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Where the
Domino Fell
Where the
Domino Fell
America and Vietnam
1945–2010
Sixth Edition

James S. Olson and

Randy Roberts
This sixth edition first published 2014
© 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Inc

Edition History: Brandywine Press (5e, 2006); Blackwell Publishing, Ltd

(revised 5e, 2008)

Wiley Blackwell is an imprint of John Wiley & Sons, formed by the merger of Wiley’s
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see our website at www.wiley.com/wiley-blackwell.

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with respect to the accuracy or completeness of the contents of this book and
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damages arising herefrom. If professional advice or other expert assistance is required,
the services of a competent professional should be sought.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this title

ISBN 9781444350500

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Cover image: Troops of the 1st. Cavalry Division during an operation near the Ashau
Valley in the northern part of South Vietnam, 1968. ©Philip Jones Griffiths / Magnum
Photos
Cover design by Simon Levy

Set in 10/12 pt Sabon by Toppan Best-set Premedia Limited

1 2014
 Contents

Preface.............................................................................................. vii
Prologue: LBJ and Vietnam............................................................... ix
1 Eternal War: The Vietnamese Heritage............................................... 1
2 The First Indochina War, 1945–1954............................................... 18
3 The Making of a Quagmire, 1954–1960.......................................... 43
4 The New Frontier in Vietnam, 1961–1963....................................... 67
5 Planning a Tragedy, 1963–1965....................................................... 93
6 Into the Abyss, 1965–1966............................................................. 117
7 The Mirage of Progress, 1966–1967.............................................. 138
8 Tet and the Year of the Monkey, 1968........................................... 163
9 The Beginning of the End, 1969–1970........................................... 190
10 The Fall of South Vietnam, 1970–1975.......................................... 215
11 Distorted Images, Missed Opportunities, 1975–1995..................... 237
12 Oliver Stone’s Vietnam................................................................... 257
Selected Bibliography...................................................................... 280
A Vietnam War Chronology........................................................... 283
Glossary and Guide to Acronyms................................................... 292
Index............................................................................................... 295
Maps
Map 1 Indochina, 1995............................................................ xii
Map 2 Vietnam, 1945 to 1975................................................. 66
Map 3 Major battles of the Tet offensive,
January 1968............................................................... 169

v
 Preface

In 1984, less than a decade after the fall of South Vietnam, American ambiva-
lence about the war exploded into the popular culture with Sylvester Stal-
lone’s film First Blood and rock star Bruce Springsteen’s megahit “Born in
the U.S.A.” The earliest Rambo movie could almost be taken as an antiwar
film. Sylvester Stallone’s John Rambo in First Blood is a troubled Vietnam
veteran hunted by backwater police and gun wielders of a type ordinarily
identified with blood-hungry patriotism. If that is the message, the producers
of the Rambo movies apparently later changed their focus. In his return to
the screen, Rambo is a vehicle for hyperpatriotic fantasies, a muscled and
fearless avenger of freedom against Vietnamese communists, Soviet invaders
of Vietnam, and surely any other enemies of the American Way. The intro-
spection that makes its tentative, half-articulate presence in First Blood gives
way to a dreamscape of retaliation and triumph.
John Rambo as Stallone plays him is a contradictory symbol of what
Americans frustrated by their country’s failure in Vietnam think should have
been done there. The more massive deployment of force that they are con-
vinced could have achieved victory would be technological. But Rambo pits
brain and sinew against the superior firepower of his enemies; he is our
Vietcong guerrilla. That confusion of image, coupled with the half-start in
First Blood toward a quite different sensibility about the Vietnam experience,
suggests the difficulty that Americans have had in getting a clear grasp not
only of the war itself but of their feelings about it.
Springsteen’s “Born in the U.S.A.” rocketed up the pop charts in the midst
of President Ronald Reagan’s campaign for reelection. Actually an ode to the
plight of Vietnam veterans sent abroad to kill the “yellow man” and return-
ing home to a postwar nightmare of poverty, unemployment, and economic
decay, the song became a virtual patriotic anthem, with concertgoers waving
American flags as Springsteen belted out the lyrics. Conservative columnist
George Will attended a concert and came away convinced that Springsteen
had tapped into a subterranean vein of American optimism. “I have not a
clue about Springsteen’s politics, if any, but flags get waved at his concerts
while he sings of hard times. He is no whiner, and the recitation of closed
factories and other problems always seemed punctuated by a grand, cheerful
affirmation.” Even in the midst of defeat, Americans remained in a quandary
about Vietnam.
vii
viii   Preface

