of this kingdom are very well made, and of fair complexion; they walk about always well
dressed, clad in their silken bajus [Malay dress], and wearing their crisis [kris, a Malay short
sword with a wavy blade] with sheaths adorned with gold and precious stones in their girdles.
1
“On the most excellent of men,” Essais II:36, Montaigne 1991: 854.
2
For Montaigne’s knowledge of the Ottoman Empire, see Rouillard 1941: 363–74.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
These are a people of good manners and truthful character; they are Hindoos [gentios, Gentiles];
they have a great veneration for a certain golden head-dress which, as they relate, Alexander
[the Great] left there with them when he conquered that country.3
3
Albuquerque 1964: 3.161–2. The report is included in the narrative compiled by Afonso’s son Braz
and published in Lisbon in 1557: “e neste tempo chegáram tres pangajaoas do reyno de Menamcabo, que
he na ponta da ilha de Çamatra da outra banda do sul a Malaca, e trouxeram somma de ouro, e vinham
buscar pannos da India, de que tem muita necessidade na sua terra. Os homens deste reyno sáo muito
bem dispostos, e alvos, andam sempre bem tratados, vestidos em seus bajus de seda, e crisis com bocaes
de ouro, e pedraria na cinta. He gente bem acostumada, e verdadeira. São gentios. Tem em grande estima
huma carapuça de ouro, que dizem que lhes ali deixou Alexandre, quando conquistou aquella terra”
(Albuquerque 1923: Parte 3, Capitulo 37, 2. 133–4).
4
The phrase is from Akbari 2013: 20.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
5
Subrahmanyam 1997b: 747–48.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
the rational Western ruler reviving a supposedly stagnant “orient.”6 While the image of
Alexander as “conqueror-civilizer” would become a prominent strand in European
Enlightenment discourse at a time when an ascendant Europe was colonizing Asia,
elements of this discourse were already present in earlier representations of Alexander.7
British and Malay versions of the Alexander Romance depict Alexander as a conqueror
who institutes civilization; their literatures associate him with the values, positive and
negative, of contemporary empires of trade.
As trade and exploration expanded knowledge of the world, English and Malay lit-
erary traditions evinced increasing awareness of each other. Their literary traditions
incorporated images of the other in their representations. The literatures of maritime
empires adapted Alexander to reflect local ideas of empire, outsiders, trade, and mar-
vels; he functioned as a transcultural icon through which various cultures mediated
their relationship to the foreign. Reading the varied discourses of Alexander in English
and Malay literatures, this book examines what Barbara Fuchs calls “mimetic rival-
ries”: while focusing on “European dynamics of imperial competition,” she notes that
rivalries “extend across hemispheres because of Rome’s contested nature as imperial
exemplum and predecessor. Thus, Ottomans and Incas engage with a Roman imperial
imagery as they argue for their imperial status.”8 My book turns to Britain and
Southeast Asia’s imperial claims to examine their mimetic rivalries in a shared imitatio
Alexandri. Their retailing of Alexander stories did not happen in a closed system;
rather, increased cross-cultural contact and the consequent need to assimilate new
knowledge generated by that contact made Alexander an especially attractive figure as
a conceptual bridge to the outside world.
The existence of shared literary elements and traditions suggests that the character
of cross-cultural encounters was not the civilizational clash of utterly alien Others but
rather a meeting of distantly-related cultures with overlapping interests and history,
and these parallel traditions (and the interactions between them) shaped major canon-
ical works in both traditions. Comparative literature has long focused on the study of
influences, sources, and allusions, which provide insight into how individual authors
read and wrote; however, study of literary traditions should go beyond influence and
imitation to consider unstated assumptions that define the period’s crucial ideas.
Historicizing the parallel receptions of Alexander traditions in Britain and Southeast
Asia, this book shows how borrowings from a transcultural literary tradition fash-
ioned imperial self-definition.
