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OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 16/01/19, SPi
OX F O R D S T U D I E S I N M E D I E VA L
E U RO P E A N H I S TO RY
General Editors
joh n h . a rn old pat r i c k j . ge a ry
and
joh n wat ts
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OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 16/01/19, SPi
1
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1
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
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OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 16/01/19, SPi
Preface
The idea for this book germinated about a decade ago in a conversation with Julia
Smith, who suggested that I put my thoughts about the lived experience of medi-
eval marriage on paper. Julia’s gentle push was just what I needed. While writing
the book I received unstinting encouragement from David d’Avray, to whom I am
most grateful for his wisdom and erudition. Similarly, I owe enormous gratitude to
John Arnold who took a keen interest in the book, suggested radical (and sensible)
changes to the scope of the project, and introduced me to his co-editors of the
Oxford Series of Medieval European History. Sara McDougall and Ineke van
‘t Spijker read through the whole draft once the book was seemingly ready and
made helpful suggestions on style and content. One or more individual chapters
were read with great care by Anna Sapir Abulafia, Julie Barrau, and Anne Lester,
with whom throughout the project I have had inspirational conversations about
medieval marriage and modern husbands and children. They know how much
I owe to these discussions. David Bates, Pierre Bauduin, Elisheva Baumgarten,
Scott Bruce, David Carpenter, David Crouch, George Garnett, Giles Gasper, John
Hudson, Tom Licence, Amy Livingstone, Miri Rubin, Patricia Skinner, Jan Rüdiger,
Alice Taylor, Hugh Thomas, Nicholas Vincent, and Tessa Webber readily helped
with specific queries and generously shared unpublished work.
The book first began to take shape in New York in 2012 where as a visiting
fellow at New York University I taught a master’s course on medieval married life.
I could not have had a better colleague there than Fiona Griffiths, whose support,
encouragement, and stimulating conversations took me in new directions of
research. I am most grateful to the Leverhulme Trust for a Leverhulme Research
Fellowship that in 2015 bought me out of teaching and to the Master and Fellows
of Emmanuel College for allowing me to take two terms’ sabbatical leave in 2012
and 2018. At various stages I have given invited lectures whose audiences asked
pertinent and stimulating questions: l’Abbaye du Bec (Normandy), Boston College
(Boston), Institute of Historical Research and the London Medieval Society
(London), Centre for Medieval Studies (York), Fordham University, New York
University, University of Bonn, University of Bristol, University of Caen, University
of Columbia, University of Munich, University of Namur, University of Notre
Dame in England (London), and University of Oxford.
For the completion of the book three of my former PhD students deserve a
particular mention of gratitude: Hazel Freestone helped with the compilation of
the bibliography and checking of footnotes, Laura Napran compiled the index,
and Emily Ward stood in for me as Director of Studies in History at Emmanuel in
2018. Two anonymous Oxford University Press readers made most helpful sugges-
tions at an early stage of the proposal, even though I have not been able to follow
up all of them. For any remaining errors I naturally remain responsible.
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vi Preface
Last but not least I owe a huge vote of thanks to my family. My husband John
Baker has been a source of love and support, personally and professionally. He read
through a full draft and his advice has been most valuable. Above all, I am grateful
for his love and affection in sharing his two daughters and their children with me
in the same way as he has embraced my daughter and son as well as my four step-
children and all their numerous offspring. Our combined experience of an extended
family across three generations, in happiness and health, as well as in sickness and
bereavement, is a fertile ground of inspiration to begin to understand a little what
married life in the past might have been like.
