Orthodox Radicals (Oxford Studies in

Historical Theology) Matthew C.

Bingham [Bingham
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmass.com/product/orthodox-radicals-oxford-studies-in-historical-theology
-matthew-c-bingham-bingham/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...

Orthodox Radicals: Baptist Identity in the English

Revolution Matthew C. Bingham

https://ebookmass.com/product/orthodox-radicals-baptist-identity-
in-the-english-revolution-matthew-c-bingham/

John Owen : trajectories in Reformed Orthodox theology

Mcgraw

https://ebookmass.com/product/john-owen-trajectories-in-reformed-
orthodox-theology-mcgraw/

Theology and History in the Methodology of Herman

Bavinck: Revelation, Confession, and Christian
Consciousness (Oxford Studies in Historical Theology)
Cameron D. Clausing
https://ebookmass.com/product/theology-and-history-in-the-
methodology-of-herman-bavinck-revelation-confession-and-
christian-consciousness-oxford-studies-in-historical-theology-
cameron-d-clausing/

Debating Perseverance: The Augustinian Heritage in

Post-Reformation England (Oxford Studies in Historical
Theology) 1st Edition Collier

https://ebookmass.com/product/debating-perseverance-the-
augustinian-heritage-in-post-reformation-england-oxford-studies-
in-historical-theology-1st-edition-collier/
The German Awakening: Protestant Renewal after the
Enlightenment, 1815-1848 (Oxford Studies in Historical
Theology) Kloes

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-german-awakening-protestant-
renewal-after-the-enlightenment-1815-1848-oxford-studies-in-
historical-theology-kloes/

Christ, the Spirit, and Human Transformation in Gregory

of Nyssa's In Canticum Canticorum (Oxford Studies in
Historical Theology) Alexander L. Abecina

https://ebookmass.com/product/christ-the-spirit-and-human-
transformation-in-gregory-of-nyssas-in-canticum-canticorum-
oxford-studies-in-historical-theology-alexander-l-abecina/

Font of Pardon and New Life: John Calvin and the

Efficacy of Baptism (OXFORD STUDIES IN HISTORICAL
THEOLOGY SERIES) Bierma

https://ebookmass.com/product/font-of-pardon-and-new-life-john-
calvin-and-the-efficacy-of-baptism-oxford-studies-in-historical-
theology-series-bierma/

Selected Essays, Volume II: Studies in Theology Andrew

Louth

https://ebookmass.com/product/selected-essays-volume-ii-studies-
in-theology-andrew-louth/

Grace and Conformity: The Reformed Conformist Tradition

and the Early Stuart Church of England (Oxford Studies
in Historical Theology) Stephen Hampton

https://ebookmass.com/product/grace-and-conformity-the-reformed-
conformist-tradition-and-the-early-stuart-church-of-england-
oxford-studies-in-historical-theology-stephen-hampton/
Orthodox Radicals
 OXFORD STUDIES IN HISTORICAL THEOLOGY

Series Editor
Richard A. Muller, Calvin Theological Seminary
Founding Editor
David C. Steinmetz†
Editorial Board
Irena Backus, Université de Genève
Robert C. Gregg, Stanford University
George M. Marsden, University of Notre Dame
Wayne A. Meeks, Yale University
Gerhard Sauter, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn
Susan E. Schreiner, University of Chicago
John Van Engen, University of Notre Dame
Geoffrey Wainwright, Duke University
Robert L. Wilken, University of Virginia
READING AUGUSTINE IN THE REFORMATION
The Flexibility of Intellectual Authority in Europe, 1500–1620
Arnoud S. Q. Visser
SHAPERS OF ENGLISH CALVINISM, 1660–1714
Variety, Persistence, and Transformation
Dewey D. Wallace, Jr.
THE BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION OF WILLIAM OF ALTON
Timothy Bellamah, OP
Miracles and the Protestant Imagination
The Evangelical Wonder Book in Reformation Germany
Philip M. Soergel
THE REFORMATION OF SUFFERING
Pastoral Theology and Lay Piety in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany
Ronald K. Rittgers
CHRIST MEETS ME EVERYWHERE
Augustine’s Early Figurative Exegesis
Michael Cameron
MYSTERY UNVEILED
The Crisis of the Trinity in Early Modern England
Paul C. H. Lim
GOING DUTCH IN THE MODERN AGE
Abraham Kuyper’s Struggle for a Free Church in the Netherlands
John Halsey Wood Jr.
CALVIN’S COMPANY OF PASTORS
Pastoral Care and the Emerging Reformed Church, 1536–1609
Scott M. Manetsch
 THE SOTERIOLOGY OF JAMES USSHER
The Act and Object of Saving Faith
Richard Snoddy
HARTFORD PURITANISM
Thomas Hooker, Samuel Stone, and Their Terrifying God
Baird Tipson
AUGUSTINE, THE TRINITY, AND THE CHURCH
A Reading of the Anti-Donatist Sermons
Adam Ployd
AUGUSTINE’S EARLY THEOLOGY OF IMAGE
A Study in the Development of Pro-Nicene Theology
Gerald Boersma
PATRON SAINT AND PROPHET
Jan Hus in the Bohemian and German Reformations
Phillip N. Haberkern
JOHN OWEN AND ENGLISH PURITANISM
Experiences of Defeat
Crawford Gribben
MORALITY AFTER CALVIN
Theodore Beza’s Christian Censor and Reformed Ethics
Kirk M. Summers
THE PAPACY AND THE CHRISTIAN EAST
A History of Reception and Rejection
Edward Siecienski
RICHARD BAXTER AND THE MECHANICAL PHILOSOPHERS
David S. Sytsma
DEBATING PERSEVERANCE
The Augustinian Heritage in Post-Reformation England
Jay T. Collier
THE REFORMATION OF PROPHECY
Early Modern Interpretations of the Prophet & Old Testament Prophecy
G. Sujin Pak
ANTOINE de CHANDIEU
The Silver Horn of Geneva’s Reformed Triumvirate
Theodore Van Raalte
ORTHODOX RADICALS
Baptist Identity in the English Revolution
Matthew C. Bingham
 Orthodox Radicals
Baptist Identity in the English Revolution

