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 Cross-Disciplinary
Perspectives on
Regional and
Global Security

Edited by
Paweł Frankowski
and Artur Gruszczak
Cross-Disciplinary Perspectives on Regional
and Global Security
 Paweł Frankowski · Artur Gruszczak
Editors

Cross-Disciplinary
Perspectives on
Regional and Global
Security
Editors
Paweł Frankowski Artur Gruszczak
Jagiellonian University Jagiellonian University
Kraków, Poland Kraków, Poland

ISBN 978-3-319-75279-2 ISBN 978-3-319-75280-8 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75280-8

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018933051

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018, corrected publication 2018
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
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on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
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 Contents

EUROscepticism and Monetary Security in Europe 1

Rafał Riedel

European Space Security and Regional Order 23

Irma Słomczyńska

Role of Sub-national Actors in North American Security 43

Paweł Frankowski

Regional Security in the Twenty-First Century’s South

America: Economic, Energy, and Political Security
in MERCOSUR and UNASUR 61
Katharina L. Meissner

The Distinctiveness of the Latin American Security

System—Why Is It so Different? Public International
Law Perspective 87
Agata Kleczkowska

Security at the Centre of Post 2000 EU–Africa Relations 113

Lola Raich

v
vi    Contents

Boko Haram and Identity Reconstruction

in Lake Chad Basin Region 141
Blessing Onyinyechi Uwakwe and Buhari Shehu Miapyen

Peacekeeping in the African Union: Gender, Women

and the Battle Against Sexual Exploitation and Abuse 165
Sabrina White

Women’s Participation in Peace Processes

in East Africa—Selected Aspects 191
Anna Cichecka

International River Basins as Regional Security

Communities: The Okavango River Case 207
Douglas de Castro

Erratum to: Security at the Centre of Post 2000 EU–Africa

Relations E1

Conclusion: Drifting Apart Regional Security Orders 239

Index 247
 List of Tables

Regional Security in the Twenty-First Century’s South America:

Economic, Energy, and Political Security in MERCOSUR
and UNASUR
Table 1 Brazil’s security interests (Reference Own illustration) 68
International River Basins as Regional Security Communities:
The Okavango River Case
Table 1 Securitization at different levels of analysis (Source Made
by the author based on Buzan et al. (1997, p. 165)
and Pachova et al. (2008)) 225
Table 2 Local water management overview (Source AMCOW 2012) 226
Table 3 Food security indicators (1990 and 2011) (Source Made
by the author based on FAO-Food Security Indicators
(October 15, 2014)) 226
Table 4 UN-Water indicators (Source Made by the author
based on the UN-Water Federated Water Monitoring
System (FWMS) & Key Water Indicator Portal (KWIP)
Project) 227
Table 5 Water security community theory vs. empirical evidences 234

vii
 Introduction

Abstract   Introduction provides a theoretical framework on how global,

regional and national actors, differ in their management approaches,
capacity levels, and how these differences translate into cross-regional
cooperation on security issues. The chapter focuses on three intertwining
elements that should constitute the approach to regional security chal-
lenges, i.e. ideas, interests and institutions. The triad of these terms refers
to the process of formulating and implementing security policy agenda
in different regions, but also reflects political interests of every involved
actor. A proper understanding of the role and importance of these ele-
ments in the analysis allows, in subsequent chapters, to seek answers to
the basic research question, namely the meaning of policies related to
contemporary security issues and challenges in particular regions.