That, so we hope to show throughout this book, had been the trouble
from the beginning. War is, above all else, a political event. Wars are won
only when political goals are achieved. Troops and weapons are—like diplo-
macy and money—essentially tools to achieve political objectives. The United
States went into Indochina after World War II with muddled political objec-
tives. It departed in 1975 after a thirty-year effort with political perceptions
as blurred as they had been in the beginning. At that beginning, Ho Chi Minh
defined victory as independence from foreign occupation and reunification
of North Vietnam and South Vietnam under a communist regime. By the
end of April 1975, although Ho was in his grave, victory came on his terms.

James S. Olson
Randy Roberts
 Prologue
LBJ and Vietnam

On November 22, 1963, as his plane taxied down the runway at Andrews
Air Force Base, President Lyndon B. Johnson could have counted up the days
in his head. President John F. Kennedy had died only a few hours before.
The assassination fulfilled Johnson’s lifelong dream to become president of
the United States, but in his heart sadness competed with ambition. The
presidential election of 1964 was less than a year away, and the Twenty-
Second Amendment allowed him to run in his own right, legitimize his
presidency, and then seek reelection in 1968. If he astutely shuffled the deck
of Washington politics, he could live in the White House until January 21,
1973, not quite the thirteen-year reign of Franklin D. Roosevelt, but long
enough to distinguish him in history. Lest he appear inappropriately political,
Johnson kept a low profile while the nation mourned Camelot.
On January 1, 1964, however, Johnson greeted the New Year with relief
and confidence, or perhaps hubris, possessed only by anyone out to change
the world. With JFK interred at Arlington National Cemetery, the eternal
flame already burning over his grave, and the horrific events of November
1963 receding somewhat into the past, the president finally could think, and
talk, about the future. Desperate for approval and obsessed with his place
in history, he yearned to join the ranks of George Washington, Abraham
Lincoln, and Franklin D. Roosevelt, whom historians universally regarded
as the nation’s greatest presidents. On the foundation of Roosevelt’s New
Deal and Truman’s Fair Deal, he intended to build the Great Society, where
prosperity replaced poverty and tolerance quenched the fires of racism. He
began mulling around what would become the War on Poverty, the Civil
Rights Act of 1964, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Had Vietnam not
spun out of control, Johnson might have joined the pantheon of greatness,
but Indochina and its miseries would steadily crowd out any good he achieved.
Early in February 1964, just three months in office, the president ordered
the withdrawal from Vietnam of all American dependents. The Vietcong
threatened Americans there, and the country was not secure. The United
States had nearly 15,000 troops in South Vietnam, but the Vietcong, or
“Charlie” as they came to be known, controlled the countryside and the
night. Worse is that North Vietnamese regular soldiers were infiltrating South
ix
x   Prologue: LBJ and Vietnam