MATTHEW C. BINGHAM
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective
of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade
mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2019

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or
transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University
Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the
Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any
acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Bingham, Matthew C., 1983– author.
Title: Orthodox radicals : Baptist identity in the English revolution / Matthew C. Bingham.
Description: New York, NY, United States of America : Oxford University Press, [2019] |
Includes bibliographical references and index. |
Description based on print version record and
CIP data provided by publisher; resource not viewed.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018016553 (print) | LCCN 2018041640 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780190912376 (updf) | ISBN 9780190912383 (epub) |
ISBN 9780190912390 (online content) | ISBN 9780190912369 (cloth : acid-free paper) |
Subjects: LCSH: Baptists—Great Britain—History—17th century. |
Great Britain—History—Puritan Revolution, 1642–1660. |
Great Britain—Church history—17th century. | Identification (Religion)
Classification: LCC BX6276 (ebook) | LCC BX6276.B56 2019 (print) |
DDC 286/.14209032—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018016553
For Shelley
 Contents

Acknowledgments
Abbreviations Used in the Notes

Introduction
1. The Jessey Circle and the Invention of Baptist Identity
2. Baptists Along the Congregational Way
3. “Between Us and the Compleat Anabaptists”: Reframing Sacramentology in
Light of Ecclesiology
4. “Opposite to the Honour of God” No Longer: Rehabilitating “Anabaptism”
in Cromwellian England
5. “Years of Freedome, by God’s Blessing Restored”: Baptistic Self-Identity
during the Interregnum
Conclusion

Notes
Bibliography
Index
 Acknowledgments

It is a great joy to be able to thank the many individuals and institutions that
have made the completion of this book possible. Pride of place must go to
Crawford Gribben, a superlative doctoral adviser and a continual source of
guidance and encouragement. For his generous investment of time, expertise,
and enthusiasm, I am deeply appreciative. I am also most grateful to Alec Ryrie
and Chris Marsh, for their perceptive observations on the work’s argument and
scope. Likewise, I am grateful to the anonymous readers commissioned by
Oxford University Press for their insightful feedback on the manuscript. For
their incisive comments on portions of the text, I would like to thank Scott
Dixon, Ian Campbell, Andrew Holmes, Jim Davison, Daniel Ritchie, Colin
Armstrong, and Sam Manning. My thinking has also been stimulated and
sharpened through conversations with Larry Kreitzer, Joel Halcomb, Jim
Renihan, Sam Renihan, Michael Haykin, Ariel Hessayon, Robert Strivens,
Austin Walker, Alan Argent, Robert Oliver, Kathleen Lynch, Jeremy Walker,
Scott Spurlock, Tim Somers, Reagan Marsh, Harrison Perkins, David Whitla,
and Todd Rester.
I am grateful to Queen’s University Belfast and the School of History,
Anthropology, Politics and Philosophy for both helping to fund the research that
led to this monograph and providing an intellectual atmosphere congenial to its
completion. For their generous assistance, I am grateful to the staff at the Angus
Library, Dr. Williams’s Library, the McClay Library, the library of the Irish
Baptist College, and the Gamble Library. Many thanks are also due to Cynthia
Read, Drew Anderla, and all at OUP who have supported this book and have
helped bring it to fruition.
Finally, I would like to thank the many colleagues, friends, and family
members whose encouragement and warmth has ensured that the years spent
working on this project will be remembered with fondness. I am particularly
grateful to my colleagues in #11 University Square for their fun and good
humor, and to Gareth Burke for his unflagging support and wisdom. An
incalculable debt is owed to my parents, Gordon and Lisa Bingham, for a
lifetime of love and nurture. It is also with great affection that I thank for their
support my sister Jamie Gleason, my father and mother-in-law, Gary and Nancy
Campbell, and, of course, my children, Amelia, John, and James. But above all
others, I am grateful to my wife, Shelley, whose company is a delight and to
whom this book is dedicated.
 Abbreviations Used in the Notes

NB: Unless otherwise indicated, the place of publication is London, and biblical
references correspond to the Authorized Version of 1611.
BHH Baptist History and Heritage
BQ Baptist Quarterly
CH Church History
CJ Commons’ Journals
CSPD Calendar of State Papers, Domestic
DWL Dr Williams’s Library, London
EED Champlin Burrage, The Early English Dissenters in the Light of Recent Research (1550–1641)
(2 vols., Cambridge, 1912)
EHR English Historical Review
HJ Historical Journal
HLQ Huntington Library Quarterly
JEH Journal of Ecclesiastical History
LJ Lords’ Journals
ODNB H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison, eds., Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford,
2004)
P&P Past & Present
RSTC W. A. Jackson, J. F. Ferguson, and F. F. Pantzer, eds., A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed
in England, Scotland, & Ireland and of English Books Printed Abroad 1475–1640 (2nd ed.,
1986–1991)
TBHS Transactions of the Baptist Historical Society
Wing Donald G. Wing, ed., Short-title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, Ireland,
Wales, and British America . . . 1641–1700 (2nd ed., 5 vols., New York, 1972–1994)
 Introduction

