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 PALGRAVE STUDIES IN GLOBAL CITIZENSHIP
EDUCATION AND DEMOCRACY

AFRICAN DEMOCRATIC
CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION
REVISITED
d
Edited by
Yusef Waghid and Nuraan Davids
Palgrave Studies in Global Citizenship Education
and Democracy

Series editor
Jason Laker
San Jose State University
San Jose, California, USA
Aim of the Series
This series will engage with the theoretical and practical debates regarding
citizenship, human rights education, social inclusion, and individual and
group identities as they relate to the role of higher and adult education on
an international scale. Books in the series will consider hopeful possibili-
ties for the capacity of higher and adult education to enable citizenship,
human rights, democracy and the common good, including emerging
research and interesting and effective practices. It will also participate in
and stimulate deliberation and debate about the constraints, barriers and
sources and forms of resistance to realizing the promise of egalitarian
Civil Societies. The series will facilitate continued conversation on policy
and politics, curriculum and pedagogy, review and reform, and provide a
comparative overview of the different conceptions and approaches to citi-
zenship education and democracy around the world.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/series/14625
 Yusef Waghid • Nuraan Davids
Editors

African Democratic
Citizenship Education
Revisited
Editors
Yusef Waghid Nuraan Davids
Faculty of Education Faculty of Education
Stellenbosch University Stellenbosch University
Cape Town, South Africa Cape Town, South Africa

Palgrave Studies in Global Citizenship Education and Democracy

ISBN 978-3-319-67860-3    ISBN 978-3-319-67861-0 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67861-0

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017956406

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
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illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and trans-
mission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or
dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
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Printed on acid-free paper

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The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Foreword

In the context of contemporary post-Westphalian nation-states, the ques-

tions of cross-border migration and settlements of various forms and
duration have intensified. Of particular significance is the policy implica-
tion pertaining specifically to citizenship, nationality, and political rights
fiercely debated, amidst the increasing neo-liberal globalization on a
world scale since the end of the twentieth century. Such rights are acquired
either through place of birth and/or labor. Education, as a social institu-
tion that continues to provide technical skills and values necessary for
economic and political participation, has a role to play in the provision
and acquisition of the tools required to exercise the relevant agency to
claim practically these rights. Additionally, in the context of ongoing
migrations, the vital grounds of active linkages to places of emigration
origin and destination, for instance, through African conceptualization
and lived experiences of family solidarity and obligations, calls for serious
examination of the assumed requirements of single spatial connection for
securing and exercising such rights. The claim for legitimate rights had
been put forth earlier by pan-African ideology and currently by some
aspects of the demand of contemporary Afropolitanism.
The topic of citizenship education has increasingly been addressed by
scholars and activists across the globe, highlighting broader trends and
similarities as well as local, national, and regional specificities. In African
Democratic Citizenship Education Revisited, co-editors Yusef Waghid and
v
vi Foreword

Nuraan Davids have raised thought-provoking questions such as “What

… does it mean to be African?” in conceptualizing and envisioning the
concrete context for citizenship education. This type of discourse and
concern for defining legitimate membership is not at all new, as it goes
back to centuries of the modern and contemporary eras during which
massive forced migration took place out of Africa due to the trans-­
Atlantic enslavement, which led to the emergence and claims of pan-­
Africanism. Similarly, during the same period, there was a reverse
migration to Africa that was partially voluntary (in the case of the colo-
nizers) and in part forced (in the case of the imported labor, for instance,
from Asia) and was linked to the same exigencies of empire, capitalist
accumulation, and colonization that led to the loss of humanity, and
subsequently, all rights of Africans and other populations subjected to the
policies of forced labor. The transition to independence and the gradual
consolidation of the externally drawn borders among current African
countries did not address fully the problematics of the initial rationale for
mapping the African continent based on external motives and the impli-
cations of separating and displacing different social groups while creating
artificial boundaries. All this led to the original pertinent question of
“What … does it mean to be African?” In essence, this question interro-
gates what it means to be a citizen of an African nation-state considering
the weight of history. What are the spatial component and implications
of “being African?”
The co-editors of this volume forcefully articulate the intricate rela-
tionship between “democratic citizenship” and the indispensable aware-
ness/consciousness by citizens of their rights. It is with this realization,
they contend, that “the ongoing dialogue calls for democratic citizenship
education.” It is worth recalling that the fierce battles waged by Africans
against colonization and in independence movements were triggered and
sustained by their quest for freedom, an essential part of the ability to
acquire and exercise citizens’ rights. In the non-colonized contexts, spe-
cific rights for members of different sociopolitical entities may have been
constructed on the lines of what has been labeled in some of the literature
in political science as “primordial ties.” Thus, the transition from coloni-
zation to independence, occurred relatively recently, considering what a
timeline entails when building political systems and nation-states. In the
 Foreword
   vii

transition, complete citizens’ rights were not fully and practically restored,
given the enduring neo-colonial framework of governance. Colonial rule
was essentially incompatible with the respect and teaching of the “sub-
jects” about their rights. Therefore, it is imperative that a relearning and
reclaiming of rights under post-colonial regimes transpire to function
effectively, considering the tendency of the persistence and reproduction
of some regimes that operate with African proxies of colonial systems
considering whose interests are being mainly served. Also, the continued/
resurgence of primordial ties may contribute to fragmentation of the citi-
zenry and pose a challenge in organizing processes of increased conscious-
ness about the rights of the citizens based on their objective conditions in
the contemporary nation-states without ambivalence in allegiance and
how to settle old grievances and clarify the new exigencies that can be
effectively addressed while empowering “democratic citizenship educa-
tion.” While doing so, legitimate questions need to be asked about what
type of democracy constitutes the reference in defining the type of citi-
zenship education.
Yusef Waghid and Nuraan Davids, as co-editors and contributors, and
the authors of the other chapters of the volume offer a timely and impor-
tant contribution to the critical examination of the persistent questions
of citizenship, political rights, and the prerequisites for acquiring compe-
tence in knowing and exercising such rights in the African context. They
provide theoretical frameworks and locate their respective case studies in
the broader global context and at the same time effectively elucidate the
specificities of national milieus and global-local dynamics. Historical fac-
tors related to the specific contexts of colonial, post-colonial, and national
experiences are authoritatively situated in these case studies amidst neo-­
liberal globalization and liberal democracy, together providing a powerful
analysis of the diverse and complex situations with expert insight point-
ing to the nuances.
The volume covers individual countries in different sub-regions of the
continent, specifically North Africa, Southern Africa, West, and East
Africa. While the authors do not claim to offer a template for action, they
convincingly provide arguments for deciphering the contradictions
between nationalism and democratic citizenship education, the hinder-
ing effects of neo-liberalism, and the role of education in general and
viii Foreword

especially higher education. They provide critical perspectives for forward-­

looking and action-oriented assessments of the imperatives for promot-
ing democratic citizenship education in Africa, which can enlighten both
the citizens and “those in power” to appreciate the potentially positive
effects of the capacity to exercise and respond to “accountability pres-
sures” which have salutary outcomes for all.
There is no doubt that this edited volume will be well received by
scholars, activists, policy makers, grassroots organizations, and the vari-
ous forms of civil society that are active in localities in specific countries,
at national and sub-regional levels to engage in rethinking democratic
citizenship education with renewed commitment for transformative
action.

Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA N’Dri T Assié-Lumumba

 Preface

‘Until the lion learns how to write, every story will glorify the hunter.’
—African proverb

Democratic citizenship education in Africa was heavily curtailed in

educational institutions during the period of colonisation, especially
between the 1950s and 1970s—not only because schools and universities
were subjected to the political control of colonised nation-states but also
as a corollary of ethnocultural allegiances among indigenous communi-
ties that tangibly showed an aversion to others and otherness. First, at a
political level, it did not behove colonised nation-states to act according
to values of democracy and citizenship primarily because of repression,
exploitation and exclusion. Of course, this does not mean that Africa’s
peoples did not resist their political exclusion and by implication
announced their democratic and citizenship aspirations. However, such
often-prohibited demands were easily quelled by the coercive powers of
the colonial authorities. Likewise, many indigenous communities by and
large succumbed to their own political dictatorships that mostly served as
political proxies to procure colonial rule. In addition, the post-colonial
period, mostly from the 1980s onwards, witnessed a deluge of political
resistance, in particular the demands of nation-states to be liberated from
foreign and colonial control and manipulation.

ix
x Preface

As we might know, many African indigenous communities succeeded

in liberating the continent from unwarranted external political exploita-
tion. As we might also know, neoliberalism and globalisation have become
manifest in the majority of nation-states on the African continent. And,
as with any new and often exploitative form of political dispensation —
considering that more than a third of the continent in the 1990s aspired
to establish democratic states—democratic citizenship education evolved
as a new politico-societal means to ensure the free and open exercise of a
neoliberal market economy that would supposedly enhance the political
and economic liberties of African nation-states. Inasmuch as such events
corroborated the decline of the colonised continent and by implication
colonised nation-state, African communities, nevertheless, became more
acutely aware of their political rights to liberty and the exercise of the
pursuit of their own indigenous forms of cultural living. In a different
way, post-colonial Africans began to narrate their own stories more
authentically and authoritatively. Today, although more than half of the
continent has assumed the status of democratic nation-states, Africans
remain entangled in a web of political manoeuvring that privilege indig-
enous patriotism often at the expense of liberal democratic action. This in
itself might not necessarily be debilitating to Africa’s political liberation.
However, as our own understanding of the contributions in this volume
suggest, it might also be the springboard that would further enhance
Africa’s embrace of democratic citizenship education—a matter of
Africans narrating their autonomous stories.
As we write and read these words, we live and reveal our stories. Stories
allow us to make sense of who we are. As they slip off our tongues or flow
through our fingers, our stories give meaning to who we are and what we
might become. Africa has always been a kaleidoscope of stories and sto-
rytelling—echoing through the dark night sky, as rhythmic bodies sway
to the emotion of the land. Much has been written and recorded about
Africa—from Joseph Conrad’s unsettling Heart of Darkness (first pub-
lished in 1899) to Karen Blixen’s romanticised memoir, Out of Africa
(first published in 1937), the African has been caricatured into that which
others have desired him or her to be. In turn, history reveals that Africa
has often been debased to what she should never have been—as encoun-
tered in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart (1958), Ngugi wa Thiongo’s
 Preface
   xi

A Grain of Wheat (1967), or Alan Paton’s Cry, the Beloved Country

(1948). What, therefore, does it mean to be African? What does it mean
to live on the African continent? Is being born and living in Africa that
accords Africans their citizenship? Is stating that we are African the same
as stating that we are African citizens? In this collection of essays, we
endeavour to address some of these questions in relation to conceptions
of democratic citizenship education.
Conceptions of democratic citizenship are seemingly inextricably
embedded in particular sets of rights—meaning that, in order for citizens
to lay claim to citizenship, they have to have a sense of their social, politi-
cal and legal rights. This particular understanding begins to explain the
ongoing calls for democratic citizenship education. Conversely, therefore,
the argument could be made that if a citizen is unaware of his or her
rights, he or she, seemingly, would not be able to lay claim to his or her
citizenship. The latter is certainly the view of Logan and Bratton (2006: 1),
who argue that the problem with citizenship in Africa is not that Africans
are not actively involved in their respective dispensations but rather that
‘democracy remains unclaimed by them [Africans]’. In this sense, Logan
and Bratton (2006: 1) maintain,

People in African countries may have begun to transform themselves from

the ‘subjects’ of past authoritarian systems into active ‘voters’ under the
present dispensation. But at the same time, they do not appear to fully
grasp their political rights as ‘citizens’, notably to regularly demand
accountability from leaders. As such, most African political regimes have
yet to meet the minimum requirements of representative democracy.

We might concur with Logan and Bratton’s (2006) argument that per-
haps the greatest challenge facing democratic citizenship education in
Africa is not the absence of democracy but rather the absence of account-
ability pressures—not only in relation to voters but especially on the part
of those in power. When we reflect on our home country, we can cer-
tainly see tragic evidence of not only an unclaimed democracy by the
majority of South Africans, but unclaimed lives as the plight of the his-
torically dispossessed remains unrelieved. Seemingly, while South Africans
might have succeeded in transforming themselves into active voters, their
xii Preface

lives remain untransformed. However, we would question whether

understandings of democratic citizenship can only be couched in relation
to political and legalistic contours of what it means to be a citizen.
Part of what makes conceptions of democratic citizenship education so
multifarious and complex is that its dynamism or fluidity is manifested in
how citizenship education is interpreted and lived. In other words, while
notions of democratic citizenship might emanate from legalistic frame-
works and political manifestos, it is lived and made visible through
human interactions, deliberative engagement, regard for the other and
compassionate action. In taking into account the deep intricacy and con-
testations which infuse democratic citizenship education, this anthology
has adopted an at once attached-to and detached-from gaze at manifesta-
tions of citizenship on the African continent. In this sense, while the vari-
ous authors write from particular worldviews, which might signal levels
of attachment to this or that African identity (of which there are many),
they are nevertheless detached from the (im)possibilities of democratic
citizenship education in Africa. This detachment stems from a recogni-
tion that inasmuch as Africa has the potential for democratic enactments,
it equally has the (im)potentiality not to do so. And inasmuch as reasons
need to be sought and offered in relation to the (im)potentiality of Africa,
equal attention has to be afforded to the (im)potentiality of democratic
citizenship education.
This anthology of essays or chapters comprises ten chapters, and one
coda, which explore seven different geographical, social and citizenship
contexts and challenges. As such, the chapters offer a cross-spectrum of
engagement with very particular African contexts, from a diverse group
of scholars, who share a collective interest in the difficulties and hopes for
a citizenship of humanity flourishing on the African continent. The
inclusion of these particular contexts has been influenced by a number of
factors. These have included a focus on an emergent democratic land-
scape, as represented by South Africa, which offers a fertile space for the
reimagining of a democratic citizenship and education. The focus on
South Africa, as examined by Hungwe and Divala, also raises critical con-
cerns about particular enactments of democracy, citizenship and educa-
tion in relation to foreign African students. Like the focus on South
Africa, the inclusion of a chapter on Egypt is concerned with the
 Preface
   xiii

