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What Remains?
The Dialectical Identities of
Eastern Germans
Joyce Marie Mushaben
What Remains?
 Joyce Marie Mushaben

What Remains?
The Dialectical Identities of Eastern Germans
Joyce Marie Mushaben
BMW Center for German & European Studies
Georgetown University
Washington, D.C., WA, USA

ISBN 978-3-031-18887-9    ISBN 978-3-031-18888-6 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18888-6

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
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 Acknowledgements

Indirectly occupying my thoughts for thirty years, this book proves that
national identities are rarely de- and reconstructed in the space of a single
generation. While I cannot personally thank the historical muses who put
me “in the right place, at the right time” with regard to this project on
East German identity, I can express my gratitude to many earth-bound
actors who contributed to the production of this book. For starters, I
acknowledge the Ford Foundation which financed my initial Fellowship in
GDR Studies at the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies
(AICGS), 1989–1990, then extended my grant for two months commen-
surate with the increasing complexity of the topic. I also recognize the
BMW Center for German and European Studies at Georgetown University
which enabled me to start analyzing my data as its first research fellow,
1990–1991. Likewise included in my thanks are the German Marshall
Fund of the United States, the German Academic Exchange Service, the
GDR Studies Association of the United States and the Alexander von
Humboldt Foundation, whose financial support made it possible for me
to travel to the German Dramatic Republic at critical turning points, as
well as to continue my investigation regarding the fates of eastern resi-
dents over the next few decades.
Completion of this book would not have been possible without the
sustained support of multiple colleagues at different stages of my research,
though some of us have drifted apart since the 1990s. My interactions
with “regulars” and visitors at the AICGS ensured access to a broad spec-
trum of political perspectives on the course of unification, a never-ending
flow of newspaper and journal articles, as well as unanticipated

v
vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

opportunities to view the making of history from a front-row seat. I

enjoyed the company and friendly assistance of AICGS “co-workers,”
especially the late Dr. Manfred Stassen (DAAD), well beyond my year in
residence. Co-fellow and subsequent Research Director, Lily Gardner
Feldman, provided detailed readings of my work, countless recommenda-
tion letters and years of Frauensolidarität well beyond the institute walls.
Other intellectual compatriots gratefully discovered by way of my earlier
affiliations included Friederike Eigler, Daniela Dahn, Christiane Lemke,
Jonathan Olsen, Ann Phillips, Helga Welsh, Pastor Bernd Wrede and
Jennifer Yoder. I extend heartfelt thanks to Judith and Reinhard Maiworm
(Goethe Institute), who sustained me for years (actually decades) with
their professional enthusiasm, private hospitality, personal friendship and a
shared belief that it is possible to build a permanently peaceful, democratic
German nation.
Nor could I have completed core components of my fieldwork without
the assistance and candor of several GDR facilitators, especially my 1990
hosts at the former Central Institute for Youth Research in Leipzig,
Wilfried Schubarth, Ulrich Heublein and Rudolf Dennhardt. Siegfried
Sach at the GDR Institute for International Relations helped me to secure
a number of appointments with leading SED officials (rarely granted to
academics from a capitalist-imperialist “enemy state”) during the critical
twelve months preceding the 1989 Wende. Klaus Richter, Marianne
Eschenbach and Herr Viererbe, wherever he may be, arranged invaluable
interviews with parliamentarians from Bundnis ’90, the SPD and the
CDU, in the wake of the first truly democratic Volkskammer elections.
Gisela Richter, Ruth and Hans Misselwitz, Marianne Birthler, Eckhard
Priller, Heinrich Bortfeldt and Detlef Pollack provided updates with
respect to post-unity currents in the East-Länder during my annual sum-
mer sojourns. The University of Missouri-St. Louis accorded me flexible
research leave opportunities, while the late Jan Frantzen, Linda Miller and
Lana Vierdag helped with successive grant deadlines, allowing me to com-
mit many extraordinary experiences to paper while I still remembered
them. My son Joshua provided me with the opportunity to experience the
eastern child-care system first-hand in Erfurt. His time at Zwergenland, in
turn, supplied him with the German language skills that enabled him to
pursue two internships at Schiffshebewerk Niederfinow, as well as a mas-
ter’s degree at the University of Stuttgart. My particular thanks to German
taxpayers for funding not only my research projects but also two years of
my son’s graduate education.
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii

