Agwu Possession: Belief and Experience in Traditional Igbo Society

Author(s): Jude C. U. Aguwa

Source: Paideuma: Mitteilungen zur Kulturkunde , 1993, Bd. 39 (1993), pp. 279-289
Published by: Frobenius Institute

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40341666

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Paideuma 39, 1993

AGWU POSSESSION: BELIEF AND EXPERIENCE IN

TRADITIONAL IGBO SOCIETY

JUDEC.U.AGUWA

Introduction

The popular traditional belief among the Igbo people of Nigeria is that agwu is o
category of spirits created by chukwu-okike (the creator God) along with such deitie
igwe, anyanwu, amadioha and ala, whose respective natural symbols are the sky, the
the thunder and the earth. Unlike a mere spirit force, agwu exercises intellectua
volitive faculties and is believed to exercise immense influence in human affairs. He is
patron spirit of the dibia (diviner-cum-healer) and the inspirer of people of outstand
talent.1
Agwu is believed to be closely involved in man's search for fulfilment in his society. This
is because he enforces determinations of all sorts. The sick often blame their fate on him;
people gifted with creative talents believe them to derive from his benevolent influence;
those who are dibia are possessed by him. This paper examines the nature of agwu
possession as the climax of his acts in influencing human beings and as it is manifested in
the experiences of individuals.
While modernization has altered the traditional world view and its basic dogmas for
many people, a good number are still strongly influenced by it. Indeed, there are a lot of
people for whom the traditional system is perfectly intact and for whom this paper is a
description of some living experience. The effects known to derive from agwu present a
complex subject for study. It is important to make comprehensible the critical role the
agwu phenomenon (the dogma and the rituals) has played in traditional society as well as
the significance it holds for the societies of today and tomorrow. Agwu supervises the dibia
in the exercise of his profession, and present-day discussions on modernizing African
traditional healing methods are bound to reckon with the role such a dogma has played in
the development of the system.
Given that agwu was believed to promote human welfare just as much as he could bring
about misfortune, the effects he produced in society had wide ramifications. Invariably
each member of society was to confront the impact directly or indirectly, whether the
person believed or not, or at any rate belonged to the cult or not. Through examining the
issues of sickness as it is manifested in agwu disturbances and possession this study will
seek to appreciate how wide and deep was the agwu influence in traditional society.

1 Taxonomic confusion has characterized the study of supernatural beings in Igbo religious culture. With
regard to agwu the terms "god", "spirit", "deity", arusi have been variously employed. See Ilogu ( 1 974:
35), Arinze (1970: 64), Metuh (1981: 55) and Onwuejeogwu (1981: 34).

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280 Jude C. U. Aguwa

This paper is the result of field research carried out

and although they were randomly chosen, each sub-cu
The main data-gathering methods were oral interviews
agwu cult who are the very victims of possession, as we
constituted the larger bulk of persons who were inter
much dreaded malady believed to be caused by the
observation. Existing literature on the subject provide
objects and symbols that are available in museums.
The first part of this paper deals with some popular
agwu. This is to provide the necessary background for
which possession occurs, as well as the processes that l

A. Conceptual Dimensions

I. Etymological

Other names by which agwu is known are agwuisi and agwunsl While the names may be
more or less popular in the different communities, there are no serious etymological
differences between them. The simpler form agwu expresses the full content of the
concept. The suffixes isi and nsi, which literally mean head/first and poison respectively,
have mainly served as onomatopoeic expressions of particular orders of relationships,
characteristics and effects which the spirit is associated with.
According to popular usage, the term agwu is the metaphor for several negative
qualities. Orji (1979: 6) has mentioned the following: "wickedness, madness, malice,
perfidy, callousness and everything that is evil". By way of emphasis he explained: "We
call somebody agwu if he engages in sadistic behaviour, whereas when somebody is
mentally deranged or behaves abnormally he is called onye agwu" (loc. cit.).
The term agwuisi may be traced to three possible sources. Principally, agwuisi
underlines the key role which agwu plays in the spirit world as the spokesman. "All alusi
manifest their will through the alusi called agwu that determine the fall of the diviner's
beads in afa divination" (Onwuejeogwu 1981: 36). Agwu, it is believed, monitors the
designs of other spirits and deities, including chukwu, and reveals these to humans in
divination. It is through agwu that the inhabitants of the spirit world make their wishes
known in the world. Agwu is there in determining the remedies for an angry or disgruntled
spirit. Such privileged functions have earned agwu prominence as the spokesman and as
some sort of head in the spirit world.
Agwuisi refers also to ara agwu, the psychotic disorder believed to be punishment of one
who refuses to become a votary of the agwu cult. This malady is located in the head, and the
traditional mind articulated the association with the expression agwuisi (agwu in the head).