­ ossibility and plausibility of an emerging democracy. Of course, the two

p
countries have had very different, yet equally, complex histories, but the
interest remains—in the aftermath of an Arab Spring—whether it is at all
feasible to imagine an Egyptian citizenship underscored by democratic
principles and values. Similar concerns are raised in the chapters on
Zimbabwe, where the concern is not only on the viability of a form of
democratic citizenship, but indeed on the social and economic sustain-
ability of its citizens. These are real concerns, which present particular
challenges for human and humane existence, which, as in the cases of
Egypt, and Kenya, have implications for migration and displacement
across the African continent and especially in South Africa. The types of
instability and hopelessness encountered in Zimbabwe is not unlike that
experienced in Kenya, where tribal and ethnic violence continues to sub-
ject citizens into lifetimes of fear and degradation. The attention to coun-
tries such as Namibia, Malawi and Nigeria serves to offer a more subdued
reflection on what can be aspired towards—albeit that these aspirations
will remain in potentiality. Of course, these three countries have intricate
challenges of dire poverty, unemployment, and their associated trials and
confrontations but the focus is on democratic initiatives, which interests
this anthology. While we recognise the profound differences within and
across African countries, there is an equally profound collective desire,
which is for peaceful co-existence, mutual respect and regard for human
life. There are also intense religious, cultural and ethnic languages, arte-
facts, and lived experiences, which can neither be undermined, nor dis-
counted from conceptualisations of African democratic citizenship and
education.
Very aptly, the book commences with Yusef Waghid’s ‘On the rele-
vance of a theory of democratic citizenship education for Africa’, which
bravely questions the relevance of democratic citizenship education as a
theory to explain Africa’s post-colonial political and socio-economic aspi-
rations. He argues that a theory of democratic citizenship education can
only be relevant to humans living on the African continent, if such a
theory ‘would foreground the significance of people engaging with one
another through speech’. In this regard, it is Waghid’s argument that,
regardless of the challenges that beset African communities, democratic
citizenship education has to recognise the right of all people to engage
xiv Preface

with one another through the use of language. To this end, ‘a theory of
democratic citizenship education pronounces the importance of people
recognising one another with their commonalities and differences’, which
according to Waghid, implies the non-alienation of people from one
another, irrespective of their disagreements and differences. He main-
tains, ‘a democratic citizenship education theory that does not consider
people as equal speaking beings would itself become vulnerable to kinds
of prejudice that drive people apart rather than including them collec-
tively in communication’. Following on Waghid, Nuraan Davids, in her
chapter, ‘Democracy, citizenship and religion in Egypt: on the necessity
of disrupting a post-Arab spring’, questions whether conceptions of dem-
ocratic citizenship in Arab communities are at all possible and desirable.
She asserts:

the very language of dissensus and disruption that gave the Arab Spring its
definitive voice is the same one that is used to highlight the volatile and
violent nature of democracy. It is therefore not too difficult to point to the
instability and violence of democracy as a means of detracting attention
away from the violation and violence of authoritarian and repressive
regimes.

To this end, she posits that the emergence of a democratic citizenship

in Egypt is as tied up in its disruption of an authoritarian state as it is in
unequal and repressive religious interpretations and practices. By draw-
ing on a particular historical Islamic understanding of citizenship, as a
social contract between an individual and the state, the premise of the
chapter is that contemporary notions of citizenship are reconcilable with
Islam, and therefore (ought to be with) a Muslim state. Consequently,
Davids argues that a democratic citizenship education, as constructed
through a social contract, is ‘critical to meeting the needs of a society,
which might desire democracy, but are unfamiliar with its practices of
participation, inclusion, recognition, and engagement’.
In their chapter, ‘Rethinking democratic citizenship education in
Africa: Towards moderate deliberation’, Rachel Ndinelao Shanyanana
and Joseph Jinja Divala interrogate democratic citizenship in relation to
the post-colonial contexts of Malawi and Namibia. They contend that
 Preface
   xv

the challenges facing contemporary Malawi and Namibia are primarily

the result of a narrow conception of democratic citizenship, which is pre-
occupied with an emphasis on an electoral democracy, rather than on
deliberative participation. Following on this, Shanyanana and Divala
argue for a moderate, deliberative democratic education framework as
one that is consonant with an African democratic experience. They main-
tain that, unless the African democratic states promote moderate delib-
erative democratic education, citizens may possibly not be able to engage
in matters of mutual concern and will inevitably fail to have meaningful
deliberations that can start addressing unjust encounters confronting the
continent today, thereby potentially thwarting the many advantages of
developing democratic communities Africa requires to promote. In the
next chapter entitled ‘Afrophobia in the South African higher education
system: a threat to internalisation and global citizenship initiatives’,
Joseph Pardon Hungwe and Joseph Jinja Divala bring into disrepute the
objectives of higher education to prepare student graduates as global citi-
zens. In this regard, the authors examine the prevalence of Afrophobia, as
a distinct form of xenophobia, at South African universities. In exposing
Afrophobia as an exclusive discriminatory practice, which emphasises the
non-state citizenship of foreigners of African origin, the authors consider
Afrophobia to be ‘a denial of the concept of global citizenship on the
basis that it negates universalism and/or contradicts the inherent worthi-
ness of individuals, and this sharply contradicts what most universities
proclaim to be promoting in their visions and activities’. Hungwe and
Divala argue that if universities are to serve the public good of local and
international or foreign students, then global citizenship education ought
to be an indispensable part of any university environment.
In Chap. 5, ‘Nationalism and/or the annihilation of democratic citi-
zenship education: A critical analysis of Zimbabwe’s citizenship educa-
tion initiatives’, Agrippa Chingombe and Joseph Jinja Divala depart from
the premise that what is touted as ‘citizenship education’ in Zimbabwe is
far removed from citizenship education. The authors argue that although
concerns of human rights and democracy have been centralised in citi-
zenship education in Zimbabwe, what has emerged instead is ‘an extreme
nationalist citizenship education project, which continues to be radical,
exclusionary, discriminatory and very partisan thereby tearing apart the
xvi Preface