Marriage, motherhood and four intervening books delayed the com-

pletion of this work, but those years blessed me with new colleague-friends
who urged me to continue with this academic equivalent of a painstaking
archeological dig. Gabriele Abels and Sabine Lang, especially, extended
countless speaking invitations and fantastic hospitality, which kept me
going through good times and bad. The wonderful facilities and cheerful
assistance of my favorite librarians at the Bundestag Bibliothek in Berlin
made sure that the final draft of this book materialized in accordance with
the Humboldtian tradition of Einsamkeit und Freiheit. Strange as it
sounds, I also owe a certain debt to the otherwise devastating COVID
pandemic. The latter kept me seated at my dining room table in front of a
laptop for months on end, pulling together a wide assortment of old and
new books, government reports, journal articles, newspaper clippings,
critical re-reflections and personal memories. This book is dedicated to the
millions of “essential workers,” worldwide, who did not enjoy that luxury
but whose devotion and hard work made it possible for me to emerge
from this difficult time in good health, a little bit older and possibly wiser.
 Contents

1 Introduction:
 Prelude to a German Revolution  1
Methodology   9

Part I Dimensions of the Dialectical Identity  17

2 Exit,
 Voice, and Loyalty: The Theoretical Parameters 21
A Concentric Approach to Identity Theory  27
Circle One: Identity as the Bio-Psychology of the Individual  27
Circle Two: Identity as Social Interaction  31
Circle Three: Identity as National Consciousness  32
The Circles Broken: Exit versus Voice  35
Expanding the Framework: Making the Case for Loyalty  45
Reinterpreting die Wende, 1989–1990  49
Identity from Below: Socialist Subcultures  55

3 Selection
 by Consequences: What Did It Mean to Be
GDR-German? 63
The Parameters of Political Legitimacy  68
A Spectre Haunting …: The Stalinist Legacy  74
Founding Narrative Versus Historical Record  79
The Quest for Socialist Legitimacy  85
Redefining the Significance of State, Nation, Nationality  89

ix
x Contents

“The Problem of Generations”  98

Love of the Socialist Fatherland: Ideal Versus the Real 100
Historicism Versus Materialism 103

Part II The Deconstruction of Official GDR-Identity 113

4 Real-Existing
 Socialism: Consumer Culture and
Vitamin “B”115
The Perils of Planning Under Real-Existing Socialism 118
Collective Reponses to Chronic Scarcities 126
Intershop Socialism and Its Discontents 134
Creating the “Socialist Consumer” 138
The Paradox of Real-Existing Materialism 149

5 “Now
 out of Never”: Exit, Voice, and Riding the
Revolutionary Bandwagon159
Learning to Live with “Arrangements” 161
Protest Currents and the Velvet Revolution 165
Unanticipated Consequences: Freikauf, Expulsions, and Local
Reactions 172
The Dialectical Forces of Exit and Voice 176
Ostalgie: Marketing East German Memories 183
Conclusion: Loyalty, Habitus, and “the Wall in One’s Head” 188

6 Heimatgefühl and the Reconfiguration of Civil Society205

Political “Representation Gaps” in the Eastern Länder 208
Die Grüne Liga (Green League) of Mecklenburg-
Vorpommern 212
Volkssolidarität (People’s Solidarity): Landesverband Berlin 218
Runder Tisch gegen Gewalt (Round Table Against
Violence) in Sachsen-Anhalt 224
Gleichstellungsstelle-Erfurt (Erfurt Office of Equal
Opportunity), Thüringen 229
Forum Ostdeutschland (SPD) and Aufbau Ost (CDU) in
Berlin/Brandenburg and Saxony 234
The PDS as “Comeback Kid” 241
“The End of Apprenticeship” 244
 Contents  xi

Part III Reconstructing East-German Identities: Peer

Cultures 255

7 Conscience
 of the Nation: Writers, Artisans, and
Intellectuals257
Cultural Policies and the Forces of Socialist Realism 260
Anti-fascist Imperatives: Loyalty and the Aufbau Generation 268
“Profiles in Courage”: Christa Wolf and Stefan Heym 272
The Sixty-Eighters and the Dilemmas of Cultural Revolution 281
The Post-Wall Literaturstreit: “The West” Versus Christa Wolf 285
Loyalty, Voice, and the National Question 293