2 Among the many communities covered by this study, the following are most representative of the
various sub-cultural areas: Nri and Enugu Ezike (Igbo North), Ekwereazu and Obioma Ngwa (Igbo
South), Ilia (Igbo West), Arochukwu and Isiukwuato (Igbo East).

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 Agwu Possession: Belief and Experience in Traditional Igbo Society 281

It is also possible that the term agwuisi originated from the arrangement of the
traditional liturgical calendar. The agwu festival takes place in the fifth lunar month, which
in traditional Igbo society is the beginning of the year. Thus the feast is the first in the
liturgical calendar. There may also be some connection between the arrangements in the
calendar and the traditional experience that of all known supernatural beings agwu makes
the earliest intrusion into people's lives. The experience connected with agwu is therefore
commonly referred to as "ihe mbu n'eme tupu ndi ozo ewere bia" (the event after which
others follow).
On the other hand, the term agwunsi (agwu, the poison) provokes thoughts of the nature
of agwu as well as his ability to produce effects as severe and destructive as poison. Taken
together agwuisi and agwunsi compliment each other in providing a realistic image of the
complex phenomenon.

II. Behavioural

Agwu is conceived of as embodying tendencies in drastic moral oppositio

often described in dialectical terms: aka nri agwu (good/positive) and aka
negative); ikenga agwu (support) and uruala agwu (subversion). Like sp
agwu can aid and punish. But unlike them he is not to be characterize
inclination towards aiding or punishing, towards good or evil. As the tut
herbal medicine as well as divination, he provides for humans the means t
a solution to their problems. Wealth, good fortune and fertility are some
grants to men. But on an equal note agwu is credited with causing sickne
infertility, misfortunes and misbehaviour of men. He is regarded as "the s
be capricious to the extreme, but who also enriches his devotees" (Arinze
believed, as Orji (1979: 6) has stated, that agwu can blow hot and col
people and enhance their positions in society. Alternatively he plays true t
visiting people with madness, sickness or reverses in life and reduces th
grassroots level. Agwu is, therefore, "muo nkpasa (spirit of confusion) an
time the spirit that chooses devotees and endows them with the gift of d
knowledge of medicinal herbs" (Metuh 1981: 67).
Thus, any objective evaluation of agwu involves contrary values. Knowl
of fortune-telling and of herbal medicine are endowments which ar
society. In divination, sickness is diagnosed and effective measures f
scribed. Agwu brings about inspiration to positive accomplishments.
choose, most people would rather keep him at a good distance from thei

III. Symbolic

The typologies of agwu spread through the communities have the underpinnings of
ecological conditions, social organizations and ideals, as well as occupational engage-
ments. They include: agwu ulo (- of the home), agwu ohia (- of the wilds), agwu nyama
(- who possesses only women), agwu afa (- of the diviner), agwu dibia (- of the diviner-
cum-healer), agwu omumu (- of fertility), agwu eriri (- of plenty), agwu di ji (- of the