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Contents
List of Illustrations ix
List of Abbreviations xi
Introduction 1
The Institution of Marriage 6
The Historiographical Debate since Georges Duby 15
Sources 18
Themes and Argument 20
Chronology and Geography 24
I. GETTING MARRIED
1. Making of Marriage 29
Parents and Kin 32
Kings and Lords 52
Elopement and Abduction 57
Conclusion 61
2. Wedding Celebrations 63
Elite Weddings 64
Lower-Status Weddings 74
‘Mantle’ Ceremonies 77
Wedding Rings 80
Conclusion 82
viii Contents
I I I . A LT E R N AT I V E L I V I N G
7. Living with One or More Partners 203
Elite Polygyny 204
Living Together 220
Jewish and Muslim Relationships 225
Conclusion 227
Conclusion 255
Bibliography 261
Index 287
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List of Illustrations
List of Abbreviations
AASS Acta sanctorum quotquot tot urbe coluntur vel a catholicis scriptoribus
celebrantur . . . , ed. Socii Bollandiani (Antwerp, 1643–)
ANS Anglo-Norman Studies
BHL Bibliotheca hagiographica latina antiquae et mediae aetatis, ed. Socii
Bollandiani, 2 vols (Brussels, 1898–1901)
CCCM Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, Continuatio Mediaevalis
(Turnhout, 1966–)
EHD English Historical Documents, Vol. 1 c. 500–1042, ed. Dorothy Whitelock,
2nd edn (London, 1979); Vol. 2 1042–1189, ed. David C. Douglas and
George W. Greenaway (London, 1953)
Epistolae Medieval Women’s Letters, Columbia University, trans. Joan Ferrante
(https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu)
MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica (1826–)
Cap. Capitularia
Ep. Epistolae
SS Scriptores (in Folio)
SS rer. Germ. rerum Germanicarum
SS rer. Merov rerum Merovingicarum
ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
PL Patrologia Cursus Completus, series Latina, ed. J.-P. Migne, 221 vols
(Paris, 1841–64)
RHF Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France, ed. M. Bouquet and others,
new edn L. Delisle, 24 vols (Paris, 1869–1904)
RS Rolls Series
s.a. sub anno
s.v. sub verbo
TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
X Decretales D. Gregorii Papae IX suae integritati una cum glossis restitutae
(‘Liber Extra’) (Rome, 1584), in Corpus iuris canonici, ed. Emil Friedberg,
2 vols (Leipzig, 1879), II, 1–928
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Introduction
In the late 1170s or early 1180s a man called William, probably from Norwich,
faced a dilemma and appealed to Pope Alexander III (1159–81), through John of
Oxford, bishop of Norwich (1175–1200) for advice.1 He had lived with a woman by
whom he had children and whom in the presence of many people he had promised
to take as his wife. However, when he spent the night at the house of a neighbour
he slept with the neighbour’s daughter. The girl’s father found them in the same
bed and forced them to marry with words in the present tense. William’s dilemma
was, as he explained to the bishop and the pope, that he wanted guidance as to which
woman he ought to adhere to. The papal advice was that it depended on whether
his promise to marry the first woman had been made before or after he had had
intercourse with her. Unfortunately, William could not remember when he had
made the promise, so the pope asked the bishop of Norwich to find out. If William
had promised to marry the first woman before he had intercourse with her, he
should remain with her. If not, he should marry the second one unless the father’s
coercion had caused him to be fearful.
This particular case is important for two reasons. First, it became the formal
expression of the rules governing valid marriages because known under its first
three words Veniens ad nos it entered the papal decretal collection, the Liber Extra,
which from 1234 was the standard collection of papal rulings that was supposed to
be followed throughout the Christian world in matters pertaining to marriage. The
rules implicit in Alexander III’s advice were that (in the case of the first woman)
future consent freely given between a man and a woman of marriageable age makes
an indissoluble union from the moment intercourse takes place, and (in the case
of the second woman) present consent freely given, even in the most informal of
circumstances, between a man and a woman of marriageable age constitutes an
indissoluble marriage. Modern scholarship on the Veniens ad nos ruling of c. 1180
is extensive and opinions differ as to why Alexander III’s ruling became the accepted
one to ensure that men and women accepted the consequences of lovemaking
and procreation while adhering to the theological ideals of indissolubility and
monogamy. At one extreme there is Charles Donahue’s 1972 argument that with
his rulings Alexander III set out a papal blueprint for the regulation of marriage
based on the free consent of partners (rather than parents or lords) that must be
1 X 4.1.15 (Corpus Iuris Canonici, ed. A. Friedberg, 2 vols (Leipzig, 1879), ii, 666–7).
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 16/01/19, SPi
2 Charles Donahue, Jr., ‘The policy of Alexander the Third’s consent theory of marriage’, in Proceedings
of the Fourth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law. Toronto, 21–5 August 1972, ed. S. Kuttner
(Vatican City, 1976), 251–81, followed by J. Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society in Medieval
Europe (Chicago, 1987), 331–7.