MID-SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND was a theological hothouse. As rapidly

escalating political and religious tension during the early 1640s weakened and
eventually collapsed the protective bulwarks of episcopacy and print censorship,
a host of innovators seized upon the opportunity to introduce new religious ideas
and movements. Many of these novelties died along with the revolutionary
fervor out of which they grew. But some of the new groups persisted, and of
those more hearty species, arguably the most successful has been the Baptists. In
2009, for instance, an international gathering of self-identified Baptists involved
representatives from 214 organizations spread across 120 nations.1 According to
one recent estimate, the United States alone boasts some 37 million people
claiming membership in Baptist churches.2 This impressive international
expansion contrasts sharply with many of the other religious groups that
developed out of the same mid-seventeenth-century English milieu but withered
rapidly thereafter.
And yet, it would seem that this very success has obscured key aspects of the
group’s early modern origins: for by enduring and expanding, Baptists were able
to write their own history and to control and shape their historiographical legacy
in a way that more ephemeral early modern contemporaries were not. Diggers,
Muggletonians, and Ranters still await their denominational champions, but self-
conscious Baptist-historians, by contrast, have been writing their own story for
some three hundred years. As a result, historians whose ostensible aim is to
better understand seventeenth-century England have often been unduly and
unknowingly influenced by a legacy of denominational historians whose desire
to tell their own “Baptist story” has sometimes been pursued at the expense of
fidelity to the early modern record. Historical accounts of early English Baptists
have thus struggled to accurately locate their subjects within the wider cultural
and religious landscape of revolutionary England. This book will clarify this
confusion and reconfigure our understanding of both early modern English
Baptists and the multilayered seventeenth-century contexts out of which they
emerged. For when such careful attention is paid to interpreting early English
Baptists in their own historical context, rather than that of later denominational
writers, one finds that the seventeenth-century “Baptist story” is not nearly as
neat and tidy as some authors would suggest. Indeed, Baptist identity during the
mid-seventeenth century was contested, confused, and deeply vexed, a
contention perhaps best introduced through an incident that occurred late in
1645.
On December 3, 1645, a “Publike Dispute” was scheduled to take place at the
St. Mary Aldermanbury parish church in London. Several months before, a
prominent local merchant had begun to have “some doubts . . . arise in his
minde” regarding the “different doctrines and Administrations of Baptisme” then
being “publickely held forth both in preaching and practice,” finding himself
torn between the long-standing orthodox opinion that baptism could rightly be
administered to infants, and the new idea then being spread that the sacrament
should be reserved exclusively for “believers, who made profession of faith, and
manifest the fruits of repentance.” Which view, he wondered, was “more
agreeable to the Scriptures?” For the merchant, the question was freighted with a
sense of personal urgency—his wife was “great with childe” and the couple
would soon need to decide whether to present the infant at the parish font.3
The fact that the merchant was able to consider this question reflected wider
cultural and political changes that had swept across the entire nation. Before the
1640s, almost no one in his position would have asked such questions, and had
the odd eccentric managed to do so, he would have been forcefully and even
violently suppressed.4 But the merchant’s world had dramatically changed. By
the mid-1640s, the established church had effectively collapsed and the state was
riven by civil war. One consequence was the transformation of London’s once
well-ordered religious life into a “jungle of Protestant exotica.”5 It was a space
in which laypeople could challenge clerical authority in unprecedented ways,
and in which many aspects of the old religious order were abruptly made subject
to renegotiation and change. To the self-perceived guardians of orthodoxy, such
developments were deeply menacing. Contemporary chroniclers of heresy and
error described the “very miserable times” in which they lived, times in which
“so many of all conditions” were “given over to beleeve lies” and “to be
inveigled with the hypocrisie of seducing spirits.”6
But for the London merchant, and others like him, the new opportunity for
laypeople to question received dogma was justified by the divinely ordained
mandate “to try all things, and hold fast that which is good.”7 So, like the noble
Bereans, he “searched the Scriptures daily,” looking for an answer to his
question about baptism.8 After reaching the end of his own resources, “he
earnestly desired, and at length . . . obtained a conference and private
disputation” between a group of paedobaptist presbyterian ministers led by
Edmund Callamy and a group of three baptistic ministers, Benjamin Coxe,
William Kiffen, and Hanserd Knollys. During the private meeting, the two sides
discussed the issue “at the Merchants own house” for some time, but he did not
“receiv[e] satisfaction touching the lawfulnesse of baptizing the Infants of
Believers.” This led to the scheduling of another, more formal confrontation,
now at the parish church, in which the presbyterians were to publicly debate the
three baptistic ministers.9 As it happens, concern over potentially unruly crowds
ensured that the debate never actually took place. But despite the cancellation,
the incident captures a sense of the possibility and vitality with which the
religious milieu of revolutionary England had been rapidly infused. As formal
constraints were lifted, theological experimentation proliferated and the result
was a growing number of individuals who became public champions of novel
ideas and movements.
The baptistic participants in the Aldermanbury debate, Benjamin Coxe,
William Kiffen, and Hanserd Knollys, were three such individuals. Their
involvement in the disputation both reflected and furthered an ongoing public re-
evaluation of baptism, and subsequent historians have been quick to cite the
incident as an example of “Baptists” promoting their distinctive views. When
scholars mention the debate, the unstated assumption is that Coxe, Kiffen, and
Knollys represented an imagined community of “Baptists”—that is to say, a
group of religious fellow-travelers who would have identified one another as
such on the basis of a shared set of distinctive beliefs and practices.10 But this
standard interpretation is not convincing. For despite the ubiquitous assertion
that the participants were clearly “Baptists,” it is not at all clear that Kiffen,
Knollys, and Coxe would have self-identified as being included within this
category. Instead, the three men struggled to settle on a consistent, coherent self-
descriptor. In the Declaration, the three “Baptists” never referred to themselves
by that or any other name, but instead defined themselves only in terms of what
they were not, as in as “we (who are falsely called Anabaptists)” or “us, and our
Brethren, called Anabaptists.” Although they vehemently rejected the
“Anabaptist” label as a scurrilous term of abuse foisted upon them by their
opponents, they apparently felt compelled to use it, again and again, perhaps
worrying that if they failed to do so, they would not be recognized at all. Kiffen,
Coxe, and Knollys believed they had rediscovered important truths and were
eager to “to publish [their ideas] to the view of the world,” but they were far less
sure about how, exactly, to describe them.11
Such linguistic ambiguity reflected an inherently tenuous, contested, awkward
sense of self-identity among the group that historians have recognized as mid-
seventeenth-century “Particular Baptists.” In the early 1640s, and for some time
thereafter, members of this group did not know what to call themselves because
they were not quite sure what they were. Yet, much of the secondary literature
that purports to describe and explain this group expresses no such diffidence.
The relevant historiography portrays those attacking paedobaptism at the
disputation unambiguously as “Baptists.” These Baptists and the churches they
represented are often viewed reflexively as links in a denominational chain,
stretching back to at least the early seventeenth-century and winding its way
forward into the present day. This book challenges that understanding by
presenting a significant reinterpretation of the group known by historians as
Particular or Calvinistic Baptists during the English Revolution and the
Interregnum. As we explore their origins, ideas, and development, I will argue
that many of those presently described in the literature as “Baptists” were
actually far closer in their theological affinities and relational networks to the
more mainstream paedobaptistic congregationalists or independents. The label
“Baptist,” as we shall see, is unhelpful and obscures rather than clarifies. “We
have repeatedly been warned against the dangers and potential anachronism of
denominational labeling,” cautions J. C. Davis, “but we find it hard to give the
practice up.”12 He is correct, and nowhere more so than with respect to early
English Baptists. As the proceeding chapters will demonstrate, by projecting
later denominational categories on to early modern actors, we distort our
understanding of both the individuals we study and the period as a whole. This
book will both consider the ways in which these distortions have unfolded and
point toward a more helpful interpretation of Baptists during the mid-
seventeenth century. Along the way, it will contribute not only to the
historiography of early modern “Baptists,” but also to the literature documenting
religious and cultural change during England’s calamitous mid-seventeenth
century.

