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Migrant Construction Workers in Times of Crisis: Worker Agency, (Im)mobility Practices and Masculine Identities among Albanians in Southern Europe Iraklis Dimitriadis full chapter instant download
Migrant Construction Workers in Times of Crisis: Worker Agency, (Im)mobility Practices and Masculine Identities among Albanians in Southern Europe Iraklis Dimitriadis full chapter instant download
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Migrant Construction
Workers in Times of Crisis
Worker Agency, (Im)mobility Practices
and Masculine Identities among Albanians
in Southern Europe
Iraklis Dimitriadis
Migrant Construction Workers in Times of Crisis
“An empirically solid book that innovatively explores the relationships between
working conditions, family dynamics, and intra-European mobility trajectories
of migrant workers, employed in a very important yet under-studied segment of
the labour market. Iraklis Dimitriadis highlights the complex embroidery of
individual agencies within and through structural constraints and barriers.”
—Prof. Francesco Della Puppa, Department of Philosophy and Cultural
Heritage, Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, Italy
Iraklis Dimitriadis
Migrant Construction
Workers in Times of
Crisis
Worker Agency, (Im)mobility Practices
and Masculine Identities among
Albanians in Southern Europe
Iraklis Dimitriadis
Department of Sociology and Social Research
University of Milano-Bicocca
Milan, Italy
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature
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Preface
This book derives from my doctoral thesis within the NASP PhD
Programme in Sociology and Methodology of Social Research at the
Universities of Milan and Turin. The desire to write this book was born
in 2014 when I started research on the lives of migrant construction
workers. Although it was too early even to imagine what this book would
look like, I was enthusiastic about the eventuality of systematizing knowl-
edge and research experience acquired in the following years in a volume.
This sensation was probably imprinted in me through images and memo-
ries of my mother struggling to do research and writing for long hours,
and her feelings of happiness and deep satisfaction after the publication
of her work.
The idea of this book also responds to my colleagues’ call for a system-
atic study of the agency of migrant construction workers. By exploring
people’s perceptions and practices to cope with structural barriers within
and beyond the workplace, it investigates the capacity of migrant builders
to get by in Southern Europe amidst the Great Recession. It primarily
draws on qualitative data collected from 2015 to 2016 within the context
of my PhD dissertation, while it also uses data from another fieldwork
conducted in 2021–2022, aiming to delve into the effects of COVID-19
pandemic on migrant construction workers’ lives and the practices they
adopted to cope with the new period of crisis. This book does so by
v
vi Preface
1 I ntroduction 1
3 Migrant
Construction Workers’ Agency in Times of
Economic Recession 63
4 (Im)mobility
and Coping Practices Among Albanian
Construction Workers and Their Families Amidst the
Great Recession and Its Aftermath113
5 The
Effects of the Economic Downturn on Masculine
Identities and Their Relevance to Migrant Agency and
Family Relations171
6 C
onclusions213
7 Epilogue:
Migrant Construction Workers Admist
COVID-19 Pandemic – A New Crisis Period?235
vii
viii Contents
A
ppendices265
I ndex277
1
Introduction
1
I conducted the search in the “abstract field” on February 16, 2022, using as keywords: “migrant”
and “agriculture”; “migrant” and “domestic work”; “migrant” and “construction sector”.
1 Introduction 3
The Italian and Greek construction sectors saw high job losses since
2007, following the general trend in the European construction industry
(Fromentin, 2016). From 2008 to 2015, the Italian construction indus-
try lost almost 502,000 jobs (ANCE, 2014), a very significant drop of
25.3%. In Lombardy, some 60,000 jobs were lost from 2008 to 2013.
From almost 350,000 in 2005, demand for residential housing building
permits has decreased to 200,000 in 2008, and to less than 50,000 in
2015. The Great Recession had devastating impacts on the Greek con-
struction sector too, causing a decrease of 85% in private building per-
mits and the volume of private building activities from 2007 to 2016.
The number of declared employees in construction decreased from
around 190,000 in 2007 to 125,000 in 2009, and to less than 30,000 in
2015 (www.efka.gov.gr). In other words, Greece saw job losses of 85%
within the sector.
Under these conditions, it is crucial to consider migrant construction
workers as a workforce that is exposed to higher risks of unemployment
and layoffs than natives (Papademetriou et al., 2009). This is because
migrant workers often possess skills that are not recognised in the host
country and may become victims of discrimination in the host society
(Hagan et al., 2015). In other words, migrants’ vulnerability can intensify
during an economic downturn when inequalities are amplified. Being
employed in residential construction that is characterised by flexibility,
subcontracting, precarious employment conditions, undeclared work,
and informal job contracts (see Chaps. 2 and 3), migrant builders poten-
tially experience high economic insecurity, cut of wages, and poor
employment conditions.