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282 Jude C. U. Aguwa

farmer), agwu nna uwa (- of reincarnation), agwu ukwu

agwu oma (favourable disposed/good -), agwu ojoo (ill d
violence), agbara aka ekpa (deceitful spirit).3 Such v
given rise to the rich deposit of symbols.
It is a common practice in traditional religious cultur
plants special ritual recognition on the grounds that the
to some spirit or god. Ogirisi is an Igbo ritual plant whic
The association is so close that the term umunne, an ab
of the maternal home), is a well-known synonym for og
shrine) ogirisi is an essential item. Literally, agwu is tak
made it a distinctive symbol of agwu.
The anthropo- social conceptions have led to the co
represent social, organizational and religious practices
household consists of the ancestor (okpu) and the pare
children are okoro and agbogho, and all these personal
The agwu community is endowed with a religious char
amadioha and anyanwu, which are also the common de
The socio-political symbols ofo (symbol of author
righteousness) and ikenga (symbol of success and a
essential items of agwu cult paraphernalia.
There are symbolic representations of domestic anim
carved images of the dog and the he-goat are the mos
stores wine in gourds (ebele agwu), drinks with a cup
horn (agba agwu). The dibia could store medicinal subs
horn he summons the spirit and he makes music for h
There are iconographic representations of agwu attri
inspire artistic creativity, perceive some distant da
distance and exercise omniscience.4 The acquisition
ments which devotees receive, such as wealth, success in
influence, is a necessary condition.5
The myriad of symbols reveals the degree of diffusi
every aspect agwu tended to reflect the human world
engaged the lives of individuals as well as their societi

IV. Mythico-social

Agwu is close to the heart of human society being perhaps second only to ala (the earth
goddess). This may explain why of all the spiritual entities recognized in Igbo cosmology,

3 The agwu typologies of many communities do coincide. Where differences are notable, dialectal and
other cultural influences are often responsible.
4 In the vernacular the respective representations are as follows: okpompi, okpuebo, ulili, udene, mbekwu.
5 1 he vernacular description or these endowments are respectively: mbata aku, ukwu na ye, onuohaeshil
ire, oprum, anya ka anya.

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 Agwu Possession: Belief and Experience in Traditional Igbo Society 283

including ala, only agwu is attributed with an elaborate story of epiphany in visible human
form. A version of such a story is still extant in Nri states:

Agwu was born like man,

But he abounded in deformities.
He was a monster and an am (abomination).
His abnormal hands and feet were bound, and
He was carried away into the evil forest.
But earlier than those who carried him away,
Agwu returned to the house.6

That similar accounts were widespread in Igbo communities is suggested by the practice,
still extant in many areas, of attributing serious deformities at birth to agwu.
Attempts to explain the characteristic ambivalence of agwu, for which a distinction is
made between agwu oma and agwu ojoo, reflect basic social structures. Agwu ojoo is
explained as the aggregation of human spirits who are evil because they are of persons
who, due to serious shortcomings in their earthly lives, were not accorded proper funeral
rites; as a result they were unable to attain ancestorhood. The affiliation of these human
spirits is believed to be patterned according to human kinship and lineage organizations.
Agwu ojoo are wicked and are ever ready to afflict living members of their families with
undesirable conditions.
Agwu oma is differentiated from agwu ojoo in terms of origin, nature and purposiveness.
It is explained as the collective and determinate will in a family lineage to secure for itself
and its progeny that advantage by which it could maintain a certain monopoly in
economic, political, social or medical matters. This collective will is ritually translated into
a spiritual force, which over the generations reasserts its objective and thereby maintains
its continuity in the family lineage.7 Such explanations, whether grossly speculative or not,
succeed in exposing the traditional experience of the fundamental place of agwu dogma.

B. The Nature of Agwu Possession

There are stages and degrees in encounters and relationships between human beings and
agwu. Although the vernacular expressions do not effectively observe such differences,
ritual reactions are very well defined. The first encounter with agwu, which may come
quite early in life or much later, admits two possible interpretations. The first is that one is
indebted to the spirit, who then seeks repayment. The second possible interpretation is that
agwu has elected the person concerned to benefit from any of his special inspirations or to
take up the work of a dibia. Whichever be the reason, every encounter with agwu is fraught
with unpleasant experiences.

6 This myth was narrated by Akunne, the attendant at the Odinani Museum at Nri during an interview
granted on 29th August 1991. It is noteworthy that several well-known Igbo myths originated in Nri
(cf. Onwuejeogwu 1981).
7 These explanations were recounted by Okereke Okonkwo and Ambrose Okonkwo in the midst of
other elders during an interview granted on 16th August 1991 at Okonkwo's compound at Nri.
Okereke is aged about 90 years and is the oldest man in Nri. These explanations indicate a more critial
approach to belief than was found in some other communities.

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284 Jude C. U. Aguwa

While the early encounters may constitute the harbin

possession is very well distinguished from them. A disti
the election for creative inspiration and that for the sp
possession is attributed.