3 Anne J. Duggan, ‘The effect of Alexander III’s rules on the formation of marriage in Angevin
England (R. Allen Brown Memorial Lecture)’, ANS, 33 (2010), 1–22 and ‘Master of decretals: a reassess-
ment of Alexander III’s contribution to canon law’, in Pope Alexander III (1159–81). The Art of Survival,
ed. Peter D. Clarke and Anne J. Duggan (Farnham, 2012), 365–417 at 382–5, 392–4, and 404–5.
4 Select Cases from the Ecclesiastical Courts of the Province of Canterbury c. 1200–1301, ed. N. Adams
and C. Donahue (Selden Society; London, 1981), 81–2 gives in a nutshell the main outline of medieval
marriage as formulated by Pope Alexander III. For much more in-depth analysis of the canon law on
marriage, see Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society. For marriage as regulated by the ecclesiastical
courts, for the later Middle Ages, for England see R. H. Helmholz, Marriage Litigation in Medieval
England (Cambridge, 1974); for England and northern France, see Charles Donahue, Jr., Law,
Marriage, and Society in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 2007).
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Introduction 3
the requirement of free consent of the parties to marriage became the norm for
valid marriage in a society dominated by people (men!) who wanted to make use of
other people’s marriages for political, economic, or practical reasons. It is, for example,
puzzling that in a Christian patriarchy, where men held virtually all authority, and
men and women were subject to the authority of their parents, their lords, and the
clergy, legitimacy of marriage was recognized as being based on the acceptance of
the autonomy of individual men and women in their choice of partner.
Plenty has been written about the history of marriage as a social institution, but,
as we shall see, this scholarship has not engaged with the lived experience of married
people or people living together in stable monogamous relationships. We can find
the lived experience most often in snippets of narratives that were not necessarily
written with marriage or the married life in mind. At the elite level, with the advice
of kin, parents arranged marriages for their children. Fathers, sons, and brothers
negotiated in person with male friends or relatives to set up unions, often with
minimal input from the young people themselves. In the eleventh and twelfth cen-
turies arranged marriages remained the norm, albeit against a backdrop of increased
debate involving young people who challenged the patriarchy by demanding a say
in their future. The challenge to the patriarchy was not exclusively concerned with
marriage but also with entry into monasteries and child oblation, the giving of
children at a young age to monasteries. Here too young people were asking for
their input in any decision to be sent away from home. Well below the elite level
unfree peasants, too, began to challenge their lords to have a say in their choice of
a marriage partner, instead of being assigned one or denied a chosen one. By the
end of the twelfth century in all these cases we find that a shift had occurred in
society, which allowed a greater say to young men and women to enforce their giving
of consent to being married or sent into a monastic career. There is good reason to
explore why these developments took place and to find out whether an analysis of
the lived experience of medieval married people can help to understand why these
various challenges to the patriarchy happened.
In order to understand the origin of these challenges to the patriarchy it is
important to move away from the theological- and canon law-based scholarship on
marriage in the Middle Ages and focus on the practice of the married life. The lived
experience of medieval men and women can be teased out of narrative historical
sources and vernacular fiction. It is there that we find detail of domestic arrange-
ments not only of betrothals and weddings but of the daily lives of married couples.
Most of the detail comes in the form of little vignettes, such as two men watching
a tournament and deciding on the marriage of their daughters, a married couple
sitting on their bed in the bedroom discussing whether they should enter the
monastic life alone or with their young children, including a soon-to-be-born
baby, or a distressed husband and wife on a bench in front of the house discussing
the awful start of their marriage. We find distraught wives setting off in search of
lost husbands after wars, lost husbands returning from war finding a rival in their
wife’s bed, or a homesick nobleman writing from the Holy Land to his wife to say
that he loves her and their children. Stories of real men and women in happy or
strained relationships reveal the strategies they followed in order to make their lives
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 16/01/19, SPi
tolerable and reduce conflict. These spotlight moments in the lives of historical
medieval couples will put flesh and blood on the bones of the more abstract ‘husbands
and wives’ we encounter from the normative and theological literature.