I
The historiography of religion during England’s Revolution and Interregnum is
vast. This abundance of scholarly output reflects the striking degree to which
religious ideas and practices both permeated the whole of early modern society
and catalyzed the mid-seventeenth century’s larger political and social
changes.13 “The English Revolution,” writes John Coffey, “was a theological
crisis, a struggle over the identity of British Protestantism.”14 Thus, in addition
to the work of scholars directly studying religious expression, the student of
Stuart history quickly discovers that the interpenetration of religion, culture, and
politics during this period was so thoroughgoing that whatever subject one
examines, doctrine and piety are always close at hand. Indeed, just as Peter Lake
has said that “to review the historiography of Puritanism is to review the history
of early modern England,” surely the reverse is true as well: one cannot grasp
the historiography of early modern England without also taking hold of
England’s religion along the way.15
Yet, amid this historiographical profusion, seventeenth-century Baptist groups
—that is, those dissenting sects operating outside of the established Church of
England and practicing believer’s baptism—have not received the attention one
might expect. In 1984, Barry Reay and J. F. McGregor observed that despite the
“considerable literature” on so-called radical religion16 in revolutionary England,
Baptists remained “a group curiously neglected by historians.”17 Two decades
later, David Como offered a remarkably similar assessment, listing controversy
over infant baptism as an area “of intra-puritan conflict” that has “not been
properly explored in the existing literature.”18 In the decade following Como’s
evaluation, some historians have begun to investigate that territory, but vast
swathes remain uncharted.19
For much of the modern period, those looking for sustained historical analysis
of seventeenth-century English Baptists had to content themselves with either
broader studies of radical religion or narrative histories that spoke on behalf of
the tradition they described. This latter method has been termed denominational
history, and its first practitioner among Baptist writers was the London historian
and Baptist deacon Thomas Crosby (d. in or after 1749).20 In his four-volume
History of the English Baptists (1738–1740), Crosby self-consciously
positioned himself as both an heir to and a guardian of the theological tradition
about which he wrote. As a result, he often presented apologetic readings of
historical events and hagiographical treatments of major figures.21 Crosby’s
successors adopted a similar posture and deliberately used their historical labors
to encourage their contemporary ecclesiastical communities. Joseph Ivimey, for
example, began his own History of the English Baptists (1811) by declaring his
desire to be “useful to the denomination to which he considers it an honor to
belong, by exciting them to a zealous imitation of the virtues of their
ancestors.”22
 Beyond such denominational histories, early and mid-twentieth-century
scholarship often considered seventeenth-century Baptists only insofar as they
impinged upon broader narratives of early modern English dissent. A common
thread linking such studies is their willingness to amalgamate under a single
conceptual category all religious expression that stood outside of the national
church. By using generic labels such as “dissent,” “separatism,” and “radical
religion,” a variety of different movements, congregations, and individuals can
be treated in aggregate as a coherent object of historical inquiry.23
More recent work has considered English Baptists directly, and scholars such
as Murray Tolmie, Michael Watts, J. F. McGregor, and B. R. White have
provided helpful, although sometimes derivative, narrative histories of Baptist
activity during the 1640s and 1650s.24 But the most important contribution to the
field has easily been Stephen Wright’s study of The Early English Baptists,
1603–49 (2006).25 The historiographic significance of Wright’s work is twofold.
First, over the past three decades, Wright’s has been the only substantial, critical,
overarching, monograph-length account to focus exclusively on seventeenth-
century English Baptists. Second, Wright’s analysis challenges longstanding
assumptions regarding the relationship between the Calvinistic Particular
Baptists and the Arminian-influenced General Baptists. Historians prior to
Wright had largely maintained that “General Baptists had no sense of common
purpose with the Particular Baptists and their Calvinist predestinarian
orthodoxy.”26 Yet, Wright argues that Particular and General Baptists did not, in
fact, begin as separate and distinct groups, but rather grew apart in response to
political circumstances beyond their control. In advancing this argument, Wright
calls into question many of the most basic interpretive assumptions that had
framed the earlier accounts of Tolmie, McGregor, and White.
The first chapter of this book will examine key aspects of Wright’s work in
greater depth, but for our present purpose, we must simply note that despite the
significance of Wright’s research, he has still left many relevant areas
unexplored. First, Wright’s challenge to previous historiography only affects
how Particular Baptist self-identity ought to be understood prior to the 1644
confession. He affirms that after the document’s publication “the seven London
churches emerged as a self-conscious Particular Baptist denomination,” leaving
to future historians the analysis of that “self-conscious” group. Second, the
narrative history presented in The Early English Baptists concerns itself far
more with diachronic progression than with any sort of holistic, theologically,
and culturally nuanced analysis of the Particular Baptists as such. And third,
Wright ends his narrative in 1649, leaving unaddressed Particular Baptist
activity and identity during the Interregnum. But beyond those areas that Wright
left unexplored, it is also significant that no subsequent scholarship has yet
attempted to critique or challenge Wright’s provocative thesis, a silence which
the present volume intends to fill.