very fabric of society which it intends to build’. In foregrounding the

Nziramasanga Commission Report (1999), Chingombe and Divala
attempt to redefine and reposition citizenship education in Zimbabwe.
They do so by arguing that ‘the success for a deliberative active citizenship
education that appreciates participatory democracy is dependent upon
the attitude and behaviour of the custodians of institutions of learning
and politicians who have the power to influence the curriculum’. In her
chapter, ‘On the [im]possibility of democratic citizenship education in
Kenya: Spheres of change’, Jane Chiroma contends that it is ethnic vio-
lence which undermines democratic practices within Kenyan higher edu-
cation. Because Kenya has, as yet, not managed to address the prevalence
of ethnic violence in its society, she asserts, that this is perhaps indicative
of Kenya not having reached its full potentiality yet. In this regard,
Chiroma argues for a democratic citizenship education that is in becom-
ing—one that transcends the boundaries of possibilities and impossibili-
ties in order to enhance education as a process of becoming in relation to
human experience, interactions and/with ethnic relations. In her opin-
ion, a reconsidered understanding of democratic citizenship education in
becoming has the potential to enable Kenyan policymakers, educators
and students to think and speak differently and to suspend quick judge-
ment about how policies, power and decisions in education are made.
Taking a different turn, the chapter by Zayd Waghid and Faiq Waghid,
‘[Re]examining the role of technology in education through a delibera-
tive decision-making approach: In the quest towards democratic educa-
tion in South African schools’, looks at the use of educational technologies
as ‘maps’ or as ‘pedagogical practices’ in enhancing students’ learning
experiences. They contend that these ‘maps’ might assist students in
extracting deeper meanings from their learning experiences, which might
‘allow for more equal, deliberative and inclusive pedagogical relations by
promoting spontaneity pertaining to debates and discussions in the South
African classroom’. In turn, Waghid and Waghid argue for educators to
adopt a deliberative decision-making approach supported by educational
technologies in classroom settings—‘This is because deliberation pre-
mised on reasonableness and amplified by rationality is aimed at cultivat-
ing students’ voices as active participants in their own learning.’ Staying
in South Africa, Tracey Isaacs’ chapter, entitled, ‘The politics of
 Preface
   xvii

s­chooling—imagining critical democratic citizenship education in the

age of neoliberalism’, offers an in-depth critique of post-apartheid citi-
zenship education policy in relation to educational practice, specifically
the South African National Curriculum Statement (NCS). She follows
with an attempt to align critical conceptions of democratic citizenship
education to South African education to imagine how political literacy,
civic duty and tolerance may be signified in a state of advanced capital-
ism. It is imagined, states Isaacs, that the latter reflections

are necessary to appreciate the complex and sensitive area of citizenship

education, the vacuity of positive models of citizenship (in political leader-
ship and the capitalist classes especially), and how ideas of citizenship may
be converted into social levers that serve the common good.

In Chap. 9, ‘Continuing professional development of teachers and

democratic citizenship education in Nigeria: A hopeful pursuit?’ Ruth
Ayoola and Nuraan Davids explore the link between democratic citizen-
ship education and the continuing professional development (CPD) of
teachers. In this regard, the authors seek to understand whether the pro-
fessional development of teachers contributes towards their cultivation as
‘democratic’ teachers. The authors contend that while CPD programmes
in Lagos State, Nigeria, propagate democratic ideals, these programmes
fail to create the spaces in which these ideals might be deliberated upon.
As a result, teachers are often unclear about how to implement their own
understandings of particular concepts practically. The glaring gap between
conceptual understandings and practices among teachers, state Ayoola
and Davids, holds particular implications not only for the cultivation of
democratic citizenship education in schools but also for democratic citi-
zenship in Nigeria. In her chapter, ‘Democratic citizenship education
revisited in Zimbabwean higher education’, Monica Zembere raises con-
cerns about the silences of higher education policy documents in relation
to democratic citizenship education. She cautions that, unless issues of
equality, equity, human rights and social justice are addressed, the coun-
try’s political and social crises cannot be alleviated.
The anthology concludes with a coda by Nuraan Davids and Yusef
Waghid, in which they reflect upon a conception of democratic
xviii Preface

c­ itizenship, which connects to the human experience along the lines of

deliberative engagement, responsible action, co-belonging and equality
of speech and action. In this regard, the authors raise questions about
being too dependent on a view of democratic citizenship education which
favours and privileges individual rights and collective autonomy, and
which might not be sufficient in realising the type of democratic citizen-
ship education desirous for the African continent. To this end, by draw-
ing on Agamben’s (2002: 58) idea of ‘bare life’, Davids and Waghid argue
for a particular kind of democratic citizenship for Africa that remains
open to liberal and communitarian understandings of the concept, yet
blind to and captivated by what might still ensue as human interactions
and co-­belonging manifested in their practices.
What can be deduced from the main arguments in the volume is that
the recognition of rights and responsibilities, coupled with an emphasis
on deliberative engagement among citizens can be considered as apt ways
in which an African notion of democratic citizenship could manifest in
educational activities. Although the aforementioned understanding of
democratic citizenship education seems commensurate with say, liberal
communitarian understandings of the concept, what makes the afore-
mentioned notion of democratic citizenship significantly African is its
inextricable connection with an African situatedness. This means that
inasmuch as a recognition of rights and responsibilities, together with an
allegiance to deliberative engagement might not be uniquely African,
there is ample evidence (from the arguments proffered by authors in and
about various nation-states in particular) that the concept can most
appropriately be realised in relation to its connectedness with experiences
of people living on the continent. Of course, our potential critic might
correctly assert that nearly half (if not more) of the countries on the con-
tinent have been subjected to military dictatorship, which implies that
quite a substantive part of the continent seems to be out of congruence
with democratic aspirations. We are not misrecognising that the latter
seems to be the case. However, our reason for focusing on countries that
have an overwhelming allegiance to democratic citizenship education is
in part an acknowledgement on our part that the concept in a different
form—that is, one enveloped by an Africanness—has the potential to
manifest in practices on the continent. And, perhaps, as our collective
 Preface
   xix

optimism surfaces throughout this book, highlighting the successes of

African democratic citizenship education might just be the way to go in
addressing the malaise of its implementation in many countries where
autocratic rule prevails. Hence, our aim in and through this book is to
show that African democratic citizenship education can work and that
our confidence in an Africanised notion or notions of democratic citizen-
ship education can only advantage educational pursuits on the continent.
This in itself is not a denouncement of indigenous communal African
practices but rather an acknowledgement that acting democratically and
exercising an African citizenry might be an achievable ambition.
Stellenbosch University Yusef Waghid
Cape Town, South Africa Nuraan Davids

References
Achebe, C. (1958). Things Fall Apart. London: William Heinemann.
Agamben, G. (2002). In K. Attell (Ed.), The Open: Man and Animal. Stanford:
Stanford University Press.
Blixen, K. (2001). Out of Africa. London: Penguin Books.
Conrad, J. (1990). Heart of Darkness. London: Dover Thrift Editions.
Logan, C., & Bratton, M. (2006). Voters, but Not Yet Citizens: The Weak Demand
for Vertical Accountability in Africa’s Unclaimed Democracies (Afrobarometer
Working Papers). Cape Town: Afrobarometer.
Paton, A. (1948). Cry, the Beloved Country. London: Jonathan Cape.
Wa Thiongo, N. (1967). A Grain of Wheat. London: William Heinemann.
Another random document with
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 Siinä tuli tuhannemmoone juntturoomine sen akan ja poliisin
välillä.
Tiätäähä sen ny, että vähemmästäki potkia sätkyteliähän.