Amongst the men and women who tentatively began to challenge the making of
marriage as a male prerogative, there is one voice that emerges with some promin-
ence, and that is the voice of the aristocratic woman. In fiction and historical reality
she is becoming a mouthpiece for greater demands of self-determination. Chronicles,
saints’ lives, and romances offer us specific examples of women, more often than
men (who may have been less malcontent within the patriarchy), who were dissat-
isfied with decisions on marriage (or entry in the monastic life) made for them and
who preferred to take their future into their own hands. A crucial question is
whether the women’s actions may have been a contributory factor to the change in
thinking about self-determination and consent in the arrangement of marriages, or
whether they were a mere by-product of a wider cultural shift which had effected
the demand for change. In other words, can we establish whether a woman’s assertive
voice was a motor of change or whether it was a mere manifestation of the change
that sought greater freedom for the individual which inevitably was seen to come
at the expense of the interest of family or kin? It is my contention in this book that
the men and women who became engaged to be married and married preferred to
have some say in the process of the conventional arranged marriage, and that
increasingly such expectations were being voiced. We hear these voices because it
was well understood that a measure of compatibility between partners regarding
social status, intellect, and emotional bond increased the likelihood that a marriage
would last.
Existing scholarship on marriage, deeply concerned with the legal and theological
requirements of marital unions, has stressed the growing role of the clergy as a dom-
inant force in the process leading to the formalization of rules for marriage by the
middle of the thirteenth century. As we shall see, the presence of clergy in the lead-
up to marriages and in married life grew during the period covered by this book.
The expansion of clerical involvement in the marriage process should not, however, be
equated with the attribution of an exclusive role to the clergy in creating the culture
in which consent between couples, as opposed to consent between the parents/
kin/lords of couples, became the norm. Admittedly, the requirement of consent
between partners had always been the theological position of the Christian Church
from the Church Fathers onwards, even though its practical application has
been difficult to trace before 1100 or so. Yet, somehow an alliance of clergy and
laity created an environment in which debate about free consent to get married
(or enter the monastic life) came to the fore. For a variety of reasons lay men and
women saw in the clerical idea of free consent a tool that could be used to push
their own demands for self-determination in the face of parents, kin, or lords.
In the process of collaboration between clergy and laity we should not under-
estimate the role played by the married clergy. A significant minority of medieval
clergy was married and became deeply upset about the Church’s proposal to enforce
celibacy for all clergy, from sub-deacons upwards to bishops. The married priests
and their wives protested vociferously against increasingly tighter ecclesiastical
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Introduction 5
regulations on a ban on marriage, even chaste marriage. In this book I intend to open
a discussion on the role of the married clergy in the medieval debate on the good
of marriage. As we shall see, much of the medieval debate was a rhetorical one on
the advantages and disadvantages of marriage, which nevertheless can tell us a great
deal about contemporary perceptions of married life. It needs stressing that for our
understanding of medieval married life it does not matter whether the husband
was a priest or not. What my exploration of the married priesthood and their
emphasis on marriage as a good thing reveals is the power of the couple’s emotional
and sexual bond.
Most existing scholarship on the emotions of the courting, betrothed, and mar-
ried couple is based on medieval fictional texts, themselves written primarily in
the vernacular languages. They are without doubt the most revealing in giving us the
detail and texture of the couple’s feelings and the environment in which they lived.
As I hope to show, however, the historical sources can be a very good match to their
fictional counterpart in giving us an idea about medieval people’s thinking about
marriage. The fact that the clergy wrote so much of this literature does not detract
from the clerical authors’ observational powers to give us a reasonably reliable idea
about the lived experience of married life. One particular group of witnesses, as
we shall see, consists of the sons of married couples, who as monks provide us with
touching portrayals of their parents’ marriages, mostly based on conversations
with them. As with all testimonies we have to be sensitive to the construction of these
stories, the impetus for their creation, and the use of them. We should not forget
that they are eyewitness accounts of parents formed in childhood; these fathers and
mothers were remembered by their children with an acuity that may not have lost
much of its sharpness after a long separation. Sometimes memories of married
couples surface in the decretals of matrimonial court cases from the time of their
children. Sons and daughters, as well as nephews and nieces, in pursuit of an inher-
itance might construct the marriages of parents, or uncles and aunts, not as historical
portraits but as unions with legal flaws (often reflecting contemporary circumstances)
that served their own ends. All these stories reveal emotions that often feel raw,
genuine, and immediate, feelings we as historians should not trivialize.