I. Initial encounters

A host of human experiences may be tfgww-related. Based on the catalog

communities, the most common ones are: muddling of the mind, inappropr
hallucinations, delusions, fits of epilepsy and convulsions, social withdraw
behaviour, misfortune in undertakings, frustration in one's occupation. Wi
signs may include excessive crying, restlessness and fever.
Professional interpretation of these expericences is important, since th
originate from other spirits. Hence, the diviner meticulously exam
diagnosing every sign to establish the basis for agwu advances. That the p
is indebted to agwu is one such reason. It is a condition which one in
consistently and deliberately eats food or other things that have been offer
something permitted only to cult members. In the same predicament are
property such as livestock or tamper with the bush dedicated to agwu.
When the spirit's advances appear unjustified and unwarranted, because
provocations cannot be established, resort is made either to the deeds of on
which offended agwu and were unresolved or to some inherited liab
reincarnation entails the assumption that unattended obligations of one's
carried over to the next cycle of earthly existence. In divinatory and medi
persons are referred to as ndi nyara akpa agwuputu uwa (people who enter
the bag of agwu problems); such people are afflicted by agwu chi or agwu
Cases of agwu chi or agwu uwa are more readily established with childho
disturbances. The dibia could prescribe either of two types of rites of crisis
consists of the application of ogwu (a herbal concoction) to the body
accompanied by a simple sacrifice of a fowl and a statement pledging tha
take up the full rites when he becomes an adult. The spirit is requested, ther
from disturbing the child further. In some instances the action incorporate
ihu agwu (the simple agwu shrine) as an act of ekwelem agwu ("I say yes
submission of a bag to the dibia containing prescribed items, a way of retur
"bag of problems".8
The second type of crisis control rite, which is popular when the investi
an election for endowment of special talent or for the dibia profession, is
n'uche; literally it means "packaging intelligence and wisdom". The advan
here interpreted as acts of proposal. The parents, through the rite, expre

8 I found many bags of the same type hanging on a shrub in front of the consultation
Arochukwu, a renowned dibia. He explained the contents as debts owed to agwu, w
following flgww-related disturbance. The interview on agwu was granted on 1 lth Ju
compound. Kalu is aged about 75.

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 Agwu Possession: Belief and Experience in Traditional Igbo Society 285

behalf of the child as well as making a commitment. It is believed that unless the spirit's
approaches are ritually recognized there will be no effective control of them.

II. The special inspiration and influence of agwu

Excellence and success in several areas of human endeavour are attributed to the special
inspiration and influence of agwu, on the condition that the beneficiary becomes a devotee
by going through the first stages of initiation into the cult. For the purpose of worship, he
must acquire the symbolic representation of the particular endowment which the spirit
imparts to him. Such endowments include artistic creativity, for which one acquires
okpuebo as a symbol. The others are eloquence, influences, successful adventure, and
progress, whose respective representative symbols are: onuohaeshe/ire, anya ka anya,
ukwu na ije, and oprum. To the devotees of such categories, agwu is the muse and guiding
spirit. He is not, however, believed to exert continuous influence. The flashes of inspiration
or influence reach the beneficiary in intermittent waves, especially following proper ritual
sacrifices. Since the effects are neither continuous nor permanent, people in such
conditions are not taken to be really possessed. When the results depend on natural factors
outside the individual, such as in the case of successful adventures or economic progress,
agwu is believed to influence the course of natural forces to the advantage of a particular
individual.

III. The state of possession

The dibia (diviner-cum-healer) is, properly speaking, the real victim of possession.
Possession brings the possessed into a permanent state of domination and influence by
agwu. The state is realized through ritual actions of initiation. Full initiation into the agwu
cult, during which process the spirit takes possession of an individual, is a necessary
condition. In the rite of initiation one attains the required soma-psychic transformation.
Beyond the common stages in initiation, especially, there are quite conspicuous rites that
depict the passage from the normal through the marginal to the new state in personality
expression. Such rites include isa aka, itu ogwu, and igbusi ahu. After these and many other
rites of initiation, one becomes a fitting instrument in the hands of agwu. One is then a
dibia. One's natural faculties begin to make accomplishments that transcend their normal
capabilities. In the state of possession the dibia shares an intimate relationship with agwu,
who dominates, impels, propels, guides, teaches and enhances his exercise of divination
and healing.
In the possessed state the relationship between agwu and the dibia is popularly described
in conjugal terms as ilu agwu ("being married to agwu"). Even so, it is not a relationship of
equals. However, the couple achieves effective intercourse in dreams, trances, clair-
voyance and clairaudience - flashes of visual and auditory sensation of the extranatural.
The dibia is thus granted "second sight" and access to mystic knowledge and power. He
obtains, sometimes without the natural means, the knowledge of curative herbs, as well as
information on people coming to consult him and also on the nature of their problems. The