The comprehensive analysis of key issues in the global security demands

variety of approaches, perspectives and questions, before closer look
onto regional security problems. This book provides an overview of
how global, regional and national actors, differ in their management
approaches, capacity levels, and how these differences translate into
cross-regional cooperation on security issues. In order to come to terms
of ongoing development of regional security arrangements, this book
presents a comprehensive account of different solutions for contempo-
rary security challenges in different regions.

ix
x    Introduction

In particular, our authors analyze three intertwining elements, that

should constitute the approach to regional security challenges, i.e. ideas,
interests and institutions. The triad of these terms refers to the pro-
cess of formulating and implementing security policy agenda in differ-
ent regions, but also reflects political interests of every involved actor.
This triad constitutes interactions on the regional level but also between
regional actors, and shapes the processes of developing the instru-
ments for regional security, while pursuing an independent and holistic
approach to contemporary challenges. A proper understanding of the
role and importance of these elements in the analysis allows, in subse-
quent chapters, to seek answers to the basic research question, namely
the meaning of policies related to contemporary security issues and chal-
lenges in particular regions.
The main question that the present book addresses is the following:
What does it mean regional security in twenty-first century, and more
specifically how to expound role and functions of specific actors on
regional level. Because every security challenge and problem emerges
and exists within a wider context of events, long-standing perceptions
and norms allow to craft a specific framework of analysis for every single
chapter in order to make them comparable, but with cross-disciplinary
angle. Every chapter will consist of four parts, and every part reflects
constitutive elements of the editorial team approach to c­ontemporary
security in particular regions as indicated above. The first part of every
chapter is devoted to ideas underlying the inclusion of security in
regional policies. A study of the idea of security will be based on the
analysis of existing regional policies, adopted positions of third coun-
tries and the content of current legislation as part of important societal
institutions. Ideas, as some authors suggest (Campbell 2004), may be
cognitive or normative, and above all, they are often taken for granted
and deemed to underpin debates on political decisions. This assumption
is relevant also in the case of security issues, and in order to determine
which entities play the most important role in shaping the idea of secu-
rity, the editors decided to refer to the concept of framing, and agenda
setting. The process of setting the agenda and framing (Goffman 1986;
Daviter 2011; Rhinard 2010) is the result of manipulation of information
and ideas, but also requires relying on existing frames. In this case, it will
be essential to consider the ideas of normative power, regional hegem-
ony, core states and merits of regional integration. In addition, the idea
of security should be also analyzed from the perspective of expanding
 Introduction    xi

state competences. Moreover, the editors believe that the idea of the
market, as important for any kind of security works as a strategic idea of
building a repertoire of innovative political strategies used by any actor
who adopts market ideas to compensate for a lack of power and polit-
ical resources. The idea of the market or market ideas are designed to
transform existing security institutions, but also have a normative ele-
ment, assuming competition and efficiency for the benefit of citizens of
particular region. Market ideas embrace also the promise of develop-
ment, welfare and economic prosperity; the members of editorial team
argue that security issues are subordinated to market ideas, even logic of
political actions stem from the idea of deeper integration. The second
part of every chapter is devoted to interests pursued by regional actors,
including security issues in particular policies. The concept of interest
is based on the assumption that the state is a system whose purpose is
control and efficiency, which is acceptable from normative and empirical
point of view. Interests, important for understanding regional security are
analyzed from the perspective of active players redefining the borders of
security and political spaces. Apart from states, three types of actor are
particularly important: supranational institutions, subnational actors and
private actors interacting in regional and global scale. All three actors act
in a stream of changes in global security, and with their actions empha-
size a pursuit for global common goods. For the purpose of this book,
all three actors will be analyzed in detail, and regional interests in pro-
moting the security issues are of primary importance. Nevertheless, when
the regional systems are considered as strategic constellations, there are
a good number of interests and ideas behind the proposed policies on
security issues.
Since aforementioned actors operate in a real world their ideal goals
cannot be fully realizable, and are constrained by regional powers, but
also by preferences declared by actors themselves. It is remarkable that
from 1945 onwards traditionally accepted instruments of security, as
preventive war, lost their place in a dictionary of international relations.
Absence of such conflicts provides the basis for new preferences, where
perceptions of regional security have been embedded into domestic
orders and preferences of particular governments. Therefore, interests
will be analyzed in terms of the preferences of participants, which are
dealt with in three different dimensions. Subjective dimension of pref-
erences allows to indicate who are the actors declaring and implementing
their preferences regarding security. In this group following actors will
xii    Introduction