Vietnam. In Saigon, rebellions and coups created a musical-chairs govern-

ment providing abundant fodder for political satirists and ambitious
Republicans.
Already worrying that foreign affairs, in which Johnson had little interest,
were distracting Americans from more important tasks, the president turned
to his closest advisers. On March 2, 1964, after another coup d’etat in
Saigon, Johnson met in the Oval Office with his aide McGeorge Bundy.
“There may be another coup, but I don’t know what we can do,” the presi-
dent complained. “If there is, I guess that we just . . . what alternatives do
we have then? We’re not going to send our troops there, are we?” Two
months later, Johnson learned that 20,000 Vietnamese, many of them civilian
victims of American firepower, had died in 1963, compared to 5,000 in 1962.
Calling on Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, he asked whether he
should go public with the news. “I do think, Mr. President,” McNamara
replied, “that it would be wise for you to say as little as possible [about the
war]. The frank answer is we don’t know what’s going on out there.” In
subsequent weeks, the president’s concern deepened. “I stayed awake last
night thinking of this thing,” he told Bundy in May. “It looks to me like
we’re getting into another Korea. . . . I don’t think we can fight them 10,000
miles away from home. . . . I don’t think it’s worth fighting for. . . . It’s just
the biggest damned mess I ever saw.” Although the secretary of defense
admitted that he did “not know [what was] going on over there” and the
president did not consider Vietnam “worth fighting for,” both behaved as if
the future of the republic were at stake, investing hundreds of billions of
dollars and the soul of a generation. Between 1964 and 1975, Vietnam con-
sumed the lives of more than 58,000 American soldiers and upwards of three
million Vietnamese. Today, in 2013, Vietnam stands as a relic of the Cold
War, one of a handful of countries still wedded to Marx, Lenin, and May
1st renditions of the communist Internationale. If anything, the war made
Vietnam more dedicated to communism, not less.
Forty years after admitting complete ignorance of Vietnam, Robert McNa-
mara released his memoirs, a book “I [had] planned never to write,” he
admitted. No wonder. In a warning to future presidents and policymakers,
he confessed to monumental arrogance. “We viewed . . . South Vietnam in
terms of our own experience,” he wrote. “We saw in them a thirst for—and
a determination to fight for freedom and democracy. . . . We totally misjudged
the political forces in the country . . . We underestimated the power of
nationalism to motivate a people. . . . [We exhibited] a profound ignorance
of the history, culture, and politics of . . . the area . . . We failed to recognize
the limits of modern, high-technology military equipment. . . . We [forgot]
that U.S. military action—other than direct threats to our own security—
should be carried out only in conjunction with multinational force supported
fully . . . by the international community. . . . External military force cannot
substitute for the political order and stability that must be forged by a people
for themselves. . . . The consequences of large-scale military operations . . .
 Prologue: LBJ and Vietnam   xi

are inherently difficult to predict and to control. . . . These are the lessons
of Vietnam. Pray God we learn them.” Whether those lessons have been
learned remains a topic of intense debate, with more than a decade of war
in Iraq (2003–2012) and Afghanistan (2001–present) supplying a fresh and
constant stream of data, opinion, and recrimination. The Vietnam syndrome
had never really left, and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan seem unlikely to
vanquish it.
Map 1 Indochina, 1995. Inset: A comparison in size between Vietnam and United
States.
 1
Eternal War
The Vietnamese Heritage
Vietnam is nobody’s dog.
—Nguyen Co Thach, 1978

The Trung Sisters

Today, nearly two thousand years after their deaths, the sisters Trung—
Trung Trac and Trung Nhi—flourish in the collective memory of the
Vietnamese people, fill revered pages in the histories of Vietnam, and
represent the earliest expression of Vietnamese nationalism. In a.d. 40,
they rebelled against To Dinh, the brutal Chinese governor of northern
Vietnam. For three centuries, Chinese colonialists had ruled Vietnam
with a heavy hand, and Vietnamese alienation deepened. Trung Trac’s
husband, Thi Sach, enjoyed a reputation for resisting Chinese dictates,
and when To Dinh had him assassinated, Trung Trac and Trung Nhi
hoisted the banner of national liberation. Committed to removing the
yoke of Chinese oppression, they assembled and then led a Vietnamese
army against To Dinh’s forces, swiftly liberating sixty-five towns and
proclaiming independence. Chinese troops fled for their lives, escaping
to the north and across the border. A grateful nation, according to
popular Vietnamese historians, acknowledged Trung Trac as sovereign
and proclaimed her queen of Vietnam.
The Chinese emperor, loath to suffer such an irksome political entity
on its southern frontier, soon made short work of the uprising. In 42
b.c., the Chinese army returned in force. The Trungs tried to resist, but
the Chinese enemy, superior in numbers, organization, and equipment,
soon overwhelmed the insurgents, driving them deep into Vietnam and