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 286 Jude C. U. Aguwa

experience of possession is much more dramatic du

faculties of the dibia are in the most activated state.
his divinatory beads and, with some invocations, ex
clients.
The aptness of using conjugal terms to express the
the spirit is reaffirmed in the idea of the active partic
passive exercise of power is foreign to agwu possess
human intelligence, good knowledge of related issu
able roles to play. On such bases, one specialist is di
is required for the comprehension of inspirations and
is more precisely and correctly made when the crit
inspiration.

IV. Ara agwu: the case of "negative possession"

A stubborn refusal to accept election by agwu, to be initiated into the cult and to exercise
the related functions of the possessed is punished with the malady known as ara agwu. The
same situation could also result when the agwu of one's family/lineage is wicked,
extremely sadistic and implacable. The affliction is characterized by manic-depressive
psychosis, stupor, and mental unreliability. The victim is unable to engage effectively in
any meaningful trade. He is prone to soliloquizing, aimless wandering and degrading
practices, such as begging or wearing unkempt hair and dirty clothes. Since it is not
normally characterized by violence, ara agwu is very well distinguished from other forms
of mental disorder. Although this condition is often spoken of as possession, it is very well
understood to be different; indeed, it might be called "negative possession".

V. The hereditary law in agwu possession

The common experience of Igbo society is thus articulated by Arinze (1970: 65):

The office of the dibia is largely hereditary. Particular families invariably perform the ceremonies of
Agwu and tell fortune. This does not contradict the fact that possession is a necessary sign of vocation,
for it almost always comes to a son of a dibia, hence the saying ndi na erne agwu ka agwu na akpa (it is
those who minister to Agwu that agwu possesses).

Possession is the essence of "dibiahood". When the office of the dibia is hereditary, it
means that possession by agwu is similarly regulated. It is not only by the agwu of one's
paternal family (agwu nna) that one can inherit the office of the dibia but also by the agwu
of the maternal family (agwu nne). Sometimes there is an irruption of the possessing agwu
in a situation where the tradition seems to be absent in both lineages. Clarifications are
usually obtained from divination in such instances. The most common explanation is that
the spirit is able to remain in passivity for a long period, so that some generations of the
family may pass before he turns up once more. There is a well-known saying: agwu anaghi
agbagha umu ya Cagwu does not depart from the family where he has belonged").

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 Agwu Possession: Belief and Experience in Traditional Igbo Society 287

The hereditary nature of the office of the dibia and hence of possession is expressed in
some practices of some parts of Igboland where some agwu symbols belonging to parents
are officially repossessed by their progenies. In Ikeduru, for instance, at the death of a man
signs indicate which of the children should inherit ntutu agwu and ekwum agwu, the
symbols of the cult that are most intimate and personal to him.
When the agwu tradition of a family is marked by a remarkable period of passivity, the
signs of the awakening often meet with a sceptical response. By the time those concerned
are otherwise convinced, many hardships may have befallen them. An informant
recounted that he could only go half-way through primary school. Sixteen years of trading
in several towns were fraught with losses. When he returned to his town and took to cutting
palm fruits, the frustrations continued. He would often mistake the unripe fruits for the ripe
ones. His marriage was marred by quarrels, and it ended in divorce. His farm crops were
always destroyed by pests; and when not, the harvests were usually exceedingly poor. A
diviner finally convinced him that he would have to take up the agwu cult of his family,
which had not been exercised for a very long time.9
After his initiation, his fortunes reversed. His expressions of contentment and the signs
of affluence which I observed in his compound testify to the period of steady improvement.