be examined: international institutions, states, civil society and private

actors pursuing economic interests. The second dimension will be related
to nature of preferences, whether they are exogenous, i.e. do not result
from current and ongoing processes of regional integration, or endoge-
nous, as result of previous actions, and, therefore, path-dependent. The
third dimension will assume ideological and material preferences asso-
ciated with the perception of the aim of integration as creating of ideas
and identities, or the desire to acquire or expand resources. This dimen-
sion of interest will be based directly on first part of every chapter.
The third part of every chapter takes an in-depth analysis of insti-
tutions related to security issues in every region and will focus on the
practical implementation of these provisions as well as relations between
states—non-state actor and international organizations. Because the rea-
son for any political decision is to change political reality, any critical
assessment of policy-making should focus on the consequences of deci-
sions taken. Such assumption results in an analysis of institutional struc-
tures that are responsible for agenda setting and which, under favourable
circumstances, introduce new policies. In this part actors active on the
regional level are perceived as actors who take core functions of the
state. Therefore, in some parts of the world, regional integration actually
refers to the key functions of the state, resulting in covert integration.
Moreover apart of vertical integration (e.g. from states to EU level) hori-
zontal transformation at the level of regional institutions is also impor-
tant. The assumption that the transfer of powers relating to security takes
place only from states to regional institutions diminish the importance of
inter-institutional disputes and attempts to maintain or expand institu-
tional power established regional actors.
The fourth part of every chapter traces back interactions and instru-
ments triggered by the very nature of analyzed regions themselves. First,
the emergence of actual interactions has been consolidated by geographi­
cal and geopolitical characteristic of analyzed regions, particularly in the
case of Europe and Americas, which constitute limited number of actors
who pool common resources like energy security, or space security.
Second, pre-existing common historical and political heritage of analyzed
regions serve as a useful narrative to understand interactions and choice
of possible instruments.
This book applies cross-disciplinary perspective on regional security in
the context of regional challenges and problems as well as foreign rela-
tions on the regional level. The establishment of common understanding
 Introduction    xiii

of three intertwined elements following chapters address selected security

issues in given regions. With these main questions on the role of ideas,
interests and institutions, Chapter “EUROscepticism and Monetary
Security in Europe” (Rafał Riedel) addresses monetary security, and
substance of Euroscepticism as a negative attitude towards monetary
integration in the European Union. Subsequently, Riedel presents and
organizes evidence of monetary security and EUROscepticism, revealing
a trend in Euroisation in selected countries.
Chapter “European Space Security and Regional Order” (Irma
Słomczyńska) tackles the space security, and takes into account peculiar
problem of space debris, where the European Union, through widening
of its goals moved from being a regional organization towards a provider
of global common goods. When institutions for space security are still in
nascent phase, with this is mind Słomczyńska points out that interests of
EU member states are still of military nature, and institutions are nested
in a set of five key ideas for space affairs, established in Europe.
Chapter “Role of Sub-national Actors in North American Security”
(Paweł Frankowski) addresses regional cooperation in the North America
between sub-state actors on the ground of paradiplomacy, as an idea of
cooperation between non-central governments. Despite constitutional
constraints on plurality in international representation, some transborder
security issues can be tackled by lower level of government, and finally
security institutions have appeared.
Chapter “Regional Security in the Twenty-First Century’s South
America: Economic, Energy, and Political Security in MERCOSUR and
UNASUR” and Chapter “The Distinctiveness of the Latin American
Security System—Why Is It so Different? Public International Law
Perspective”, respectively systematize security arrangements in South
America. When Katharina L. Meissner systematizes various concepts of
regional organizations as security providers, Agata Kleczkowska high-
lights the role of international law, as an overreaching institution based
on regional norms and interests.
Last part of this book tackles security issues in Africa, where variety
and plurality of actors, interests and ideas co-exist, compete and have
been congruest. In this part, Lola Raich, Blessing Onyinyechi Uwakwe,
Buhari Shehu Miapyen, Douglas Castro, Sabrina White and Anna
Cichecka account for the fact that in Africa the importance of law, inten-
tional cooperation, human rights and environmental protection is appre-
ciated very differently, and the role of great powers in Africa should not
xiv    Introduction