Traffic in Books
Europe’s eastern “trafficking” focused particularly on Southeast Asia, especially the
famed Moluccas (Maluku) or Spice Islands in eastern Indonesia, whose “ownership,
possession . . . navigation and trade” was the direct cause of a series of negotiations
6
Briant 2017: 158, 150. 7
Briant 2017: 118. 8
Fuchs 2015: 412; see also Fuchs 2001.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 02/01/2019, SPi
between Portugal and Spain that finally ended in the Treaty of Tordesillas.9 The poet
Edmund Spenser praises Queen Elizabeth’s glory by alleging that it extended to the
“margent of the Moluccas,” while John Milton compares Satan to East India ships
sailing from “the Isles / Of Ternate and Tidore, whence Merchants bring / Thir spicie
Drugs.”10 Ternate and Tidore are two islands of the Moluccas (Maluku) or Spice Islands,
whose importance as the only source of nutmeg and cloves far exceeded their size; two
pages are devoted to these tiny islands in Willem Blaeu’s Atlas Maior (1665), the earlier
Atlantis Appendix (1630), and other Blaeu atlases (Figure 0.1). European intervention
in the islands’ local politics served as matter for William Shakespeare’s successor with
the King’s Men, John Fletcher, whose play The Island Princess (1619–21) was so popular
it was adapted four times in the Restoration.11
Southeast Asia’s centrality in European imagination may be discerned from
Portuguese traveler António Galvão’s view of European discoveries as simultaneous
expansion eastward and westward to meet in the Pacific anti-meridian of the Treaty of
Tordesillas, offering, as Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam suggest, “a world-
view in which the imagined centre lies in fact in the Moluccas.”12 The Spice Islands
were the new hub of a globalizing economy, as Europeans found a sea route that
rounded the Cape of Good Hope to obtain spices directly from the source; however,
the historical and cultural center lay westward, in the area defined by Mecca, Jerusalem,
Rome, and Constantinople. How trading kingdoms of the East and West reimagined
themselves in relation to the old cultural center, the theme of this book, is traced in the
elliptical orbits of world literature.
Literary journeys took circuitous paths along trade routes. Trade was not just in
silk, spices, porcelain, and silver but also in books and manuscripts. Asian texts were
acquired for European collections and in the early modern period collections of eastern
works were dearly sought after. One such collection came available in 1625: the famed
Arabist Thomas van Erpe (Erpenius, 1584–1624)’s library of “oriental” manuscripts. In
November 1625, George Villiers, the Duke of Buckingham, was at the Hague in the
Low Countries in November 1625 pawning England’s crown jewels to raise funds in sup-
port of a Protestant alliance to recover the Palatinate lost to the Spanish in the Thirty
Years’ War. It was an unpopular cause, exacerbated by royal high-handedness: having
ascended the throne only in March that year when his father James I died, already in
August Charles I dissolved Parliament when he was refused further s ubsidies for the
war. But in 1625, the worst of the crises were yet to come, and Villiers had leisure to
pursue cultural interests. An influential patron and collector of art, while abroad he
purchased Erpenius’ manuscript collection for the sum of 500 pounds, thwarting
Leiden University’s months-long effort to acquire it. This collection, which came to
Cambridge University Library in 1632 when Buckingham’s widow finally donated it to
fulfill his intent to build up the library when he was appointed Chancellor in 1626,
9
Brotton 1998: 132. 10
Spenser 2007: 5.10.3; Milton 1998: Paradise Lost 2.638–40.
11
Sprague 1926: 49, 74, 82–6, 123. 12
Alam and Subrahmanyam 2011: 340.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
was not for my money. You evidently don’t think I’m good for
anything useful, and you’ve told me that I’m not ornamental. I’m not
fit to do any of the things Dolly does; I’m not to walk two miles
without your permission; I’m not to be trusted to go about in London
at all, and you even expect me to give up the work I’ve been doing
for years, and can do! Thank you, Mr. Fane, the prospect is not
sufficiently attractive. I must trouble you to look for a wife who is
willing to fall in with your peculiar tastes. I’m not!”
She turned her back and swept away, leaving Bernard staring. He
ran after her and caught her up.
“Look here, Angela—”
“Let me alone at once!”
“But you don’t understand—”
“I understand quite enough. You don’t understand how to behave.”
“Angela, I do love you.”
“I don’t love you, and I don’t want to!”
She broke away, and he let her go. For five minutes he stood quite
still. Bernard had no lack of wits, and he now saw his mistakes quite
plainly, the very mistakes against which Dolly had tried to warn him.
It was the bitterest blow he had ever had in his life, and the minutes
he spent there alone were primed with salutary reflections.
Angela, running out of the wood, came upon Maud Prideaux, who
was enjoying a moonlight flirtation with Norman Merton.
“My dear child!”
“I—beg your pardon,” said Angela, breathless and confused. Maud
gave her a sharp look. She turned on her companion. “Mr. Merton,
you can run away now and play; I’m going to talk to Angela. Mind,
the bet stands.”