Where the Domino Fell: America and Vietnam 1945–2010, Sixth Edition.
James S. Olson and Randy Roberts.
© 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Published 2014 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

1
2   Where the Domino Fell: America and Vietnam 1945–2010

trapping the Trung sisters against the Day River. Unable to escape the
onslaught, Trun Trac and Trung Nhi swam into the current and
drowned, committing suicide on their own terms rather than acquiesc-
ing to the hated Chinese. Some Vietnamese legends still deny the suicide
and portray the Trung sisters as heroines morphing into mist and
ascending to heaven for deification.
Ever since, the Vietnamese have lionized the Trung sisters. More
than four centuries ago, paper prints began depicting them as warriors
with yellow turbans, riding astride elephants and leading soldiers into
battle. Every spring, the residents of Hanoi celebrate the lives of the
Trung sisters and their role in fashioning Vietnamese identity. On birth-
days and special events, Vietnamese parents, grandparents, and teach-
ers still bestow Trung sister memorabilia—books, pamphlets, jewelry,
and sketches—on children as rewards for achievement. Today, larger
temples and smaller shrines honoring the sisters draw visitors and
worshipers throughout Vietnam. The festivities often include soldiers,
bands, weapons, yellow turbans, and flags. During the Vietnam War,
it was not uncommon for American soldiers and marines, upon exam-
ining the bodies of deceased Vietcong or North Vietnamese regulars,
to come upon a necklace or trinket dedicated to the Trung sisters, who
first transformed Vietnamese nationalism into a military phenomenon
and in whose memory soldiers still train and fight.

In 1945, Ho Chi Minh, the leader of Vietnamese communists, launched a

bloody insurrection against the French colonial government and appealed to
Moscow for assistance. Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin, convinced that Indo-
china constituted, at best, only a backwater in the looming Cold War, dis-
carded the request, failing even to acknowledge Ho’s cables. Four years later,
however, once Mao Zedong and the communists had seized control of China
and then deployed large numbers of People’s Liberation Army soldiers to the
border of Vietnam, Stalin took notice. On February 16, 1950, he hosted a
dinner for Mao in Moscow and invited Ho Chi Minh to attend. The Soviet
leader there and then conceded to Mao financial and strategic respon-
sibility over Vietnam, a decision that Ho found particularly unsettling. In
his struggle against the French colonialists, Ho had planned to leverage
the traditional Sino-Russian (Soviet) rivalry, hoping to play Stalin off against
Mao and in the process squeeze more financial and military assistance
from both.
Stalin put Mao and Ho on the same train for the journey back to Beijing,
and with each mile of track traversed, Ho’s misgivings deepened. Mao at
once seemed congenial and menacing, bellicose and accommodating, cer-
tainly a man to be used but never trusted and one guaranteed to press every
possible advantage. For millennia China had done just that with Vietnam;
 Eternal War: The Vietnamese Heritage   3