be neglected. When Lola Raich (Chapter “Security at the Centre of Post

2000 Eu–Africa Relations”) emphasizes the role of exogenous factors for
stability in Africa, Blessing Onyinyechi Uwakwe, Buhari Shehu Miapyen
(Chapter “Boko Haram and Identity Reconstruction in Lake Chad Basin
Region”) focus on centrifugal forces on the regional levels and explore
how better understanding of ideologies may contribute to understand-
ing of security in Western Africa. Sabrina White (Chapter “Peacekeeping
in the African Union: Gender, Women and the Battle Against Sexual
Exploitation and Abuse”) addresses the question of actors involved in
United Nations Peace Operations, pointing out that institutions cre-
ated to perform a security role in their efforts could evolve into stum-
bling blocks on the road to lasting peace. When Chapter “Peacekeeping
in the African Union: Gender, Women and the Battle Against Sexual
Exploitation and Abuse” focuses on negative aspects of women’s
role in peace keeping operation, Anna Cichecka (Chapter “Women’s
Participation in Peace Processes in East Africa—Selected Aspects”)
addresses women in the East Africa as important actors for peace building
in the region. Final chapter (Douglas de Castro) responds to f­undamental
challenges by asking the questions on environmental security by ­analyzing
the case of Okavango River Basin.
Reasons for selecting aforementioned cases vary. Instead of simply
comparing certain regional arrangements by juxtaposition of institutional
structures or treaties, we asked our contributors to adopt historical insti-
tutionalism (Pierson 2000, 2004) and explain case by case how ideas
and interests coming from various sources shape, constrain and support
institutions. This context is above all marked by the quest for security,
broadly defined and understood. When institutions are widely presented
as ultimate solution for stability, and a matter of utmost importance to
keep lasting order in the region, we argue that normative stance behind
any institution is always and by nature, political. Given the objectives of
any analyzed institution, i.e. to provide security, one should not forget
that institution reside in a political space, when variety of concerns, legal,
outspoken or primordial raised by states and other actors play a crucial
role and make an important reference point for any analysis of regional
orders. National objectives and interests, as well as fear of regional
hegemony, are not new, and there is no need to create a new paradigm
to understand contemporary international security. There is, however, a
need to rethink institutions in new circumstances, when links between
global and regional problems are much closer than before. Therefore, to
 Introduction    xv

get and maintain regional security there is a need to strengthen collec-

tive structures and translate them into ideas and norms, when a belief
into collaborative endeavour would be a universal idea, based on theory
of justice (Sen 2009), protection of human rights and global commons.
Adopting this perspective, where institutions, real processes and interac-
tions between people and institutions will be treated as equally important
elements of analysis allows us to understand that very idea of regional
security is always for someone and for some purpose (Cox 1981). By
unveiling linkages to particular historical circumstances, ideas of justice
and role of institutions our contributors offer a rich variety of perspec-
tives to think critically about security and regional orders.

Paweł Frankowski
Artur Gruszczak

References
Campbell, John L. 2004. Institutional Change and Globalization. Princeton:
Princeton University Press.
Cox, Robert W. 1981. Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond
International Relations Theory. Millennium—Journal of International Studies
10 (2): 126–55. https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298810100020501.
Daviter, Falk. 2011. Policy Framing in the European Union. Palgrave Studies in
European Union Politics. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Goffman, Erving. 1986. Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of
Experience. Boston: Northeastern University Press.
Pierson, Paul. 2000. The Limits of Design: Explaining Institutional Origins
and Change. Governance 13 (4): 475–99. https://doi.org/10.1111/0952-
1895.00142.
Pierson, Paul. 2004. Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis.
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Rhinard, Mark. 2010. Framing Europe: The Policy Shaping Strategies of the
European Commission. Dordrecht and Boston: Republic of Letters and
Martinus Nijhoff.
Sen, Amartya. 2009. The Idea of Justice. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
 EUROscepticism and Monetary
Security in Europe