Ja toiset akat huuti että:

— Pirä puales, Maija!

Mutta sai kun saikin se poliisi viimmee nypätyksi pultunnuarasta

kiinni ja ku se siitä oikee kiskaasi, niin jo pärköski pultunsuu.

Oikias s’oli se poliisi! Akan toisestakin pultusta juaksi toinenki puali

tynnyriä rukihia maaha.

Mutta kyllä kans sitte jo pääsi juaksemha! Olikin niin

vikkeläkinttuune ettäh.

Meinas lipittää suaraa Präntöölle, mutta poliisi pirättiki patukasta.

Pyysikki innostuuvat kamalasti. Sanoovat että:

— Taitaa näiren toistenki akkaan pultuus olla joitakin kappoja!

Eikähä oo parasta että tuata nuan vähä kallatahan.

En tiärä sitten tuliko siitä housukallista mitää, mutta kovas n’oli

tohkehes, ku mä pois lährin.
YLISTARON AKKOJA NARRATTIHIN.

Oottako kuullu kuinka ylistarolaasia yks vekkulimiäs täs

aprillinpäivänä narras ja hyppöötti?

Se on sellaane kliipattu junkkari se rakennusmestari siälä

Ylistaros, jotta ne on aiva helisemäs sen kans.

Juksaa ja puliveivaa uskovaaset ja suruttomat aiva sekaasinsa.

Se junkkari oli naulannu kirkonkylällä taloon seinihi lappoja, jotta

osuuskauppaha on tullu sokuria ja jotta sitä saa vaihtaa rukihilla ja
ohrilla.

Oliko se ny niin, jotta viis kilua viljaa ja yks kilo sokuria, vai oliko se
enempi?

Mutta kyllä saivat Ylistaron akat kintut allensa.

Ne juaksivat aiva häntä truutulla.

Heikkoolaski jäi kaikkien talojen väet ilman ruakaa, ku akat lähtivät

klapsaasohon kirkonkylän puarihi.
 Ja Kyläänpään larvas oli yhrenki akan lapsi, kun oli yksin jääny,
syäny maitopotusta uuren tutin. Aiva rauskooksi oli pureskellu.

Ja aiva on lapsen vatta kuulemma viäläki paisuksis.

Ja körttilääsekki olivat Koskenmäeltä ajaa paasoottanehet aiva

vahrus
Korpelan sivuu kirkolle päin ja jahkaassehet jotta:

— Miksei sitä sokuria oo meirän puarihi tuatu?

Mutta huanoote käytihi kumminki yhren emännän Liipantönkällä,

kun se kans faarttas jyvälaarille ja rupes rukihia paasaamha pussihi.

Kun ei se yhtään hoksannu kun siinä härisnänsä oli hairannu

pussin, john’ oli pöhjas suuri reikä. Se paasas ja paasas ja aina kun
meinas, jotta ny piisaa ja nosti pussia ja meinas situa, nii aina vain
oli pussi pualellansa.

Silt’ oli kuulemma pillahtanu itku lopuuksi.

Oli huutanu piikaaki tulla paasaamha ja se vasta äkkäs mihnä vika

oli.

Mutta lopuuksi seki akka pääsi plynääsemhä pussi seljäs kirkolle.

Kyll oli Hyypän silimät ollehet ympyriääset, ku puarihi tryykätä

tormootti yht'äkkiää sellaane akkalauma. Niitä tuli puari aiva täytehe
puales tiimas. Ja jokahine huuti, jotta:

— Mulle kaks kilua. Ja mulle viis kilua.

Eikä kaikki päässehet puarihinkaa pussiinensa. Ovenrakho oli

nutistunu kaks akkaa niin että ne oli aiva yhres takus, kun yhtaikaa
tukkivat.

Mäkitaloon emännält' oli revenny hameskin.

Niin oli akat juassehet, jotta kaikill’ oli sukat aiva syltys ja
sukkarihmat tresajivat pitkin maata.

Ja kun Hyyppä sitte niille sanoo, jotta teitä on narrattu, ei tääll’ oo

sokuria vaihtaa! Niin kyll oli melu ja poru joukosta nousnu.

Ja jos olis se senki rumaasen-kuvaane rakennusmestari siinä

paikalla ollu, niin olis akat antanehet sille niin, ettei olsi miähellä
karvoja ollu ku vähä korvien nenis.

Mutta sekös junkkari istuu vain kotonansa ja nauraa kitkutti, ku

akat hengen erestä juäksivat.
KETTUJUTTU.

Oottako kuullu minkälaasia kettuja sitä on täs mailmas yleensä ja

erityysesti Alaurella?

Siäll'on kuulemma kovasti kettuja. Niitä vilisöö joka paikas. On

mettis, kivenkoloos, on puskikoos ja puskan juurella, on taloollisis ja
torppariis.

On takseerauslautakunnaskin!

Melkeen joka miäs on kuulemma kettu, suuree eli piänee.

Ja ketunpyyrystäjiä on kans paljo, n’otta siin’on ketuulla, suurilla ja

piänillä, kamalat paikat, kun kaikki koittaavat kettuulla ja narrata
toistansa.

Ensiksi kettuuli yks isoon taloon poika ketunmyrkyllä nii, että yks
mettäkettu nialaasi karvahan palan, tuli synnintuntohon ja
vattanporotuksehen, katuu katkerasti ja kuali.

Ja kun s’ooli mahtavaa ja kehuu ittiänsä se ketunpyytäjä n’otta:

— Täs s’oonkin ketunpyyrystäjä, tuata nuan, jok’ei hukkareisuja

tee!
Aina kellahtaa kettu, kun tämä kettu syätin tällää!

Ja toisten ihmisten pisti vihaksi. Niitä kismitti ja pisteli kun

neuloolla. Imehtelivät ja kyselivät jotta:

— Kuinka sä nuata kettuja nuan kovasti saat? Ja kuinka sä sen

syätin oikeen laitat?