Ho stood wary of the behemoth to Vietnam’s north. China represented an

iron fist clothed in a silk glove.
Ho was a wisp of a man, thin and gaunt, frail and seemingly vulnerable,
his stringy goatee elongating an already long face. After seventy-six years of
world wandering, hiding, and escaping, he was finally declining, wrinkled
brown skin now only translucently covering his bones. Over the years his
rivals might easily have failed fully to recognize the fire that possessed him.
In 1966 Ho Chi Minh was ill, and he calmly waited for eternal rest from a
life of boundless striving. It was his peculiar lot that two enemy nations had
drawn his very qualified admiration. A lover of much of French culture,
he had led Vietnam in a war of national liberation against France, at one
point adopting, in a vain hope to get American support, a close version
of the American Declaration of Independence. Now that country was his
antagonist.
Late in 1966, when the war in Vietnam approached its peak, Ho remarked
to Jean Sainteny, an old French diplomat and friend: “The Americans . . .
can wipe out all the principal towns of Tonkin [northern Vietnam]. . . . We
expect it, and, besides, we are prepared for it. But that does not weaken our
determination to fight to the very end. You know, we’ve already had the
experience, and you have seen how that conflict ended.” It was only a matter
of time before the Americans went the same way as the Chinese, Japanese,
and French. Vietnam was for the Vietnamese, not for anyone else, and that
passion had driven Ho Chi Minh throughout his life.
That key to Ho’s passion is the fundamental theme of Vietnamese history.
Long ago a Chinese historian remarked, “The people of Vietnam do not like
the past.” No wonder. Vietnam developed in the shadow of Chinese imperial-
ism. In 208 b.c. the Han dynasty expanded into southern China and Vietnam,
declaring the region a new Chinese province—Giao Chi. Its informal name
for the region was Nam Viet, which meant “land of the southern Viets.”
Over the centuries the Chinese brought to Vietnam their mandarin adminis-
trative system, along with their technology, writing, and Confucian social
philosophy. But control did not translate into assimilation. Intensely ethno-
centric, the Vietnamese, while welcoming many Chinese institutions, refused
to accept a Chinese identity. The historian Frances FitzGerald describes that
dilemma in Vietnamese history: “The Vietnamese leaders assumed Chinese
political culture while rejecting . . . Chinese political domination.”
Periodically, the Vietnamese violently resisted, giving Vietnam such national
heroes as the Trung sisters; Trieu Au, the Vietnamese Joan of Arc who led
a rebellion in a.d. 248; and Ngo Quyen, the military leader of Vietnam’s
successful revolution in 938. An old Vietnamese proverb captures the region’s
history: “Vietnam is too close to China, too far from heaven.” Even after
they achieved independence in 938, the Vietnamese had to deal periodi-
cally with Chinese or Mongol expansionism. Vietnam fought major wars
against invaders from the north in 1257, the 1280s, 1406–1428, and 1788.
Tran Hung Dao, the great thirteenth-century Vietnamese general, defeated
4   Where the Domino Fell: America and Vietnam 1945–2010