III
Given its important place within the relevant historiography, it is surprising that
Wright’s book has gone almost completely unanswered and unchallenged.27
This lack of substantive interaction reflects, in part, the fact that most scholarly
attention given to seventeenth-century English Baptists, both before and after the
publication of Wright’s book, has been directed toward quite specific studies
rather than overarching, holistic analysis. Much recent work has been organized
thematically, investigating either individual personalities or specific cultural and
theological issues. Examples in the first category include significant biographies
of the Particular Baptists Hanserd Knollys28, Benjamin Keach,29 and Hercules
Collins,30 the General Baptist Thomas Grantham,31 and the more well-known,
but less easily categorized, John Bunyan.32 Other works more overtly blend
biography and historical theology by researching an individual’s thought and
influence on specific doctrinal debates.33 In his innovative five-volume project
entitled William Kiffen and His World (2010–2015), Larry Kreitzer offers
close-readings and critical editions of key primary sources relating to the life of
the Particular Baptist leader William Kiffen.34 In addition to these more
extensive projects, numerous articles and shorter pieces have examined the
history of seventeenth-century Baptists through a biographical lens.35 While
these often rigorously researched studies do provide useful insights into larger
questions of group identity, their central preoccupation with specific lives
necessarily limits and qualifies their contribution to that debate.
Other studies of seventeenth-century Baptists have been organized
thematically rather than biographically. The role of women in Baptist churches,
for example, has received significant attention, most notably from Rachel
Adcock in her historical and literary analysis of Baptist Women’s Writings in
Revolutionary Culture, 1640–1680 (2015).36 Many of these thematic studies
have focused on specific doctrinal issues and theological controversies, and
during the past two decades, historians have examined how Baptists approached
worship,37 Christology,38 ecclesiology,39 covenantal theology,40 and
eschatology41. T. L. Underwood’s Primitivism, Radicalism and the Lamb’s
War (1997) exemplifies this doctrinal approach through an innovative analysis
of mid-seventeenth-century doctrinal debates between Baptists and Quakers.42
Thus, despite this wide-ranging research, there is still no holistic,
theologically sensitive yet historically rigorous study of mid-seventeenth-century
Particular Baptists. Although aspects of their history and thought have been
treated, the overarching question of their theological and religious self-identity
in regards to other contemporary religious groups has not been subject to
sustained, critical inquiry. Existing scholarship disproportionately attends to
events prior to the Interregnum and dilutes the corporate-focus on Particular
Baptists by either splitting attention among various other separatist groups, or
looking so closely at specific personalities and controversies that one can no
longer appreciate the entire picture. Furthermore, much work done on English
Baptists suffers from a failure to balance historical and theological concern and a
tendency to conflate and thus distort the distinct identities of various baptistic
groups operating in seventeenth-century England. The present volume will
challenge long-standing assumptions within Baptist historiography and offer a
major reinterpretation of Particular or Calvinistic Baptist self-identity during the
English Revolution and Interregnum.