Rafał Riedel

Introduction
The objective of the paper is to investigate the correlations between
the phenomenon of EUROscepticism (understood as a negative atti-
tude towards the monetary integration on a supranational level1)
and the monetary security in Europe. By doing so this study sees
EUROscepticism both as dependant and independant variable, which
positions itself very well in the most recent trend of the European stud-
ies. The so called third generation of Euroscepticism studies postulates
to treat it not only as an explanatory variable but also as an explaining
factor—not just a phenomenon which needs to be explained, but also

1 Which is an element of a broader concept of Euroscepticism—the negative attitude

towards the European integration as a whole or some of its aspects or ideas. These two
terms are conceptualised more in details in the further parts of this article. See also Zuba
and Riedel (2015).

R. Riedel (*)
University of Opole, Opole, Poland
e-mail: riedelr@icloud.com

© The Author(s) 2018 1

P. Frankowski and A. Gruszczak (eds.),
Cross-Disciplinary Perspectives on Regional and Global Security,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75280-8_1
2 R. Riedel

a determinant of other important processes and phenomena. Such a

turn in scholarly treating Euroscepticism is connected with the grow-
ing Eurosceptic views in Europe in real life politics—Euroscepticism is
not any more a marginal aberration but became an element of the main-
stream politics. This real life phenomenon spills over to the scholarly
work which puts it in the centre of the research process.
This contribution follows the logic of the edited volume focusing on
the ideas, interests and institutions related to monetary security in con-
juncture with EUROscepticism. The chapter starts with the introduction
into the concept of EUROscepticism and its relations with the classi-
cal Euroscepticism. Then the second key term of the paper is defined,
which is the monetary security—nested in the general understanding
of the economic security. Here, not only the author provides his own
understanding of the monetary security, but also discusses its main lev-
els, dimensions, functions and determinants. In the last part, the corre-
lations between the two phenomena are discussed with the illustration
of the selected EU member states representing Eurozone members and
non-members.

EUROscepticism as an Idea
Euroscepticism is generally and conventionally understood as a negative
attitude towards the European Union, European integration process in
general, some of its aspects or just the idea of uniting the continent in
any respect. More specifically EUROscepticism is defined as a negative
attitude towards the Eurozone, monetary integration on the suprana-
tional level, some of its aspects or ideas and concepts related to it.
Such conceptualising of EUROscepticism and Euroscepticism posi-
tions these two terms/categories in a rich scholarly literature, which
became even more important in the context of the economic crisis that
hit Europe in 2008 as well as the so called “Brexit” referendum (2016)
and its consequences. Therefore the deep understanding of the phenom-
enon, its determinants, mechanisms, effects and side-effects is central in
contemporary research on the European Union. Euroscepticism is not
any longer just an aberration of the mainstream politics in the EU. It
has become an element of the mainstream, at least, after the most recent
elections to the European Parliament (2014) and the “Brexit” referen-
dum (2016). As a result, also scientifically, it is not any more a contextual
 EUROSCEPTICISM AND MONETARY SECURITY IN EUROPE 3