Mutta sekös vanha kettu rupes täs toisia kettuja opettamhan! Pani
vaa toisen silmän kiinni ja sanoo:

— Jaa, s'onkin konsti se! Ei sitä vaa joka sorkka tairakkaa

sellaasta syättiä laittaa! Pitää ensin tappaa kukoonpoika ja kyniä se,
n’ottei se pääse lentämhän. Sitte pitää lyärä kirvhellä siltä pää poikki,
ettei se laulakkaa. Sitte sen pitää paistaa vois ja kryyrätä, mutten
sano millä — —

— Saako sitä kryyteriä atteekista vai kauppapuarista? — kysyy

yks toinen kettu viattomana.

Mutta s’ei vaa sanonu.

— Ja sitte pitää pureskella liha hampahisnansa oikeen fiiniksi ja

sitte vasta panna ketunmyrkkyä vahvaatte joukk’hon.

— Onko se sitte valmis — kysyy taas se opinhaluune kettu. — Vai

pitääkö viälä muutaki tehrä?

Jaa — sanoo se vanha kettu. — Joo, tuata nuan, sitte sen pitää
viälä reisuusti oikeen kovasti pureskella, niin kyllä kettuja saa, niinku
ootta mun nähny niitä vetävän.
 Ja kyllä se miäs niitä kettuja saiki ruakottomasti. Kun melkee joka
päivä tuli mettästä roikottaan seljäsnänsä aikamoosta ketunkoljanaa.

Ja ihmiset karehtii, n'otta n’oli aiva kurnaalinsinisiä naamastansa

kun tuata nuan:

— Joka päivä se nuata kettuja roikottaa, n’otta aivan tiät ravalla!

Ja kyllä se ny oikeen silimis rikastuu, mutta orottakohon, kun tuloo
takseerauskokous, niin kyllä kans ääniä pannahan!

Ja se kokous tuliki ja takseerimiähet käskivät sen kettumiähen

ethensä ja sanoovat jotta:

— Kuinka monta kettua s’oot oikeen saanu tänä vuanna?

Ja olivat kiäriä ja tuumasivat, jotta kun ny peijakas sanot oikeen

kunnian ja omantunnon kautta, niin kyllä me sulle ääniä paamma,
ettäs kunnian ja omantuntos tiäräkki.

Niin tuumasivat takseerauslautakunnan ketut, mutteivät mitää

puhunehet. Kattoovat vaa kun ketut ainakin sen päälle. Ja se sanoo
oikeen kunnian ja omantunnon kautta jotta:

— Yhyren ketun m’oon saanu koko talavena!

Silloon takseeriketut heiluttivat mukavasti häntäänsä. Sanoovat

aivan silimät tihirulla ja suupiälet korvis jotta:

— Vai yhyren ketun vai! — Älä yhtää kettuule miäs! Niinku ei täs
olsi pitkin talavia nähty sun kettuja kanniskelevan aiva lauree. Aina
vaan on ketunhäntä roikkunu peräsnäs, nii että toiset on jo luullehet,
jotta s’oon kasvanu kiinnikki.
 Mutta se ketunmyrkyttäjä vannoo ja vakuutti, jotta yhren ketun
s’oon vaan saannu. Sen saman ja ainuan ketun, jonka kaikki
alavutelaaset ovat nähänehet sen seljäs kiikkuvan.

Se tunnusti kunnian ja omantunnon kautta, niinkun nyt tämän

mailman aikhan pitääki tehrä, kun oikeen kranttu paikka tuloo, jotta
s’oon joka aamu salaa pussis kuljettanu saman ketunraaron
mettähän ja sitte tullu mahtavaa taas kylähä korja kettu seljäs.

— Älä valehtele! — kiljaasi puheenjohtaja.

— En valehtelekkaa, kun mä kerran totta puhun ja kunnian ja

omantunnon kautta — sanoo.

— Eikö se ketturaukka jo ruvennu haisemhan? — kysyy yks

kavala takseerikettu.

— Tiättypä se! Rupes, haisi kun raato, jotta häjyä teki. Ja nahkaki
meni pilalle, etten saanu siitä kun 50 markkaa.

Takseeriketut nauroovat, jotta partakarvat pöläji ja lupasivat

kovasti uskua kun ketunmyrkyttäjä kerran vakuutti kunnian ja
omantunnon kautta.

Mutta se ketunmyrkyttäjä nauraa pihisteli partoohinsa jotta:

— On ne kans kettuja olovanansa, nua takseeriketut, kun eivät

hoksannehet kysyä kenen kunnian ja omantunnon kautta mä
vannoon ja vakuutin!

Tiätysti sen kettu-vainaan! Eikä sill'oo kunniaa eikä omaatuntua

ollu elääskään joko sitte kuallehena!
NAHKASAVUT.

Oottako kuullu, jotta Ilimajojell’o ruvettu polttelemahan uutta laija

piipputupakkia?

S’oon kotimaanen keksintö ja tuloo halvaksiki. Ei trenkää muuta

kun hakata vesurilla hyvin pieneksi vanhat kinnasrauskat elikkä
pieksunruojuhut, sekoottaa vähä kessuja joukhon ja pistää
piippuhun.

Jaa näimäs, pitää siinä panna valakiakin ja muistaa verelläkkin

välihin.

Nämä nahkasavut ovat kuulemma erinomaasen tervehellisiä

tupakin nälkääsillen toiskan miehille. Samoon kun vasta-alkavillen
klopiillekkin, jokka kulukoovat isänsä tupakkilooras hyppyysinensä,
eiväkkä usko, vaikka rookatahan rysän päältä ja saavat sellaasia
paukkuja n’otta korvat lummehroksis hoippuuloovat hyvän aikaa.

Mutta kun tällää kaverillen nahkasavut, niin ei tartte lyärä, ei

paukahuttaa. Eivät kuulu toista pesällistä hualivan vaikka kuinka
taritahan.
 Sielä on Ilimajojen ylisespääs kuulemma yks sellaanen taloo,
johna »toiskan Jaska» koittaa pitää ittiänsä aivan krannin tupakiis.

Ei osta itte, eikä päivisin polta, mutta kun ilta tuloo, niin tuloo kans
Jaska krannihin kun knakutettu klasipenkille istuskelohon. Pitäähän
siinä isännän lopuuksi tuova tupakkiloora nöyrälle ja haastaa
piippuhun panohon.

— Jos tuota nyt panis taas vähä käryämähän — tuumii JaSka ja

Vetää nysän plakkaristansa. — Vaikka tyyristä s’oon ny tuo tupakkiki.

Sitte ottaa tupakkilooran polvillensa ja rupiaa nysää täyttämähän.

Samalla kraapii pikkusormellansa tupakit pohojaa myören, jotta jos
sattuus olohon parempaa pohojalla eli johonakin nurkas.