IV
This book explores the lives and ideas of English Calvinistic Baptists through a
series of interlocking, thematic studies. And although I have not attempted a
traditional narrative history of early modern English Baptists, the chapters do
progress, roughly, in chronological order, beginning in the first three chapters
with the origins of Baptist groups during the 1630s and 1640s, and then
proceeding in chapters 4 and 5 to examine how those same groups responded to
the rather different political and cultural environment of the 1650s. In this way, I
hope to have conveyed a sense of change and development over time despite
having eschewed a standard, diachronic narrative account. These structural
decisions reflect my judgment that a coherent narrative of English Baptists as
such during the mid-seventeenth century is neither possible nor desirable, and
that any attempt to tell such a story will inevitably distort both the individuals
under investigation and the wider historical context in which they lived.
Chapter 1 introduces the men and women commonly described in standard
histories as “Particular Baptists,” surveying their origins, formation, and early
attempts at ecclesiastical organization. But, more importantly, the chapter also
examines in some depth the development of Baptist historiography and the ways
in which the deliberate distortions of early Baptist historians continue to
influence present scholarship. While helpful in many respects, much of this early
historiography was written, to paraphrase Herbert Butterfield, with one eye very
much fixed upon the present.43 The result was the construction of an unhelpful
historiographical paradigm that continues to surreptitiously function as the
normative framework within which early modern English Baptists are
considered.
After deconstructing this rarely examined history of Baptist history, chapter 2
will advance a more helpful way of viewing the subject. It suggests that so-
called Particular Baptists during the mid-seventeenth century can be more
helpfully regarded as a baptistic variation on the more mainstream
congregational movement then developing on both sides of the Atlantic. To this
end, the chapter introduces the term “baptistic congregationalists,” a neologism
that serves both to avoid anachronistic projection and to more closely connect
“Baptists” during the English Revolution with the congregational religious
culture out of which they emerged. The chapter will substantiate this link by
demonstrating the manifold relational ties that bound baptistic congregationalists
to their mainstream paedobaptistic counterparts.
All of this, however, leaves a fundamental question unaddressed: why did so
many congregationalists begin to reject paedobaptism during the late 1630s and
early 1640s? Chapter 3 addresses this question directly. Most standard accounts
of English Baptists either dismiss this inquiry as unhelpful speculation or as a
question that finds an obvious and rather uninteresting answer in an appeal to
Baptist biblicism. But chapter 3 argues that while such explanations contain
elements of truth, they are superficial and ultimately unsatisfying. Instead, one
must reconstruct the shifting ideological context in which the rejection of
paedobaptism rather abruptly became intellectually plausible for many otherwise
orthodox puritan-types, and, in so doing, provide a more nuanced explanation of
why these changes occurred when and how they did. The chapter will root the
rejection of paedobaptism in the prior embrace of a congregational ecclesiology,
thus serving to both explain the emergence of baptistic congregationalists while
also reinforcing the historical connection drawn in chapter 2 between “Baptists”
and more mainstream congregationalists.
Chapter 4 begins the second major movement of this book and thus represents
a shift in both chronology and thematic emphasis. Chronologically, our study
moves, broadly, from the 1640s to the 1650s—from Revolution to Interregnum.
Thematically, the latter two chapters attempt to take the interpretive framework
developed in the first three and use it as a lens through which to better
understand historical developments during the Interregnum. In other words,
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
He broke off as the beam operators succeeded in making connection
briefly with the plates of the Dresden. One glimpse, then the
visibeams were cut savagely, but that glimpse was enough. They
saw that their sister-ship was manned completely by automatons. In
her every compartment men, all too plainly dead, lay wherever they
had chanced to fall. The captain swore a startled oath, then bellowed
orders; and the flagship, driving projectors fiercely aflame, rushed to
come to grips with the Dresden.
"You intimated something about help," Martin suggested. "Can you
release some of the other ships from the automaton's yoke, after
all?"
"Got to—or roast. This is bound to be a battle of attrition—we can't
crush her screens alone until her power is exhausted and we'll be in
the sun long before then. I see only one possible way out. We'll have
to build a neutralizing generator for every lifeboat this ship carries,
and send each one out to release one other ship in our Fleet from
the robot's grip. Eleven boats—that'll make twelve to concentrate on
her—about all that could attack at once, anyway. That way will take
so much time that it will certainly be touch-and-go, but it's the only
thing we can do, as far as I can see. Give me ten good radio men
and some mechanics, and we'll get at it."
While the technicians were coming on the run Stone issued final
instructions:
"Attack with every weapon you can possibly use. Try to break down
the Dresden's meteorite shields, so that you can use our shells and
torpedoes. Burn every gram of fuel that your generators will take.
Don't try to save it. The more you burn the more they'll have to, and
the quicker we can take 'em. We can refuel you easily enough from
the other vessels if we get away."
Then, while Stone and his technical experts labored upon the
generators of the screens which were to protect eleven more of the
gigantic vessels against the thought-destroying radiations of the
automatons, and while the computers calculated, minute by minute,
the exact progress of the Fleet toward the blazing sun, the flagship
Washington drove in upon the rebellious Dresden, her main forward
battery furiously aflame. Drove in until the repellor-screens of the two
vessels locked and buckled. Then Captain Malcolm really opened
up.
That grizzled four-striper had been at a loss—knowing little indeed of
the oscillatory nature of thought and still less of the abstruse
mathematics in which Ferdinand Stone took such delight—but here
was something that he understood thoroughly. He knew his ship,
knew her every weapon and her every whim, knew to the final volt
and to the ultimate ampere her Gargantuan capacity both to give it
and to take it. He could fight his ship—and how he fought her!
From every projector that could be brought to bear there flamed out
against the Dresden beams of an energy and of a potency
indescribable, at whose scintillant areas of contact the defensive
screens of the robot-manned cruiser flared into terribly resplendent
brilliance. Every type of lethal vibratory force was hurled, upon every
usable destructive frequency.