“All right, Mrs. Prideaux,” Merton answered, laughing as he went
away. Maud scanned Angela’s discomposed countenance with a
sparkling eye.
“What have you been doing?” she asked, in her usual drawl.
Angela did not reply.
“Dear, dear! Refusing Bernard Fane, upon my honour! Really,
Angela, it’s too bad to lead the poor man on as you did and then
throw him over.”
“I did not lead him on.”
Maud shrugged her shoulders. “You’re a shocking little flirt, my
dear, but I really think you might have let the poor barbarian go. I
shouldn’t wonder if the gardener swept him up to-morrow, with his
throat cut. There’s poor Lal, too, ready to shoot himself. The way you
young people behave is quite dreadful; I should have been ashamed
to do so.”
As Mrs. Prideaux before her marriage had been the most open
and shameless flirt, Angela could not but resent this remark. “I never
flirted with Mr. Fane,” she said.
“How about his roses? I see you’ve given them back to him.”
This was purely a guess, based on an observation of glances
during dinner and the absence of the flowers from Angela’s corsage.
Miss Laurenson grew warmly red, and said nothing. Maud’s kindly
inquisitive eyes searched her; she tapped her on the shoulder with
her fan. “Come, tell me all about it. My dear child, what have you
been doing? You’re like Lot’s wife, all tears.”
“Thank you, I’m not salt yet,” said Angela, whose eyes were still
quite dry.
“Wasn’t it Lot’s wife? I don’t pretend to be clever; it wasn’t the
fashion for girls to know anything in my day. What have you been
saying to Bernard Fane?”
Sure of an interested listener, Angela told her tale. At its close she
got a surprising shock. “Do you know what you ought to do now?”
said Mrs. Prideaux.
“What?”
“Go right back and beg his pardon.”
“Maud! I’d rather die!”
“Yes, and to-morrow you’ll be dying—dying to go and do it, but it’ll
be too late then. You’re simply desperately in love with him, can’t say
his name without blushing—yes, there she goes, the colour of a
poppy! The child says she’s not in love with him! Well, well!”
“I hate him!” Angela declared, hiding her crimson cheeks in her
hands.
“My dear child, hatred’s the back door into love. Think of him, lying
on the damp ground with his throat cut!—such a nice throat, too!
He’s adorably handsome, for a barbarian. Of course, he drops an h
or so now and then—”
“He never does.”
“Doesn’t he? Well, no doubt you know better than I do. I wouldn’t
have your conscience, Angela.”
“He was very rude to me.”
“Asked you to marry him, didn’t he? Shockin’ presumption!”
“I only told him the truth.”
“When I refused a man, I always did it nicely and tried to spare his
feelings. I don’t see why you are so angry with the poor man; I’m
sure it was very brave of him to fall in love with you.”
Silence for a little while. Angela said at last: “Maud, do you really
think I ought to beg his pardon?”
“Haven’t the slightest doubt of it, my dear.”
“It will look as though I wanted—”
“Exactly what you do want. You’ve been talking a great deal about
the rights of women all your life; haven’t you found out yet that a
woman’s best right is to obey her husband?”
“No, I haven’t, and I don’t think it is.”
“Then it’s time you learned that it is. We aren’t made for anything
else, my dear, you and I; we’re ordinary women, and we must make
the best of it. You can’t imitate Dolly Fane, so don’t try to.”
“It’s the very last thing I should do!”
“Well, go and beg the barbarian’s pardon, then; she would never
do that.” Maud had a grudge against Dolly because she disliked
gossip.
“I can’t!”
“Nonsense, my dear child! You’re going to. There’s your path; run
along, like a good little girl, and be sure you don’t tumble on your
nose.—And there’s half my bet won!”
Maud had sent her off with a maternal pat, and Angela found
herself going obediently. Instinct led truer than reason. Down the
shadowy path she came blindly hurrying, and ran full against
Bernard, leaning motionless against a tree.
“Angela!”
“Oh, I’m so sorry!” Angela said, with a sob.
Thus was peace established; but Angela soon found that in
yielding she had stooped to conquer: her bear was transformed into
a lamb. She might live at Timbuctoo, if it pleased her; she might
wander through London alone till one in the morning, though plainly
Bernard did not like the prospect.
“But, Bernard, why shouldn’t I?” Angela cried.
“Because you’re so awfully pretty,” was the surprising answer.
“Bernard! I thought you said I wasn’t pretty!”
“I don’t know where you got that idea from.”