8 From
 Losers to Winners, and Back: The Stasi, Pastors,
and Dissidents303
Shield and Sword of the Party: The Ministry for State Security 306
Opiate of the Masses: The SED and Religion, 1945–1970 316
From Peaceful Coexistence (1971–1979) to Church from
Below (1980–1989) 320
(Re)Marginalized Voices: Pastors and Politics, 1990–1998 324
The Helsinki Factor: Loyalty as Dissent 328
Prosecuting the SED Dictatorship 334
Loyalty, Voice, and Retributive Justice 341

9 From
 State Paternalism to Private Patriarchy: East
German Women355
Gender and Ideology: State Paternalism 357
Equality without Emancipation: Double Burdens and the
“Right to Work” 365
Revenge of the Cradle: Reproductive Rights and Wrongs 377
Private Patriarchy and the Re-domestication of Eastern Women 387
Deutschland einig Mutterland: Gender Policies under Angela
Merkel 393
Winning Women 397
xii Contents

10 The
 Anti-political Identities of East German Youth409
Redefining Class Consciousness: The Uniform Socialist
Education System 413
Not-so-free “Free-time”: FDJ and the Jugendweihe 421
“Leave Us Kids Alone”: Finding Voice Through Music 429
From Voice to Exit: Normalos, Avantis, Gruftis, Punks,
and Skins 435
Writing for the Panzerschrank at the Central Institute for
Youth Research 444
Through the Looking Glass: Unification and Normative Loyalty 451
“Be careful what you pray for …” 462

11 No Country for Old Men: Second-Class Citizenship

and its Discontents475
The Double Bind of Military Machismo 478
The Treuhand Versus the “Heroes of Labor” 485
A Clash of Male Cultures: Eastern Underlings, Western Bosses 492
Backlash: Far-right Populism and the New Misogynists 495
Relative Deprivation: Second-Class Citizenship and the
“Unhappiness Curve” 502
Working-Class Men: Winning the Battle, Losing the War 507

12 The
 Dialectical Identities of Germans United519
Caught in the Middle: Die Wendekinder  525
The Post-Turnaround Generation: Difference Still Matters 529
The Blessings of Late Birth 532

13 Epilogue: October 3, 2021539

Index545
 Abbreviations

AfD Alternative für Deutschland/Alternative for Germany

BEK Bund Evangelische Kirche/Evangelical Church Union
CC Central Committee of the SED
CDU Christian Democratic Party
CPSU Communist Party of the Soviet Union
CSU Christian Social Union (Bavaria)
DA Demokratischer Aufbruch/Democratic Awakening
DEFA German Film Company
DFD Demokratische Frauenbund Deutschland/Democratic Women’s
League in Germany
EOS Expanded secondary school
FDJ Freie Deutsche Jugend/Free German Youth
FDGB Freier Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund/Free German Trade Union
Federation
GSS Gleichstellungsstelle/Office of Equal Opportunity
IFM Initiative for Peace and Human Rights
KoKo Kommerzielle Koordinierung/Commercial Coordination
KPD Communist Party of Germany
MfS Ministry for State Security
NVA Nationale Volksarmee/National People’s Army
NÖS New Economic System
PDS Party of Democratic Socialists
POS Polytechnical school system
SDP/SPD Social Democratic Party

xiii
xiv ABBREVIATIONS

SED Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands/Socialist Unity Party

of Germany
SMAD Soviet Military Administration (occupation zone)
Stasi State Security Forces
VEBs Volkseigene Betriebe/“people’s own factories”
VK Volkskammer/People’s Chamber
ZIJ Zentralinstitut für Jugendforschung/Central Institute for Youth
Research
 List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Concentric model of identity 28