Needle-rays and stabbingly penetrant stilettos of fire thrust and

thrust again. Sizzling, flashing planes cut and slashed. The heaviest
annihilating and disintegrating beams generable by man clawed and
tore in wild abandon.
And over all and through all the stupendously powerful blanketing
beams—so furiously driven that the coils and commutators of their
generators fairly smoked and that the refractory throats of their
projectors glared radiantly violet and began slowly, stubbornly to
volatilize—raved out in all their pyrotechnically incandescent might,
striving prodigiously to crush by their sheer power the shielding
screens of the vessel of the automatons.
Nor was the vibratory offensive alone. Every gun, primary or
auxiliary, that could be pointed at the Dresden was vomiting smoke-
and flame-enshrouded steel as fast as automatic loaders could serve
it, and under that continuous, appallingly silent concussion the giant
frame of the flagship shuddered and trembled in every plate and
member.
And from every launching-tube there were streaming the deadliest
missiles known to science; radio-dirigible torpedoes which, looping in
vast circles to attain the highest possible measure of momentum,
crashed against the Dresden's meteorite deflectors in Herculean
efforts to break them down; and, in failing to do so, exploded and
filled all space with raging flame and with flying fragments of metal.
Captain Malcolm was burning his stores of fuel and munitions at an
appalling rate, careless alike of exhaustion of reserves and of
service-life of equipment. All his generators were running at a
shockingly ruinous overload, his every projector was being used so
mercilessly that not even their powerful refrigerators, radiating the
transported heat into the interplanetary cold from the dark side of the
ship, could keep their refractory linings in place for long.
And through raging beam, through blasting ray, through crushing
force; through storm of explosive and through rain of metal the
Dresden remained apparently unscathed. Her screens were
radiating high into the violet, but they showed no sign of weakening
or of going down. Neither did the meteorite deflectors break down.
Everything held. Since she was armed as capably as was the
flagship and was being fought by inhumanly intelligent monstrosities,
she was invulnerable to any one ship of the Fleet as long as her
generators could be fed.
Nevertheless, Captain Malcolm was well content. He was making the
Dresden burn plenty of irreplaceable fuel, and his generators and
projectors would last long enough. His ship, his men, and his
weapons could and would carry the load until the fresh attackers
should take it over; and carry it they did. Carried it while Stone and
his over-driven crew finished their complicated mechanisms and flew
out into space toward the eleven nearest battleships of the Fleet.
They carried it while the computers, grim-faced and scowling now,
jotted down from minute to minute the enormous and rapidly-
increasing figure representing their radial velocity. Carried it while
Earth's immense armada, manned by creatures incapable of even
the simplest coherent thought or purposeful notion, plunged
sickeningly downward in its madly hopeless fall, with scarcely a
measurable trace of tangential velocity, toward the unimaginable
inferno of the sun.

Eventually, however, the shielded lifeboats approached their

objectives and expanded their screens to enclose them. Officers
recovered, air-locks opened, and the lifeboats, still radiating
protection, were taken inside. Explanations were made, orders were
given, and one by one the eleven vengeful superdreadnaughts shot
away to join their flagship in abating the Menace of the Machine.
No conceivable structure, however armed or powered, could long
withstand the fury of the combined assault of twelve such superb
battle craft, and under that awful concentration of force the screens
of the doomed ship radiated higher and higher into the ultra-violet,
went black, and failed. And, those mighty defenses down, the end
was practically instantaneous.
No unprotected metal can endure even momentarily the ardor of
such beams, and they played on, not only until every plate and girder
of the vessel and every nut, bolt, and rivet of its monstrous crew had
been blasted out of all semblance to what it had once been, but until
every fragment of metal had not only been liquefied, but had been
completely volatilized.
At the instant of cessation of the brain-scrambling activities of the
automatons the Communications Officer had begun an insistent
broadcast. Aboard all of the ships there were many who did not
recover—who would be helpless imbeciles during the short period of
life left to them—but soon an intelligent officer was at every control
and each unit of the Terrestrial Contingent was exerting its maximum
thrust at a right angle to its line of fall.
And now the burden was shifted from the fighting staff to the no less
able engineers and computers. To the engineers the task of keeping
their mighty engines in such tune as to maintain constantly the peak
acceleration of three Earth gravities; to the computers that of so
directing their ever-changing course as to win every possible
centimeter of precious tangential velocity.

CHAPTER IV
The Sun's Gravity
Ferdinand Stone was hollow-eyed and gaunt from his practically
sleepless days and nights of toil, but he was as grimly resolute as
ever. Struggling against the terrific weight of three gravities he made
his way to the desk of the Chief Computer and waited while that
worthy, whose leaden hands could scarcely manipulate the
instruments of his profession, finished his seemingly endless
calculations.
"We will escape the sun's mighty attraction, Doctor Stone, with
approximately half a gravity to spare," the mathematician reported
finally. "Whether we will be alive or not is another question. There will
be heat, which our refrigerators may or may not be able to handle;
there will be radiations which our armor may or may not be able to
stop. You, of course, know a lot more about those things than I do."
"Distance at closest approach?" snapped Stone.
"Two point twenty-nine times ten to the ninth meters from the sun's
center," the computer shot back instantly. "That is, one million five
hundred ninety thousand kilometers—only two point twenty-seven
radii—from the arbitrary surface. What do you think of our chances,
sir?"
"It will probably be a near thing—very near," the physicist replied,
thoughtfully. "Much, however, can be done. We can probably tune
our defensive screens to block most of the harmful radiations, and
we may be able to muster other defenses. I will analyze the
radiations and see what we can do about neutralizing them."
"You will go to bed," directed Martin, crisply. "There will be lots of
time for that work after you get rested up. The doctors have been
reporting that the men who did not recover from the robots'
broadcast are dying under this acceleration. With those facts staring
us in the face, however, I do not see how we can reduce our power."
"We can't. As it is, many more of us will probably die before we get
away from the sun," and Stone staggered away, practically asleep on
his feet.
Day after day the frightful fall continued. The sun grew larger and
larger, more and ever more menacingly intense. One by one at first,
and then by scores, the mindless men of the Fleet died and were
consigned to space—a man must be in full control of all his faculties
to survive for long an acceleration of three gravities.