Conclusion

Agwu maintains a disproportionate sphere of lordship among the other supernatural

entities of traditional religion. He is their spokesman. In stressing this point, an informant
explained that each deity or spirit has a personal agwu, with which he provokes the world,
expresses complaints and claims sacrifices. Agwu also manipulates, deceives, controls and
favours human beings as he wishes.
Oiir study has shown that a complex social history lies behind each case of possession,
each agwu-induced show of excellence and each case of ara agwu. In such instances, agwu
had set the history in motion. Hence, the dogma on agwu, more than any other, touches the
nerve centre of traditional society. His manifestation in the world follows the socio-
organizational pattern. All answers to perplexing human problems are provided in
divination by the guidance of agwu. Health, fertility and good fortune are often dependent
on him. Inequalities among men, both physical and intellectual, are explained through this
dogma. Hence the entrenchment of the pervasive concept agwu in the Igbo world view.
Agwu penetrates most aspects of socio- cultural experience, since such services as
divination and healing inspired and supervised by him are open to all members of the
community and not simply to his votaries. It means that in traditional society agwu is
unavoidable and indispensable to each and every person, at one time or another and much
more so when ritual actions accompany healing processes.
Today the traditional world view still flourishes for a good part of the society. Moreover,
many who have embraced modern views, when confronted with unfavourable conditions
which threaten their health or security, and which they have no other means to explain or

9 Interview with Aja Kalu. See note 8.

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288 Jude C. U. Aguwa

control, readily seek the services of the dibia. The reli

tend to confirm the traditional association of religion a
many to believe that the dibia would articulate the issu
coherently, since his religion is more closely relate
Mounting insecurity deriving from politics, the econom
society, from which many seek miraculous deliverance,
number of clients of the dibia. Such factors tend to insu
than those of other deities and spirits. An informant w
average of twenty clients every day. I visited him six ti
as I always met several of these clients.
Agwu and the phenomenon of possession are comp
definitely provided ethnographic material on the religio
provoke even more detailed studies. It is still vital to o
relationship between the flourishing of agwu dogma an
the study of Igbo traditional medicine today agwu is s

Glossary of Igbo Words and Expressions

Agba agwu The horn of an animal employed a

instrument in the agwu cult.

Agwu chi The agwu that follows one as one's lo

Agwu uwa The agwu that follows one through the
Aka ikpa agwu Literally, the left hand of agwu. It s

Aka nri Literally, the right hand of agwu. It sy

Ala The earth goddess.
Amadioha The Igbo deity whose natural symbol is thunder.
Anyanwu The Igbo deity whose natural symbol is the sun.
Dibia The diviner, healer and priest - the medicine man.
Ebele agwu The gourd used by the dibia to store medicinal concoctions.

Ekwum agwu A symbolic representation of agwu, believed to be more exp

the spirit. The object can be transferred from father to son.

Igwe The Igbo deity whose natural symbol is the sky.

Igbusi ahu Literally, the fortification of the body. In the ritual process the body is
subjected to severe medicinal treatment, and it is believed it can
thereafter resist negative and magical effects as well as poison.

Iko agwu A cup reserved for the dibia and used in the exercise of his profession.

Ikenga agwu The symbol of strength and success known to derive from agwu.

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 Agwu Possession: Belief and Experience in Traditional Igbo Society 289

ha aka Literally, washing the hand. It is the rite of purification and ordination
that gives the dibia the authority to offer sacrifices.

Itu any a The rite of applying medicinal concoctions to the eyes during initiation.
It endows the dibia with third sight.

Nsi Physical or abstract substances or influences which have poisonous or

similar effects.

Ntutu agwu A symbolic representation of agwu, believed to be more expressive of

him and the authority to exercise the cult which can be transmitted
from father to son.

Onye agwu A man of agwu; one under the influence of or possessed by agwu.

Ogirisi A very popular and important ritual plant in Igbo tradition. The
botanical name is Newbouldia.

Ogu The symbol of righteousness.

Uruala agwu The ability of agwu to deceive.

Bibliography

Arinze. F.A.. 1970: Sacrifice in Igbo Religion, Ibadan University Press, Ibadan.
Idowu, E.B., 1973: African Traditional Religion: A definition, SCM Press Ltd., London.
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