Fig. 2.2 Forms of exit, voice, and loyalty 47
Fig. 8.1 Vladimir Putin’s Stasi identification 308
Fig. 8.2 My personal Stasi file: Department XX excerpt 312
Fig. 10.1 Wende attitudes, unemployment and GDR affinity 460
Fig. 10.2 Achieving economic parity and internal unity 462
Fig. 11.1 Number and rate of unemployed workers in Germany,
1980–2019 (in %) 493
Fig. 11.2 West/East vote shares in the Bundestag elections,
1990–2017 (in %) 496
Fig. 11.3 Non-voters and AfD voters, Bundestag Elections
2009 and 2017 499

xv
 List of Tables

Table 4.1 Average gross wages (east marks), according to labor sector,
1955–1988139
Table 4.2 Annual food/nutritional consumption, 1955–1989 142
Table 4.3 Possession of major household appliances (in %), 1955–1985 147
Table 5.1 Out-migration from the SMAD/GDR to the Federal
Republic, 1950–1961 167
Table 5.2 Physical exits, 1961–1989 (including transfers from East to
West Berlin) 174
Table 5.3 “Resettlers” from East to West Germany, 1989 179
Table 6.1 New entries in selected registers of associations, 1990–1996 211
Table 6.2 Projected life expectancy in East Germany 219
Table 9.1 Women’s employment across major economic sectors
(as a proportion of total employment), 1970–1985 372
Table 9.2 GDR women in political leadership positions, 1971–1985 374
Table 9.3 Number of live births per woman, 1955–1989 380
Table 9.4 Divorces initiated by women and men, 1960–1989 384
Table 9.5 Children born to unwed mothers (% of all live births) 385
Table 9.6 East-West unemployment rates, 1990–1996 (socially
insured workers) 389
Table 9.7 Women in state parliaments, 2012 (pre-AfD), and 2022
(with AfD presence) 396
Table 10.1 Class backgrounds of students in higher education,
1960–1966419
Table 10.2 Trust in the SED (in %) 447
Table 10.3 Identification with the SED (in %) 448
Table 10.4 Identification with Marxism-Leninism 450
Table 10.5 Identification with the goals of the FDJ 451

xvii
xviii List of Tables

Table 10.6 Political orientations of youth, 1987–1989 458

Table 10.7 Dimensions of personal identity (in %) 460
Table 10.8 Attitudes reflecting systemic versus normative loyalty;
systemic, policy-oriented loyalty elements 463
Table 11.1 Perceptions of the Bundeswehr and willingness to defend
the GDR (in %) 483
 List of Boxes

Box 1.1 On the Perils of “Collecting Qualitative Data”: Holcolm’s

Evaluation Laws 10
Box 3.1 National Anthem of the German Democratic Republic 65
Box 4.1 Understanding “The Plan” 121
Box 5.1 “Die Lösung”/ “The Solution” (Bertolt Brecht) 166
Box 10.1 The Ten Commandments of Socialist Morals and Ethics 425
Box 10.2 The Jugendweihe Oath (February 17, 1955) 426
Box 10.3 Typical Responses: ZIJ Surveys, 1989 453
Box 11.1 “Eigentum”/“Property” (Volker Braun) 490

xix
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Prelude to a German

Revolution

The date was May 10, 1989, the place was St. Louis, Missouri. In less than
two weeks, I would be moving to Washington, D.C., where I planned to
investigate GDR-identity as it had crystallized across a span of four decades
since its founding in 1949. I had already spent four years exploring the
contours of postwar German identity as it had evolved among the cohorts
born into the Western state, 1949–1989.1 I secured funding and outlined
a research agenda in late 1988, uncertain at the time what barriers I would
encounter in trying to unearth the official and unofficial dimensions of
GDR state-consciousness in a closed socialist society, the German
Democratic Republic. As one of my last formal duties in St. Louis, I
attended a dinner hosted by the Goethe Institute featuring the prominent
if querulous West German author, Günther Grass. Seated next to the guest
of honor, I briefly described my upcoming project, to which Grass imme-
diately responded: “Identity? Homeland? I believe that a homeland is
something one can only define as that which one has lost.”2 Our casual
dinner-party exchange came back to haunt me six months later. On
November 9, 1989—that chaotic, champagne-drenched night during
which the Berlin Wall suddenly came tumbling down—Grass’s definition of
identity wedded to homeland assumed the status of a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Nearly twenty years of living and researching abroad have confirmed
my belief that the concepts of Heimat and Identität are most easily defined
from a distance. The pressures and distractions of day-to-day living at
close range tend to obscure the contours of the larger picture. By contrast,