The generators of the defensive screens had early been tuned to

neutralize as much as possible of Old Sol's most fervently harmful
frequencies, and but for their mighty shields every man of the Fleet
would have perished long since. Now even those ultra-powerful
guards were proving inadequate.
Refrigerators were running at the highest possible overload and the
men, pressing as closely as possible to the dark sides of their
vessels, were availing themselves of such extra protection of lead
shields and the like as could be improvised from whatever material
was at hand.
Yet the already stifling air became hotter and hotter, eyes began to
ache and burn, skins blistered and cracked under the punishing
impact of forces which all the defenses could not block. But at last
came the long-awaited announcement.
"Pilots and watch-officers of all ships, attention!" the Chief Computer
spoke into his microphone through parched and blackened lips. "We
are now at the point of tangency. The gravity of the sun here is
twenty-four point five meters per second squared. Since we are
blasting twenty-nine point four we are beginning to pull away at an
acceleration of four point nine. Until further notice keep your pointers
directly away from the sun's center, in the plane of the Ecliptic."
The sun was now in no sense the orb of day with which we upon
Earth's green surface are familiar. It was a gigantic globe of
turbulently seething flame, subtending an angle of almost thirty-five
degrees, blotting out a full fourth of the cone of normally distinct
vision.
Sunspots were plainly to be seen; combinations of indescribably
violent cyclonic storms and volcanic eruptions in a gaseously liquid
medium of searing, eye-tearing incandescence. And everywhere,
threatening at times even to reach the fiercely-struggling ships of
space, were the solar prominences—fiendish javelins of frenziedly
frantic destruction, hurling themselves in wild abandon out into the
empty reaches of the void.
Eyes behind almost opaque lead-glass goggles, head and body
encased in a multi-layered suit each ply of which was copiously
smeared with thick lead paint, Stone studied the raging monster of
the heavens from the closest viewpoint any human being had ever
attained—and lived. Even he, protected as he was, could peer but
briefly; and, master physicist though he was and astronomer-of-
sorts, yet he was profoundly awed at the spectacle.
Twice that terrifying mass was circled. Then, air-temperature again
bearable and lethal radiations stopped, the grueling acceleration was
reduced to a heavenly one-and-one-half gravities and the vast fleet
remade its formation. The automatons and the sun between them
had taken heavy toll; but the gaps were filled, men were transferred
to equalize the losses of personnel, and the course was laid for
distant Earth. And in the Admiral's private quarters two men sat
together and stared at each other.
"Well, that's that—so far, so good," the physicist broke the long
silence.
"But is their power really broken?" asked Martin, anxiously.
"I don't know," Stone grunted, dourly. "But the pick of them—the
brainiest of the lot—were undoubtedly here. We beat them...."

Martin interrupted.
"You beat them, you mean," he said.
"With a lot of absolutely indispensable help from you and your force.
But have it your own way—what do words matter? I beat them, then;
and in the same sense I can beat the rest of them if we play our
cards exactly right."
"In what way?"
"In keeping me entirely out of the picture. Believe me, Martin, it is of
the essence that all of your officers who know what happened be
sworn to silence and that not a word about me leaks out to anybody.
Put out any story you please except the truth—mention the name of
anybody or anything between here and Andromeda except me.
Promise me now that you will not let my name get out until I give you
permission or until after I am dead."
"But I'll have to, in my reports."
"You report only to the Supreme Council, and a good half of those
reports are sealed. Seal this one."
"But I think...."
"What with?" gruffly. "If my name becomes known my usefulness—
and my life—are done. Remember, Martin, I know robots. There are
some capable ones left, and if they get wind of me in any way they'll
get me before I can get them. As things are, and with your help, I
can and I will get them all. That's a promise. Have I yours?"
"In that case, of course you have."
And Admiral Alan Martin and Doctor Ferdinand Stone were men who
kept their promises.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ROBOT
NEMESIS ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in
these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it
in the United States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of
this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept
and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and
may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the
terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of
the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as
creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research.
Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given
away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with
eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject
to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
 PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free

distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or
any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and

Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree
to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be
bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from
the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in
paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be

used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people
who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a
few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic
works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.
See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with
Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the
collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the
individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the
United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in
the United States and you are located in the United States, we do
not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing,
performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the
work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of
course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™
mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely
sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name
associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of
this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its
attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without
charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also
govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most
countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the
United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms
of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying,
performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this
work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes
no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in
any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other

immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must
appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™
work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or
with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is
accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
 This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away
or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License
included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the
laws of the country where you are located before using this
eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived

from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a
notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright
holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the
United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must
comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through
1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted

with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted
with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of
this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project

Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a
part of this work or any other work associated with Project
Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this

electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form,
including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you
provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work
in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in
the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,

performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing

access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the
method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The
fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark,
but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty
payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on
which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your
periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked
as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information
about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation.”

• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who

notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that
s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
 copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and
discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project
Gutenberg™ works.

• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of

any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in
the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90
days of receipt of the work.

• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™

electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend

considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe
and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating
the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may
be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to,
incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a
copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or
damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer
codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except

for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph
1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner
of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party
distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this
agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and
expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO
REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF
WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE
FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY
DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE
TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL,
PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE
NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you

discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it,
you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by
sending a written explanation to the person you received the work
from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must
return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity
that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a
replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work
electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to
give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in
lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may
demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the
problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in
paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED,
INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF
MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied

warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted
by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the
Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the
Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any
volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability,
costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or
indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur:
(a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b)
alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project
Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of

Project Gutenberg™
Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.
It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and
donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the

assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a
secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help,
see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project

Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,

Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to

the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without
widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can
be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the
widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small
donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax
exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating

charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and
keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in
locations where we have not received written confirmation of
compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of
compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where

we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no
prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in
such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make

any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of
other ways including checks, online payments and credit card
donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project

Gutenberg™ electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed

editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,

including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how
to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.