Thus far we have not touched on heterosexual relationships that were not mar-
riages but existed alongside them as polygynous unions or concubinage. They were
common, and some scholars have recently argued that these unions, rather than
monogamous ones, constituted the social norm, especially amongst the elite. This
recent scholarship needs to be addressed alongside scholarship devoted to the
existence in medieval north-western Europe of a significant minority of single
men and women. Modern sociologists and anthropologists have convincingly
shown that the single existence of men and women is unique in a global context as
nowhere else on our planet are there societies where singlehood in large numbers
existed alongside married couples. In a study of medieval married life it is import-
ant to ponder the question to what extent these alternative living arrangements
(with one or more partners or as bachelor or maiden) were realistic options for
young men and women, and what their agency was in following the alternative
course to marriage.
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In the remainder of this introduction I will set out a brief history of the institution
of marriage up to the rulings of Alexander III, which I will follow with a historio-
graphical survey of the main thinking about medieval marriage in the twentieth
and twenty-first century. Then I will set out the thematic argument for this book,
followed by some observations about the source material and the chronological
and geographical boundaries of my study.
The Christian idea of marriage owed much to St Paul, the apostle, as laid down in his
letters to the Corinthians (1 Co. 7: 1–16) and Ephesians (5: 22–33). His message,
based on the notion that the woman is subject to the man, consisted of three prin-
ciples, namely that marriage was the only way to sanction (hetero)sexual activity,
that it was indissoluble or in other words that man and woman were bound to each
other forever, and that they owed each other sex. He was the architect of the con-
cept of the so-called conjugal debt, namely that the married couple owed each other
sex and could not refuse it, as well as the notion that marriage was ‘a great mystery’
(sacramentum, Ephesians 5: 31–2). This concept would later result in thinking of
marriage as one of the seven sacraments. Paul’s principles were formulated in con-
trast to the sexuality of Roman society with Christian thinkers favouring a social
life characterized by abstinence and monogamy.5 This could lead to what seem to
be extreme interpretations that contain clear misogynistic tendencies such as those
expressed by Jerome (d. 420).6 These religious ideas of Christian marriage remained
well known throughout the early Middle Ages to theologians, bishops, and higher
clergy as we know from their scholarly work and to an extent also from liturgical
tracts, writings that contained the order, readings, and prayers for the services cele-
brated in churches throughout the liturgical year.7
Much ink was also spent on the degrees of consanguinity (relationship by blood)
and affinity (by marriage) within which the Christian faithful were allowed to
marry.8 Initially, the Church allowed any marriage with someone beyond genea-
logical memory or, in other words, with anyone who could not be remembered as
having blood ties between families. In practice the range of memory was thought
of as within four degrees of kinship. Around the millennium Burchard, bishop of
5 See Chapter 4.
6 Jerome (d. 420), Adversus Iovinianum (PL 23, cols. 205–336) and for discussion D. G. Hunter,
Marriage, Celibacy and Heresy in Ancient Christianity. The Jovanianist Controversy (Oxford, 2007), 232
(for date), and 243–84 (the impact of Jerome’s work on the theology of marriage); see also Chapter 6.
7 Kenneth Stevenson, Nuptial Blessing. A Study of Christian Marriage Rites (London, 1982), 33–94;
Philip L. Reynolds, Marriage in the Western Church. The Christianization of Marriage during the
Patristic and Early Medieval Periods (Boston, 1994).
8 For what follows see Patrick Corbet, Autour de Burchard de Worms. L’Eglise allemande et les interdits
de parenté (IXème–XIIème siècle) (Frankfurt am Main, 2001), 79–114 and Karl Ubl, Inzestverbot und
Gesetzgebung. Die Konstruktion eines Verbrechens (300–1100) (Berlin, 2008), 384–477, with rejection
of the influential suggestions by Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe
(Cambridge, 1983), 56–9. For later periods, see also Sam Worby, Law and Kinship in Thirteenth-
Century England (Woodbridge, 2010) and Donahue, Jr., Law, Marriage and Society, 27–31.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 16/01/19, SPi
Introduction 7
9 Heinrich J. F. Reinhardt, Die Ehelehre der Schule des Anselm von Laon. Eine theologie-und
kirchenrechtsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu den Ehetexten der frühen Pariser Schule des 12. Jahrhunderts
(Münster, 1974), 54–62; Reynolds, Marriage in the Western Church, 280–311; and ‘Marrying and its
documentation in pre-Modern Europe: consent, celebration and property’, in To Have and to Hold.