“You said you didn’t want me for my looks.”
“Neither do I; I should want you just the same if you were like a
gorilla.”
“But do you think me pretty?”
“I should hope so!”
“As pretty as Dolly?”
“Dolly? Dolly’s a milkmaid and you’re a princess. Any one can see
there’s no comparison. Dolly’s well enough, barring her carroty hair;
but you’re so awfully distinguished-looking. I don’t see why you want
me to tell you this; you must know it already.”
“I like compliments—I expect compliments; that’s one of the things
you have to learn.”
“It’ll come pretty easy. I shall only have to say out what I think.”
“If you talk like that,” said Angela, “perhaps I’ll let you take me
about London, after all. Now we must go back to the house; it’s
getting shamefully late.”
“I don’t want to go up yet.”
“I do.”
Bernard looked down at her and laughed. “All right,” he said; “I
guess you mean to have your own way.”
They came together slowly up the garden. The gold rectangle of
the uncurtained window shone out in the dusk; the figures of Dolly
and of Mrs. Merton appeared on the balcony, silhouetted against the
light. Ella soon went in, but Dolly lingered, gazing at the dusky
woods and the diamond gleam of the lake. Suddenly another figure
came swiftly up the steps. Dolly turned at once towards the window;
the lamplight fell on her face. Lal laid his hand on her arm and spoke
in her ear: a single sentence, no more. Bernard saw his sister turn
crimson. She answered briefly, broke away, went into the house. Lal
fell back into the shadow.
“Did you see that?” whispered Angela.
“M’yes. I rather think I did.”
“Oh, Bernard! What did she say?”
“I haven’t the least idea.”
“Let’s go in directly,” said Angela, in high excitement.
On the balcony they passed Lal; but Lal’s face was never the
index of his feelings, and it baffled curiosity. From the threshold
Angela looked round for Dolly, to discover that, whatever had
happened a minute ago, Dolly was not thinking of it now. She stood,
one of a group surrounding Norman Merton, who had the evening
paper and was reading aloud from it. Pretty little Mrs. Merton was
very grave, her eyes soft with pity and distress; Maud Prideaux
looked horrified. Dolly’s face Angela could not decipher; it was held
by some thought more powerful than pity or horror.
“‘... Had the explosion taken place five minutes earlier the carnage
must have been frightful, and many families deprived of their
breadwinners. As it is, we regret to announce the death of Mr. Lucian
de Saumarez, the well-known author, who was a partner in the
business, and of the manager, Mr. Smith Charlesworth. Both were
standing too close to the scene of destruction to be able to escape. It
is feared that the bodies, which are buried under a huge
accumulation of débris, will never be recovered. Much sympathy is
felt for Mr. Farquhar, who has been deprived at one blow of his friend
and his fortune—’”
“Is Mr. Farquhar hurt?”
Dolly spoke out, careless who might hear.
“No, Miss Fane, Farquhar’s perfectly safe.”
“Not hurt! How did it happen?”
“No one knows at present, but they seem to think there was foul
play.”
White as death, she turned away, listening to no more. Lal, who
had just come in, was standing by the window; Dolly’s eyes sought
his. “Will you go out to Petit-Fays for me?” Angela heard her say.
And: “I will go wherever you wish,” Lal answered without hesitation.
XVII
Those who saw it said that at the moment of explosion a huge ball
of smoke puffed out and immediately came rolling over and over in
black convolutions, rent by ghastly chasms and caverns of
sulphurous gloom. They said that the fire flashed out starwise,
radiating in a dozen spokes of gold from one common centre; and
that the second detonation (for there were two) was more violent
than the first. Farquhar saw nothing of this. He was hurled to the
earth by the first shock and pinned down there under the fragments
during the second; and when he found his senses and sat up he
came near fainting again, for the pit was poisoned with fumes. He fell
back, and, lying face downward, breathed in the less polluted lower
air until the inrushing wind had time to sweeten that above. Then he
made another effort, and began to shake off the rocks which had
fallen on him. He was horribly bruised; another man would have
been disabled. But Farquhar was by nature insensitive to suffering,
and, besides, his will scorned to submit to the weakness of his body;
he refused to be fettered by pain. This man of many sins was not
planning for his own safety; he was remembering only that Lucian
had been standing under the rock destroyed, and he swore at the
impediments that delayed him as though he could wither them up by
the fire of his curses. He struggled free, and saw lying under him the
fragments of the detonator, with a length of fuse attached. The
appearance of the fuse surprised him, and he took it up. Crossed
threads of orange worsted ran over it. By that mark he knew it for
what it was: not the ordinary slow fuse which should have been
used, but the other, instantaneous kind, where gunpowder is
replaced by a quick match, which burns at the rate of thirty feet per
second. Now the cause of the catastrophe was clear. Some one had
substituted this for the proper fuse, and, to conceal the change, had
picked out the distinctive orange threads. Only this piece, hidden in
the body of the detonator, had escaped notice to show the manner of
their treachery.