the enemy after having all his soldiers tattoo the inscription “Kill the
Mongols” on their right arm. He wrote: “We have seen the enemy’s ambas-
sadors stroll about in our streets with conceit. . . . They have demanded
precious stones and embroidered silks to satisfy their boundless appetite. . . .
They have extracted silver and gold from our limited treasures. It is really
not different from bringing meat to feed hungry tigers.”
In the centuries-long struggle against China, Vietnam developed a hero
cult that elevated martial qualities as primary virtues. Vietnamese art glorified
the sword-wielding, armor-bearing soldiers riding horses or elephants into
battle. War, not peace, was woven into the cloth of Vietnamese history. The
historian William Turley writes that out of this experience the Vietnamese
fashioned a myth of national indomitability. . . . The Vietnamese forged a
strong collective identity . . . long before the Europeans appeared off their
shores.” Vietnam’s enemies learned that lesson the hard way.
But there was also a patience to Vietnamese militarism, an unwillingness
to be intimidated, a conviction that a small country could prevail against an
empire if it bided its time and waited for its moment. Between 1406 and
1428, led by the great Le Loi, the Vietnamese attacked the Chinese through
hit-and-run guerrilla warfare, letting rugged mountains and thick rain forests
do much of their work for them, wearing down the enemy, sapping its spirit,
confusing its objectives, finally delivering a death blow, a strategic offensive
to drive the Chinese back across the border. That story became legendary in
Vietnamese military history.
Anti-Chinese resistance became the cutting edge of Vietnamese identity. A
prominent eighteenth-century Chinese emperor lamented the stubbornness
of the Vietnamese. They are not, he said, “a reliable people. An occupation
does not last very long before they raise their arms against us and expel us
from their country.” Suspicion of the Chinese permeated Vietnamese history.
In 1945, for example, with the French ready to return to Vietnam and
Chinese troops occupying much of northern Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh agreed
to cooperate temporarily with France. When some of his colleagues pro-
tested, Ho remarked that it “is better to sniff French shit for a while than to
eat Chinese shit all our lives.”
For Ho Chi Minh, the “French shit” was still bad enough. France had
come to Vietnam in two stages, first in the seventeenth century and again in
the nineteenth. Father Alexandre de Rhodes, a French Jesuit, traveled to
Hanoi in 1627, converted thousands of Vietnamese to Roman Catholicism,
and created a Latin alphabet for the Vietnamese language. Although suspi-
cious Vietnamese leaders expelled de Rhodes in 1630 and again in 1645, he
planted the seeds of the French empire. The French returned in force to
Vietnam in 1847 when a naval expedition arrived at Tourane (later called
Danang) and, within a few weeks, fought a pitched battle with local Viet-
namese. Two more French warships fought another battle at Tourane in
1856. A French fleet captured Tourane in 1858 and conquered Saigon in
1859. Vietnamese resistance drove the French out, but in 1861 they returned
 Eternal War: The Vietnamese Heritage   5

to Saigon to stay. After signing a treaty with Siam (now Thailand) in 1863,
France established a protectorate over Cambodia. France extended its control
over southern Vietnam, or Cochin China, during the rest of the decade.
France then turned north, and in 1883 a naval expedition reached the mouth
of the Perfume River, just outside Hue. When the French fleet shelled the city,
a Vietnamese leader gave France a protectorate over Annam (central Vietnam)
and Tonkin (northern Vietnam), although it took France years to assert its
control in those regions. To provide uniform government over the colonies,
France established the French Union in 1887. After securing a protectorate
over Laos by signing another treaty with Siam in 1893, France had five
regions in the Union: Cochin China, Annam, Tonkin, Cambodia, and Laos.
The Vietnamese were no more satisfied with French domination than with
Chinese. The most resentful Vietnamese lived in Nghe An Province, located
in Annam in central Vietnam, a low coastal plain bordered by the Annamese
mountains. Nghe An and the surrounding provinces were the most densely
populated areas of Vietnam, and by far the poorest. The soil was leached
and dry, the weather alternating between torrential monsoon rains and hot
summer winds.
The French called the Nghe Annese the “Buffaloes of Nghe An” because
of their reputation for stubbornness. The Vietnamese referred to them as the
“People of the Wooden Fish.” The Vietnamese love a special sauce known
as nuoc mam. They alternate layers of fish and layers of salt in a barrel and
let the brew ferment in the heat for several weeks. The fish decompose into
a mush and the fluid into a salty brine. Nuoc mam is to Vietnamese fish what
catsup is to American french fries. The Nghe Annese were too poor to afford
fish, the proverb says, so they carried a wooden fish in their pockets to dip
into nuoc mam at restaurants. Nghe Annese, the jesters claimed, licked the
wooden fish until they were kicked out, only to repeat the culinary charade
somewhere else.
But Nghe An, with its neighboring Ha Tinh Province, was not known only
for its poverty. Year after year the prizewinning poets, musicians, and schol-
ars at the imperial court at Hue came from Nghe An and Ha Tinh. They
were thinkers and tinkerers, creative people who looked at life from unique
perspectives, refused to believe what they were told, and insisted on having
things proven to them. Their skepticism bred unhappiness. By the 1800s the
best schools at Hue no longer accepted applicants from Nghe An and Ha
Tinh, no matter how high their scores. Central Vietnamese, “the people of
the wooden fish,” were troublemakers, dreaming of a better world.
Born in 1890 as Nguyen Sinh Cung, Ho Chi Minh grew up in Nghe An.
Near his birthplace was the den, a monument to Le Loi. The Vietnamese
believe that the spirit of an honored individual lives on in a den. Ho Chi
Minh visited the den as a child and listened to tales of how Le Loi had
expelled the hated Chinese. His father, Nguyen Sinh Sac, was the son of
peasants who became a scholar and a ferocious anti-French nationalist. His
sister was a renowned balladeer, and her folk songs railed at China and
6   Where the Domino Fell: America and Vietnam 1945–2010