Tätä ainaasta »toiskan Tupakki-Jaskaa» on isäntä koittanu

petkuttaa sillä lailla, jotta s’oon tällänny propeetaria looran yhtehen
nurkkahan ja pannu huonoja kessuja päälle. Itte on isäntä kopeloonu
piippuhunsa alta parempaa tupakkia ja Jaska veteli kauan aikaa
kessuja. Mutta sitte se äkkäs yhtenä iltana, vaikkei puhunu mitää.
Toisena iltana se hoksas jo koolia. Sittemmisin on isäntä polttanu
Jaskan aikana vaan paperossia ja pitäny Jaskalle ja muillekkin
krannin miehille kessurruotoja tupakkilooras pöyrällä.

Mutta Jaska on sitkiä mies. S’oon istunu, syljeskelly ja käryyttäny

krannin isännän kessuja koko talaven n’otta kuola juosnu ja tupa
haisnu. Isännän rupes jo pistöhön vihaksi kun:

— Tuolle toiskan Jaskallenko mun pitää täs kessut viljellä ja sitä

tupakiis pitää, senkin raakkulehen kitupiikkiä, kun ei malta itte ostaa.
Mutta kyllä mä laitan sille junkkarille kryyterit kessuuhin n’otta
tietääkin.
 Isäntä meni kokille ja toi sieltä emännän vanhan navettapieksun.
Pani tolopalle ja hakkas kirveskänällä aivan kryyniiksi. Sitte kokos
kämmenen pohojahan ja kumaasi tupakkiloorahan. Vähä
kessunloppuja varisteli joukkohon.

Sai parahiksi looran pöyrällen kun Jaska jo tuli.

Eikä tarvinnu kahta kertaa käskiä kun Jask’ oli jo nysänsä larannu.

Kriipaasi valakian ja veti oikeen vattan pohjahan. Silimät pullistuu

pääs, henki salpaantuu ja Jaska rupes rykimähän, räkimähän ja
krakistelemahan kun olis rökkähän nielaasnu. Ei saanu sanaa
suusta.

— Ompa tuo Jaska aika hotales kun vetää n’otta tukehtuu! Suuri
mies eikä osaa vielä poltellakkaan! — päivitteli isäntä.

Kun oli Jaskan kurkku vähä seliinny, niin tuumas jotta:

— Olipas se väkevää. Mitä rumaasen tupakkia tämä oikeen on

kun nuon prätäjää ja haisoo häjyltä?

— Siihen on pantu vähä mahorkkaa sekahan — tuumas isäntä.

— No ilimankos oikeen kurkunpäätä kraapii — siunaali Jaska

vesissilimin.

Mutta poltti kun polttikin piipun loppuhun. Ei pannu enää toista

piippua vaikka isäntä kovasti houkutteli.

Yhtäkkiää hyppäs Jaska pysthyn ja tryykäs ovesta pihallen. Juoksi

navetan taa ja sieltä rupes kuulumahan niinkuu pikkuvasikka olis
yÖkiny. Mutfei s’ollu vasikka. S’oli se Jaska!
Eik’oo Jaska sen kerran perähän tullu krannin tupakkiloorallen.
PETLEHEMINMÄELTÄ.

Oottako kuullu jotta Kauhajoell'on sellaanenki paikka jota sanotahan

Petleheemin mäjeksi?

Ja sillä mäjellä tehtihin täs joulun välipäivinä sellaanen

hevooskauppa, n'ottei s'oo viäläkään valmis, vaikka siin'on ollu
akakkin päällänsä suupeliä soittamas.

Kun oli sen suutarivainaan huutokauppa, niin sinne tuli yhren akan
vävypoika ja yks palstatilallinen, kumpikin hepallansa poukotellen,
kun ainakin isäntämiehet. Ja rennolla päällä olivakkin.

— Viis penniä tykö! — kiljaasi se vävypoika summanmutikas kun

pihahan ajoo ja kuuli vasaramiehen huutavan jotta:

— Tulooko lisää? Ensimmäänen, toinen ja — — — tulooko lisää?

Silloon tuli se palstatilallinenkin justhin sillä viriällä salviallansa

pihalle ja huikkas n'otta:

— Ja viis penniä vielä!

Samas kans paukahti ja isännällen nakattihin aika knippu tavaraa.

Siin'oli vanha häkylä, kerinlehret, juustolauran puoliska, kaks
kakulakeppiä, tukkilukku, klihran rauta, vintilän varsi ja roukkonavari.
Ja kun isäntä tuumas jotta:

— Siinä s'tä nyt tulikin töskää!

Niin vasaramies huippas vielä vanhan kipparan karvakengänkin

tulohon samahan läjähän ja huuti jotta:

— Joko piisaa, vai nakkaanko lisää?

Mutta isäntä tuumas n'otta:

— On siinä kilua jos on kaluakin yhyren miehen osalle! Myykää jo

muillekkin.

Sitte se rupes kattohon sen vävypoijan hevoosen päälle ja sanoo

jotta:

— Ompas tuolla hevoosella häjy rusto takajalaas.

Se on selevää, jotta vävypoika suuttuu kun tupakki, sutkaasi konia

suittenperillä lautaasillen ja kiljaasi jotta:

— Katto mies mihnä sulla rustoja on!

Kun aikans'oli haukuttu toistensa hevoosija, kattottu suuhun ja

nostettu häntää, niin huipattihin huppia ja kumpikin lähti uurella
konilla kotiansa. Ja tykkäsiväkkin molemmat jotta saivat jutkahuttaa
toistansa.

Mutta vävypoijan kotona nousi totinen tomina. Siinä

puhallettihinkin oikeen kaharella harpulla falssit ja minuveetat
sekaasinsa. Ja siinä vanhas harpus oli paljo koveet ääni.
 Mutta sitte sekin loppui kun puukoon päähän. Akat sitaasivat hilkut
korvillensa, tryykööttivät pihalle, kääntöövät hevoosen ja laskettivat
häntäpitkällä vaihtamahan takaasi.

Mutta akat eivät tiennehet sitä, mitä huonoonkin hevoosmies

tietää, jottei nähkääs passaa hevooskaupas voittanehen olla
kolomehen voorokautehen kotonansa. Sitte kyllä jo pitää kauppa.
Tämä palstatilallinen oli lakia kunnioottava hevooskoijari ja pysyy
kans 3 vuorokautta katees, niinkun laki määrää, jottei
hevooskauppaa saara rikotuksi.

Mutta akat ovat kans kavalia, niinkus tierättä. Niin oli sen
vävypoijankin huonehenhallitus. Mitäs tekivät?

Lähtivät ensi pyhänä sillä vaihtokopukalla kitkkohon. Sitoovat

hupan renkahasehen kiinni ja menivät peräpenkille istumahan. Se
palstatilallinen oli kans akkoonensa tullut kiittöhön hyvästä
hevooskaupasta ja veisas hartahasti.

Silloon livahtivakkin sen vävypoijan akat pihallen ja jättivät

palstatilallisen akkoonensa veisaamahan.