variable only, but it gained the attention as a central phenomenon to be

explained.
Noteworthy, EUROscepticism as a scholarly concept is treated neu-
trally here, without any evaluative connotations attached. One can
identify both negative and positive aspects of EUROsceptic argumenta-
tion, but this study is not evaluative. Its objective is not to judge if the
EUROsceptics are right or wrong. It is rather to describe and explain the
problem of EUROscepticism and to explain other phenomena and pro-
cesses through EUROscepticism as an explanatory vehicle. The second
variable of this research design is monetary security. This concept is also
relatively multidimensional and the third part of this study is dedicated
to it—unpacking the idea and the concept more in detail.
In the past, Euroscepticism was found on the margins of the p ­ olitical
and societal system—it was more often the extreme right, less frequently
the extreme left that expressed anti-EU feelings and general opposition
to the European integration project (Holmes 1996). Today we identify the
Eurosceptic views in mainstream politics as well. More importantly, together
with the extensive growth of the European Union, it became n ­ atural. No
more can it be treated as an aberration—on the opposite, total and unques-
tioned acceptance of every single aspect of today’s European integration
project would seem infantile. EU became a complex (multi-level governance)
system in which some elements meet more whereas others seriously less
acceptance. Additionally the economic crisis in Europe generated w ­ inners
and losers also along the monetary integration lines. Such a situation
requires scientific inquiry which will describe and explain the new develop-
ments and new contexts in the Euroscepticism evolution.
So far the scholars have explained the fluctuations in support or oppo-
sition for the EU through a number of theories, including cognitive
mobilization (Inglehart 1970a), postmaterialist values (Inglehart 1970b;
Inglehart et al. 1991), economic calculus and utilitarianism (Gabel and
Palmer 1995; Gabel 1998), popular evaluations of national politics (e.g.
Franklin et al. 1994), the importance of party political cues (Hooghe
and Marks 2005), domestic factors including government and system
support used as a proxy (Anderson 1998), satisfaction with EU democ-
racy and representation (Rohrschneider 2002) or perceived cultural
threat (McLaren 2002). In the real life, the factors hidden in these theo­
ries overlap and aggregate in the generalized acceptance or opposition
towards the monetary integration and its developments.
4 R. Riedel

The point of departure is usually the classical work by Taggart or by

Taggart and Szczerbiak (2002), providing both the definition and the
basic categorisation of major variants of Euroscepticism (hard and soft dif-
ferentiation). The early definitions of Euroscepticism by Taggart (1998)
conceptualized it as ‘the idea of contingent or qualified opposition, as
well as incorporating outright and unqualified opposition to the pro-
cess of European integration’. This definition was further sharpened over
the years with the distinction between ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ Euroscepticism
(Taggart and Szczerbiak 2001). ‘Hard’ Euroscepticism referred to ‘prin­
cipled’ opposition to the EU—namely a rejection of the entire project and
a wish for withdrawal or not accessing the block. ‘Soft’ Euroscepticism, on
the other hand, was characterized by ‘qualified’ or ‘contingent’ o
­ pposition
to European integration, which may include opposition to specific poli-
cies or national-interest opposition (Beichelt 2004). Kopecky and Mudde
(2002) advanced the literature by conceptualizing Euroscepticism based
on Easton’s (1965) differentiation between diffuse and specific support
for a political system. They produced four categories: Euro-enthusiasts,
Europragmatists, Euro-sceptics and Eurorejects. Other definitions include
Flood’s (2002) six-point continuum of rejectionist, revisionist, minimalist,
gradualist, reformist and maximalist, Conti’s (2003) five-point continuum
of hard Euroscepticism, soft Euroscepticism, no commitment, functional
Europeanism and identity Europeanism, Rovny’s (2004) differentia-
tion between magnitude and motivation, or Vasilopoulou’s (2011, 2013)
rejecting, conditional and compromising categories.
At the beginning Euroscepticism was treated as a marginal phenom-
enon in European politics. The term itself was coined (outside of aca-
demia) in Britain in 1980s. But it is vital to understand that its pedigree
is at least as long as the history of the European integration process itself
(or even longer—its idea). However, more than a decade later, this orig-
inal concept does not encompass the broadness and complexity of the
phenomenon.
In general the periodization in Euroscepticism studies shadows the
various stages of European integrations. Therefore the natural mile-
stone is the Maastricht treaty (the moment of communitarising a num-
ber of important policies) after which the scholarship in Europeanisation
has entered a dynamic phase. From that moment it changed in nature,
scope, content and impact. Apart from it, an important milestone in the
development of Euroscepticism was the economic crisis that hit Europe
in 2008/9 which brought Eurosceptic views higher on the political
 EUROSCEPTICISM AND MONETARY SECURITY IN EUROPE 5