France. Sac passed the mandarin examinations and found a job at the impe-
rial palace at Hue, but the imperial court was full of pro-French Vietnamese
sycophants or tradition-bound mandarins. For a while in the late 1890s and
early 1900s Nguyen Sinh Sac was a minor government official in Hue. Ho
Chi Minh’s mother died in 1900, and Sac, along with his two sons and a
daughter, lived in a tiny, dingy one-room apartment facing the opulent splen-
dor of the Palais de la Censure where the Vietnamese emperor and the man-
darin court ruled Vietnam. Ho bore the brunt of ridicule from the children
of the court mandarins, and he developed a spontaneous dislike for intel-
lectual snobbery. Throughout his life, he frequently quoted the poet Tuy Vien:
“Nothing is more contemptible than to seek honors through literature.”
Although the Vietnamese had thrown off the Chinese yoke in 938, over
the centuries they gradually adopted the Chinese mandarin system to govern
the nation. Eventually, mandarin teachers and bureaucrats became a self-
conscious elite. To pass the civil service examinations and secure the best
jobs, Vietnamese scholars immersed themselves in the Chinese language and
Confucian values, which gradually distanced them from Vietnamese peas-
ants. The mandarins also adopted many Chinese institutions—a centralized
tax system, a judicial hierarchy, and the royal palace architecture complete with
gates, moats, bridges, and pools. Confucianism promoted rule by a paternal-
istic elite committed to morality and fairness, and it demanded unswerving
obedience from the governed. The essence of personal behavior is obedience,
submissiveness, and peaceful acquiescence in the social hierarchy.
The mandarin system was also conservative to a fault. Mandarins were
suspicious of all change. They opposed science, technology, industrialization,
and democracy, any one of which might dislodge them from their positions
of privilege. A popular late nineteenth-century Vietnamese poem reflected the
growing resentment of the mandarin class:

Becoming a mandarin you treat your servants as dirt,

And steal every bit of money the people have.
Although you scoop in who knows how much money,
Do the people get any help from you?

On top of the mandarin elite, the French imposed the colonial bureaucracy.
They ruled Vietnam through local clients—French-speaking Roman Catholic
Vietnamese, who soon became a new elite, competing with the mandarins
for influence. Eventually, the French abolished the mandarin examinations,
prohibited the teaching of Chinese, and displaced the mandarins as power-
brokers. Except for the French bureaucrats themselves, the Francophile
Vietnamese enjoyed the finest homes, the best jobs, the fanciest clothes—the
good life.
The imposition of the French language and French law accelerated the
alienation of peasant land. There were widespread poverty and millions of
landless peasants in Vietnam before the French, but most peasants owned at
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
laukaus oli ajanut pakoon kaikki mustat, jotka täällä ylähällä olivat
oleskelleet. He näkivät vaimoja lapset seljässään nopeasti
pakenevan solatiellä samalla kun miehet, arasti silmäillen taakseen,
seurasivat heitä. Vaan kuinka kuolettava heidän pyssyillensä oli ollut,
näkivät he täällä, sillä toverit olivat jälkeensä jättäneet seitsemän
kuollutta ja kolme tahi neljä, jotka myös olivat saaneet luodin
ruumiisensa, koettelivat kulkea pakenevia jälestä.