Marrying and Its Documentation in Western Christendom, 400–1600, ed. Philip L. Reynolds and John
Witte (Cambridge, 2007), 9 n. 23.
10 Gratian, Decretum, Pars secunda, Causa 31, questio 2, c. 1 and 4, Corpus Iuris Canonici, ed.
Friedman, I, 113–14; Michael M. Sheehan, Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe. Collected
Studies, ed. James K. Farge (Cardiff, 1996), 93–4 and more recently Anders Winroth, ‘Marital consent
in Gratian’s Decretum’, in Readers, Texts and Compilers in the Earlier Middle Ages, Studies in Medieval
Canon Law in Honour of Linda Fraser Mogerl, ed. Kathleen G. Cushing and Martin Brett (Farnham,
2009), 111–21 at 114 building upon the classic study of John T. Noonan, ‘Marriage in the Middle
Ages, 1: power to choose’, Viator, 4 (1973), 419–34; the fundamental work on the two redactions of
the Decretum is Anders Winroth, The Making of Gratian’s Decretum (Cambridge, 2000).
11 Winroth, ‘Marital consent’, 115; Sheehan, Marriage, 97, and Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian
Society, 238.
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katsahtaen tulijaa ilkein, vilkuilevin silmin. Vaan Klaara oli,
hyvä kyllä, poissa. Penkillä veljet tupakoiden istui, tuo rehti
Kyösti, Janne, Pikku-Matti. He häneen katsoivat kuin
sanoakseen: Parempi meistä oisi ollut kauppa, jos raha
rengin seuraa rakastaisi, vaan hiiskö mailman menon muuttaa
voi. — Hän painoi puuta, katsoi permantoon, ja painostavan
hiljaisuuden rikkoi vain padan porina ja kellon rakse. Hän
hattuansa pyöritteli kotvan ja vihdoin suunsa avasi ja virkkoi:
»Sanomaan tulin, että joskin renki, niin varoja on perintönä
kyllin. Isäni toisen pitäjän on mies ja talo vankka hänellä on
siellä, vaan ahtahaksi kävi ukon luona. Kai kohta siellä maat
ja mannut vartoo. Niin jotta sen vain tahdoin täällä virkkaa.
Nyt kääntyi maammo pidätellen salaa kuin naurua ja sanoi
mielin kielin: »Jos Klaaraa tuolla puheellasi tähtäät, niin
jouduit myöhään, hyvä renkimies. On luvattu jo hänet
Pankarille, ja kihlat tilattu on kaupungista.»
***
II.
TALVI
Valkoinen vaippa kattoi seudun nyt, sen alla nukkui virta, järvi,
pellot, valveilla joskus ihmiset vain liikkui. He kyhnöttivät
tuvan lämpimissä ja tungeksivat liki toisiansa luo lieden,
vaieten ja tuijotellen. Ja pirtit samoin: oli niinkuin kaikki ne
lumikatoin kirkon ympärille kyyrylleen olisivat painautuneet
kuin tonttulauma pyöröhilkkoineen, etsien turvaa, yksin
peljäten talvisen lakeuden autiutta.
***
***
Emäsika on Pankarissa
kuin tynnöri mahdoton.
Ja renki virkkoi: sika tuo
sydänkäpyseni on.
Sioista, viinast' auta meitä, Herra.
Näät lemmittynsä luota
mies karkasi metsihin,
ja pääsiäiseksi lahdataan
sika paksu Pankarin.
Lohduta tyttö raukkaa silloin, Herra.
Vuorilla murheissansa
nyt istuu renki tuo
ja hioo pitkää puukkoaan
ja viinaa, villi, juo.
Puukosta auta Pankaria, Herra.