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2023
J. M. Mushaben, What Remains?,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18888-6_1
2 J. M. MUSHABEN

the ability to look back on past relationships and dependencies helps an

individual to accord new weights to the influence each has exercised on
her personal development. The opportunity to return to a place of origin,
and possibly reminisce with those who stayed behind, yields a sense of the
permanent and the transitional, the core and the peripheral elements of
one’s personal identity. Time, distance, and lapses of memory usually ren-
der one critical of certain aspects and laudatory toward others, although
the truth usually lies somewhere in between. Homeland is, more often
than not, a place one “comes from.”
Serving as Berlin’s Reigning Mayor, Willy Brandt sustained the moral
courage of his people when the Wall suddenly went up in August 1961. As
Germany’s first social-democratic Chancellor, he just as courageously
dared to pursue East-West rapprochement under the rubric of Ostpolitik.
The day after the Wall fell in 1989, he eloquently summarized the hopes
of millions of postwar European citizens with the words, “Now that which
belongs together can grow together.” My initial aim in writing this book
was to challenge that proposition, to persuade the reader that the search
for “German identity” did not end with unification. I argued back then
that while the former SPD Chancellor had been a brilliant statesman, he
was not an expert demographer: Had he reflected on generational change,
his prognosis would have been a lot more pessimistic. By 1989, two-thirds
of Westerners and three-fourths of Easterners had been born after World
War II, meaning that most had never experienced a whole nation.
Once the Wall fell, 16.4 million GDR citizens were expected to jettison
the lives they had known, and to reassess how they had “arranged” them-
selves with the SED regime, how they may have suffered as its victims, and
how they might best adapt to a new world. Over 61 million FRG citizens
were ostensibly free to pursue business and politics as usual. My earlier
study of generational differences in the old Federal Republic of Germany
had nonetheless persuaded me that rather than ending a search for shared
feelings of national belonging, the formal merger of two ideologically
opposed states marked only the beginning of a new quest for deutsche
Identität.
This story of East German identity before and after the opening of the
Wall is a study of identity lost, found, and reconfigured. But history is not
a soliloquy. Any national narrative involves characters, places, events, mul-
tiple plot twists, a climax, and sometimes a denouement. The German
Democratic Republic had all of these, but “the rest of the story” cannot
 1 INTRODUCTION: PRELUDE TO A GERMAN REVOLUTION 3

be told unless and/or until Western Germans come to recognize that their
own past and future is intricately connected to the experiences of the
other side.
Assessing the strengths and weaknesses of what used to be GDR-­
identity has been rendered no easier by the curious nature of my discipline:
political science pits the scientific against the political, the normative
against the empirical, and institutional imperatives against human compo-
nents. In 1906 Arthur L. Bowley at the Royal Statistical Society (London)
prescribed the first rules for determining a “representative sample,” a
mechanism that has become the lifeline of political behaviorists every-
where. German identity nonetheless predates the existence of survey
research techniques by a few hundred years, its core elements having been
established by countless wars and regime changes. The relatively closed
nature of GDR society made it virtually impossible for scholars to employ
standard methodologies used to test the attitudinal waters in the West.
This does not mean that East German officials prohibited any and all
forms of public opinion data; it does imply, however, that one cannot take
the existing data at face value.
I was the first US-American to be accorded unlimited access to archival
materials at the GDR’s Central Institute for Youth Research (ZIJ) in
Leipzig. Prior to the so-called Turn-around (Wende) of 1989, the survey
data generated there could only be accessed by SED Politburo members,
select Central Committee departments, the Office for Youth Affairs in the
Council of Ministers, and top officials of the Free German Youth League
(FDJ). For better or worse (given the outdated copying facilities I encoun-
tered during my first two-week stay), I was also the last American to enjoy
this privilege as a formal guest “during GDR times.” In accordance with
provisions appended to the Unity Treaty, the ZIJ was abgewickelt, “wound
down” and dissolved in December 1990. Several works drawing on the
Leipzig data have been published since 1991, usually by former ZIJ
researchers, but most texts have appeared only in German. This book
attempts, inter alia, to provide a broader picture of the Institute’s longitu-
dinal findings than is usually accessible to English-speaking readers.
The experience of having both one’s “target-group” and “data base”
officially cease to exist halfway through a research project is but one of the
occupational hazards which have tested the mettle of East European ana-
lysts since 1990. Feeling quite blessed not by my “late birth” but rather by
my good fortune at landing in the GDR when I did, mine was a very mov-
ing but also an extraordinarily chaotic research experience from the start.
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