Menivät vanhan salaviansa työ, päästivät aisoosta ja panivat vähä

nopiaa oman reen etehen. Sen huonon hevoosen lykkäsivät
palstatilallisen lohnasta syömähän — ja ajaa karuuttivat kotia n'otta
porkoolit soittuu.

Kun kirkonmeno oli loppunu ja viimmeenen värsy veisattu, tuli

palstatilallinen akkoonensa vakavis ajatuksis kirkosta pihalle — ja
näki! Näki, n'otta sen oma hevoonen syörä krauskutteli irrallansa
heiniä lohnasta. Kirkkomiehestä tuli yht'äkkiää tavallinen ihiminen. Ja
se lasketteli suustansa sellaasia sanoja, jokk'oli toisille kirkko-
ihmisillen kauhistus.

Meinas vierä aisoosta vetämällä lohnan kotia ja jättää sen

hevoosen siihen. Mutta hevoonen tuli peräs.

Eikä auttanu muu, kun akkakin tahtoo rekehen istua, kun panna
aseehin ja ajaa kotia, vaikka kyllä s'oli katkeraa.
JURVAN KUPPARI.

Oottako kuullu, että Jurvan Sarvijoella voirahan ny taas kovasti

hyvin?

Se oliki niin nutuusta ja rutuusta se elämä täs loppuaikoona, jotta

sarvijokiset pakkas tulhon liika krätyysiksi.

Mutta sitte tuli erinomaane siipyläänen kuppari, hiaroja ja povari ja

ny on sarvijokelaasten kruppi taas kovasti liantoone ja hyväs voinnis.
Ei vaivaa enää kihti ei romotiisi. Lonkkapistoksistaki on päästy. Eikä
sillä hyvä, että se siunattu siipyylääne kuppari hiaroo, kuppas ja imi
kuppisarvillansa pahan veren sarvijokelaasista seljän kautta uloos.
Se viälä povas kaupanpäälliseksi ja kattoo kärestä. Mutta
kaffinsumppihin s'ei kuulemma saattanu kattua ollenkaan. Ne se
litkaasi menhön poroonensa.

Ja kyllä se akka vain tiäsiki. Oli tarkasti kullekki neuvonu

varoomha yhtä ristinveristä miästä ja punaveristä naista, jokka
pakkaavat Sarvijoellaki tukkimha pariskunnan välihi. Paljo ilua ja
vähä muresta oli kullekki luvannu. Ja markan pistäny tarkasti
aluushamhen plakkarihi ja vakuuttanu, jotta hyvin menöö.
 Ja hyvinhän s'oon sarvijokelaasten mennykki. Ei voi moittia.
Kaikkien muiren, mutta sen Tuamahan käythin vähä huanosti.

Sitä ku se Siipyyn flikka hiaroo nii, että Tuamahan syrämmes

tuhahti rakkaus aiva ilmi liaskaha. Ja paloo, n'otta käry nousi. Sen
rupes silmät lirutteloho ja lakkinsakki tälläs kallellensa.

Tiätää sen ku sellaane mailmankuppari ja hiaroja ottaa

poikamiähen siltä kantilta katteltavaksensa, että miähen ittellensä
hiaroo, nii turhaa siin'on vasthan prätkytellä.

Se oli se Siipyyn flikka hiaronu sen Tuamahan niin ympärinsä,

n'otta aivan oli Tuppu-paraan pää klenahrellu.

Ja ku Tuamas oli niin fletkooksis, ettei mistää tiänny, niin oli ottanu
Tuamahan syrämmen oikee käthensä ja knäpähyttäny siihe
kuppikirvehellänsä kauhiammoosen ja syvän rakkauren haavan.

Siit'oli juassu kamalasti verta ja Tuamahan oli lyäny niin heikoksi,

jotta siinä paikas oli kosinu sitä kupparia.

— Eikä se hieroja-flikka ollukkaa pannu yhtää vastha. Oli laulaa

helähyttäny että

Hellällä palavalla syrämmellä

Raakastan minä siinua!

Ja sen päälle oli nuoripari hypelly kiverän polkan, n'otta sarvipussi

kalissu.

Ja sitte kihloolle Vaasaha. Niin kiirus oli ollu, etteivät malttanehet

junalla Seinäjoen kautta kiärrättää, ku lähtivät kävellä flinttaamha
käsikoukkua oikoostiätä Vaasaha. Kivisillan pääs olivat vähän aikaa
huilannehet ja sitte lopun matkaa hyssytellehet.

Keturista ostivat komjat kihlat ja kangaspuarista kaulahitten. Mistä

se
Tuamas sen kellon osti, sitä mä en tiärä.

Mutta hyvä s'oli käymhä, kun ei ollu ku varttia vaille, ku Tuamas oli
hellunsa kans taas viikon päästä Sarvijoella että tärähti!

Ja sen päälle juathin kaffit ja olthin onnellisia. Eikä siinä akkaan

kontittemiset auttanehet monehen päivähä.

Mutta sitte meni huanosti. Morsiaan tahtoo, että lährethän yhres

Siipyyhy, että hänki saa näyttää omanpuolohoosille sulhaasmiästä.
Ja lährethin kans. Kestinkylähän päästihin yäksi ja menthin korjasti
nukkumha.

Mutta aamulla ku Tuamas huomaatti ei morsiant' enää ollukkaa. Ei

sängyn allakaa. S'oli menny ja s'oli murheelline paikka. Kaikki oli
viäny joukosnansa, kihlat ja kuppisarvekki.

Ei muuta jättäny ku sen syvän haavan Tuamahan syrämmehen.

RUUSUJA TALVITILOOLLA.

Oottako kuullu, jotta kyllä siin’on perää ku akat sanoovat, ettei

miästen oo heirän asioohi sekaantumine?

Ne sanoo akat, jottei miähet ymmärrä akkaan meiningiistä, ja että

jos ymmärtääväkki, nii ymmärtäävät vääri. On kuulemma paree, ettei
koitakkaa ymmärtää, eikä tukkia noukkaansa niiren asioohi. Ei oo
meistä miähistä muuta ku harmia ja vaivaasta vahinkoa!

Sen sain mä ja Juppe eilee katkerasti kokia.

Ku ny on satanu nii kovasti vahvalta lunta, että pakkaa lumi menhö

housunpultuusta sisälle, nii mä sanoon sille nuarelle frouvalle, jonka
tykönä mä ja Juppe oomma kortteelia jotta:

— Mihkähä frouva on paiskannu mu piaksusaaphani? Mä pansin

ne ny jalkoohini.

Mä sanon jo etukäthe, ett'että ouroksuusi, jotta se meirän frouva

on turski ihmine, jok’ei yhtää kruusaa eikä karahteeraa meitä
kumpaakaa, Juppeja sen paremmin ku muakaa.