Farquhar dismissed the authors of the crime to perdition, along
with their instrument. Now he was standing up and could see the ruin
that had been wrought; the beautiful stone, destined for such fine
purposes, was shattered, almost pulverized. It was not till afterwards,
when the evidence came to be weighed, that he realised how this
had come about; for the substitution of the quick fuse should have
made a difference in the time of the explosion but not in its results.
The truth was that only half the strands had been changed; the rest
were left as slow fuse; so that instead of one there were two
explosions, which, acting separately, broke the rock to pieces. But
Farquhar cared little for his ruined enterprise. He looked round the
smoking amphitheatre, he saw the faces of the men who had come
with him from England, who were of one blood with those entombed;
he lifted his arm, from which the sleeve had been wrenched together
with part of the flesh, and called out to them in their native tongue:
“Men, there are two Englishmen buried under these rocks; it’s our
business to get them out.”
The strange acoustic properties of the quarry carried his words to
every man there. He put a point to them by himself lifting a pick,
which the explosion had cast at his feet, and beginning to work. In
two minutes a dozen men were working at his side; in ten, every
soul, native or foreign, was taking his part. To do the men justice,
murder had not been in their thoughts; they had aimed only to spoil
the rock. If the manager, who usually fired the mines, should happen
to get hurt, it would be a lamentable incident; but the presence of
Charlesworth and Lucian immediately under the rock they had not
foreseen, and, indeed, had not known of till Farquhar spoke. Now
they could only hope to atone by willing labour.
Through all that long hot summer afternoon they toiled and toiled
and toiled. Men from the village of Petit-Fays volunteered to relieve
those who were spent, and took their turn with the pick in rotation,
but Farquhar refused to leave work. He tied a strip of linen round his
wounded arm, which grew more painful when the muscles
contracted; but he went on digging. He knew that his immense and
disciplined strength had a special value. Mentally he could not rest
and physically he would not, though the men began to look at one
another as the hours passed in vain. Sunset found them still working;
and the gracious coolness of night with its million stars. At last, at
midnight, one of the English workmen (the same whom Lucian had
liked so much) came to Farquhar and said, very respectfully:
“Beg pardon, sir, but is it any use going on?”
“Use? I should hope so,” said Farquhar, straightening his
shoulders and pushing back his fair hair. “What do you mean?”
“Me and my mates would be willing to work on any time if there
was any chance of getting either of them out alive—”
“D’you mean to say you think there’s no chance?”
“We’re afraid not, sir,” said the first man; and a murmur of assent
went up from the others, who had left work and clustered round.
Farquhar’s brows came together, and he stared at them as though
he could not understand their speech.
“You say there’s no chance? I say that’s nonsense. I’d never have
thought that Englishmen would shirk.”
“We ain’t shirking,” said the spokesman, rather proudly. “I’d lay
there isn’t one of us as wouldn’t be ready to work his hands off if
there was any chanst at all; but there ain’t, not a mite. I seen a good
many blow-ups in my time, and I say there’s no man could be living
now after all that mess had fallen on him. If they wasn’t killed outright
they’d have been stifled. Anybody as knows’ll say the same.”
Again the murmured assent followed his words.
Farquhar still stood staring, but his face changed, cleared,
hardened. Fever was running riot in his veins, and he was not wholly
master of his words, else he would not have laid such a charge
against them; for he knew it was not true. They had worked till they
were spent; the pose of their figures as they waited showed it more
plainly than words. And against that mass of granite all their toil
seemed futile. Of what use to continue?
“You’re quite right, and I beg your pardon, men. Knock off to-night,
then; we’ll take a fresh spell at it to-morrow, for I mean my friends to
have Christian burial. I shall see that all you’ve done to-day is not
forgotten.”
As he had first begun work, so now he was first to leave off; he
leaned his pick against a stone and turned homeward. In ten minutes
the deserted quarry was left to the dews and the night.
XVIII