agenda. No more can Euroscepticism be located at the periphery of

mainstream politics. Not only because of the most recent success of the
Eurosceptic parties in 2014 EU Parliamentary elections,2 but predomi­
nantly due to the fact that the Eurosceptic views are a regular part of
everyday democratic process and there is not anything special about it.
No more can it be treated as a populist margin of the political spectrum.
As regards the EUROscepticism concept, it has not been addressed
directly as such in a systematic way. Certainly the monetary aspects of
integration appear in many analysis of general Euroscepticism but they
are not treated in isolation and with the dedicated scholarly attention
that they require. The first paper which defines and conceptualises the
term itself as well as its content, context, determinants and others is
“EUROsceptycyzm – próba konceptualizacji” (Zuba and Riedel 2015,
see also Riedel 2015).
Predominantly EUROscepticism is treated as dependent variable. It is
operationalized as the expressed negative attitude towards the monetary
integration (or some of its important fragments) by the public opinion,
socio-economic elites, political leaders, official party positions, experts,
media discourse and other elements of the general public debate.
The independent or explanatory variables are related to the most impor-
tant determinants explaining the support for the monetary union, among
them there are: economic, political, historical/ideational/identity—related
ones (Risse 2003).
Like the permissive consensus, Euroscepticism (locating itself how-
ever in the opposite camp), initially was predominantly—but not exclu-
sively—elite-driven. Later it became more and more democratic reaching
a point in which one of its major arguments is the questionable political
legitimacy of the European integration project. In twenty-first century
we observe more critical discourse in the European public sphere, which
cumulated in the times of the economic crises (it is questionable whether
the EU or EMU are directly responsible for it though). Therefore it
requires refreshed academic reflection of descriptive, explanatory and
interpretative nature. The crisis not only generated tensions among the
member states, their economies and societies. It sparked new European
debates inside the member states’ societies with new dynamics, new divi-
sion lines and new implications.

2 The scholarly analysis of Euroscepticism focuses on various aspects, predominantly how-

ever on party politics and public opinion.

6 R. Riedel

Monetary Security—Between Ideas and Interests

In this part of the text, the monetary security is defined as well as the
following elements are identified and discussed: its constitutive elements,
levels, dimensions, functions and determinants. It follows the logic from
the more general concept of security in general, towards more detailed
definitions of monetary security, as a consequence, the term is also con-
textualised in the broader understanding of the economic security.
Security, as a scholarly concept, is one of the most frequently debated
and contested terms. Depending from the disciplinary perspective—
political science, economy, international relations and others—it may be
understood differently, even within the family of the social sciences. The
problem is not only the number of definitions and approaches, but also
the concept of security evolves due to the changing nature of the real life
developments. As a consequence, security is a multifaceted, ambiguous
and dynamic concept.
Its basic understanding sees it as a lack of threats. Classically in inter-
national relations security is defined in relation to the state and is a situ­
ation in which a state is not and does not feel threatened by military,
political or economic pressure now and in a foreseeable future which
allows the country to exist and develop in a desired direction. Therefore
security is a state but also a process, it can be also understood as an
objective, a value or a need at the same time. Optionally, and closer to
the economic dimension of it, it is also a set of public policies that pro-
tect the safety or welfare of a nation’s citizens from substantial threats
(Murphy and Topel 2013). One may say that uncertainty and risk is a
permanent element of the capitalist world. They are the other side of the
same coin marked by freedom and choice (Cable 1995, p. 306).
Traditionally security referred predominantly to the military threats
and risks. Nowadays more and more attention is given to the non-­
military aspects of security, like energy, climate or food security. This is
a result of the post-Cold War developments in which the massive East-
West military confrontations became less probable. The next part defines
the monetary security, identifies its elements, levels, functions and deter-
minants as well as positions it in the broader economic security concept.
Economic security is a nest in which the monetary security is imbedded
and is constituted of a number of elements to which the monetary secu-
rity is correlated.
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