Although previous research on the ways in which migrants coped with
the effects of the Great Recession in Southern Europe (see Chap. 4)
offered valuable insights on individuals’ and families’ capacity to over-
come structural and contextual barriers to their integration and settle-
ment, the experiences of migrant male construction workers, that is those
who have affected more by the economic downturn, have not been stud-
ied adequately. While scholars focused on people’s spatial mobility and
immobility (onward, return, transnational, and internal migration and
survival practices while migrants stayed put), being particularly interested
in family, network, and gender dynamics, attention has not been paid to
4 I. Dimitriadis
1. What are the practices that migrant workers adopt to escape unem-
ployment and degrading jobs in residential construction, and what are
the factors on which labour agency is dependent?
2. What are the spatial mobility and immobility practices that migrants
deploy to get by and improve their lives, and how do these coping
practices connect to migrant agency and social mobility?
3. How do migrant builders experience chronic job loss and underem-
ployment, and what is the impact of these situations on men’s per-
sonal identities? How do masculine identities interplay with coping
practices and migrant agency?
book. These three types are based on people’s capacity to access and
mobilise resources to overcome structural and contextual barriers, and
frame the practices that migrants are able or opt to undertake. This clas-
sification schematises combinations of resources that migrant workers
deploy to get by and get ahead, thus adding to the disaggregated concep-
tualisation of agency developed by Katz (2004) that is used for the analy-
sis of migrants’ practices.
The findings of this book also inform studies on integration and migra-
tion patterns in Southern Europe. First, the book identifies a connection
between new emigration of Greeks and Italians within the EU with
onward migration among settled migrants. Second, it highlights the cre-
ation of new transnational spaces that can lead to onward migration or
contribute to families’ economic well-being. Third, it highlights the
changes in Albanian migration patterns, claiming that the economic
downturn triggered some transformations within the Albanian family.
Fourth, it adds to the studies that adopt a comparative approach in deal-
ing with immigration in Southern Europe, by highlighting the impor-
tance of some analytical dimensions to be considered in future research.
In light of these, this book makes some recommendations to policy mak-
ers and stakeholders in the construction sector aimed to facilitate migrant
workers’ integration processes.
Applying the framework and the typology proposed in this book in the
analysis of the effects that the COVID-19 pandemic had on migrant
construction workers and their families, this book confirms the validity
of these contributions and makes some reflections on the evolution of
immigration patterns in Southern Europe and the link between the cur-
rent and previous economic crisis in Italy and Greece.
This book is structured as follows. Chapter 2 presents the specificities
of each context in which Albanian migrant construction workers are
embedded, and outlines the theoretical frameworks and conceptual tools
that cut across this volume. First, it offers a brief historical account of
Albanian emigration and some aspects characterising contemporary
migration patterns and processes. Second, it introduces the traits of Italy
and Greece as destination countries and the key features of migration
policies concerning regularisation and integration of immigrants. Third,
it provides an account of the characteristics of residential construction
1 Introduction 9
identities, and the ways migrants account for job loss. The second section
examines how the crisis affected gendered norms (and family life) and the
gendered strategies pursued by men in relation to other coping practices
they undertook to cope with the crisis.
Drawing on the results of the three previous analytical chapters, Chap.
6 concludes by suggesting a framework for the study of agency and cop-
ing practices among migrant (construction) workers and discusses the
typology of migrant profiles developed in this book in relation to the
desegregated conceptualisation of agency Katz (2004) that was used for
the analysis of the empirical material. It also elaborates comparative
reflections at the national and local levels, thus adding to the study of
integration processes in Southern European countries. Finally, it makes
some recommendations for policy makers and stakeholders in the con-
struction sector.
Chapter 7 explores the impacts of the ongoing pandemic on builders’
working lives, making a dialogue with the findings of previous chapters
and reflecting on the connection between the pandemic and the Great
recession.
References
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1 Introduction 11
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2
Contexts, Methods, and Analytical
Framework
[1112] Dan. 7:9, 10, 13, 14, 17-27; Ps. 2:7-9; 37:9-11, 18-22,
34; Mal. 4:1-3.
[1113] Isa. 66:22, 23.
[1114] Heb. 4:9. The margin renders it “a keeping of a
Sabbath.” Liddell and Scott define Sabbatismos “a keeping of the
Sabbath.” They give no other definition, but derive it from the verb
Sabbatizo, which they define by these words only, “to keep the
Sabbath.” Schrevelius defines Sabbatismos by this one phrase:
“Observance of the Sabbath.” He also derives it from Sabbatizo.
Sabbatismos is therefore the noun in Greek which signifies the
act of Sabbath-keeping, while Sabbatizo, from which it is derived,
is the verb which expresses that act.
[1115] See the Lexicons of Liddell and Scott, Schrevelius, and
Greenfield.
[1116] Rev. 22:1, 2.
INDEX OF AUTHORS QUOTED.