Vaan Hanson tarkka silmä keksi kohta kallioiden seassa

vasemmalla puolella pari vaaleata olentoa. Hän osoitti kiikarin
sinnepäin ja tunsi heti kolme aseella varustettua vaalea-ihoista
samalla kuin neljäs kuollut tahi haavoitettu makasi maassa. Ne olivat
samat ystävät, joita villit ahdistivat; sillä alahalla laaksossa vilisi
mustia olennolta, jotka järjestyksettä juoksivat toistensa sivu ja
peljästyneinä uudesta hyökkäyksestä eivät tienneet mennäkö
odottamatonta vihollista vastaan tahi odottaa häntä laaksossa.

Taaskin ampui se pieni joukko, joka nyt luultavasti oli tuntenut

miehet sointien suussa, laukauksen villien sekaan. Vaan he eivät
näkyneet turhan päiten ampuvan, sillä laukaus ei ollut tähdätty
ilmaan, vaan mustiin, jotka, ollen alempana, tekivät nyt, ehkä
ärsytettyinä sen kautta, hurjan hyökkäyksen valko-ihoisten päälle.
Kaikkialla taisi nähdä mustia olennoita kapuavan kallioille.

Nyt ei Hanso kau'emmin viipynyt; sillä siellä oli apu tarpeen.

Nopeasti juoksivat miehet solatielle ja kiviportaita alas. Epätasainen
tie ei estänyt laivamiehiä ja riemuhuudolla juoksivat he lukuisaa
vihollista vastaan.

Tämä hämmästyi; tulihan tuolla useampia valkoihoisia kuin

venheessä oli ollut. Ylähältä paukahti silloin tällöin laukauksia, jotka
levollisuudella tähdättyinä, harvoin menivät syrjään. Vielä seisoivat
mustat paikoillaan, vaan eivät rohjenneet kavuta ylemmäksi, peläten
paluumatkaansa estettävän. Aina lähemmäksi tulivat valko-ihoiset;
nyt olivat he tuskin parinsadan askeleen päässä. Ne, jotka vielä
kapusivat kallioilla, juoksivat alas, yhdistyen muuhun joukkoon,
samalla kun Hanso näki vaimojen heidän takanaan pakenevan
lasten kanssa. Tahtoivatko miehet ryhtyä vastarintaan? Nyt oli väli
tuskin sata askelta; mustia saattoi olla likemmä parisataa miestä ja
kymmenen valko-ihoista ryntäsi heitä vastaan. Nyt vaan
seitsemänkymmentä tahi kahdeksankymmentä askelta, jo näkyi
kuinka mustat kohottivat heittokeihäitään, tehdäkseen vihollista niin
kykenemättömäksi tappeluun kuin mahdollista. Silloin huusi Hanso:
"Pysäys! Ampukaa keskelle joukkoa ja kitatkaa sitte pian uudelleen.
Pitäkää vaari! Yks!" Ukkosen jyrinän tapaisena kaikui kuulasade
villienpakkaantuneessa joukossa.

Seuraus oli hirmuinen; vaan nyt ei jäänyt jälelle yhtään ainoata

koko joukosta. Niinkuin säikäytetyt metsänotukset kääntyivät he
hurjaan pakoon pitkin laaksoa, seurattuina valkoihoisten
hurrahuudoilta. Näistä ei kukaan liikkunut paikaltaan ennenkuin
uudelleen oli latannut kivärinsä ja nyt vasta he kiiruhtivat pakenevien
vihollisien perästä sille paikalle, jossa tiesivät toverien olevan ja sitte
ylös kallioita auttamaan näitä, jos ne olivat sen tarpeessa.

Se oliki paras aika. Kullakin heistä oli ainoastaan kaksi patruunia

ja mahdottomalta kuin heistä näytti päästä rannalle ja vastustaa tätä
villilaumaa, olivat he jo varustauneet kuolemaa vastaanottamaan ja
päättäneet säästää viimisen luodin itsiään vasten, etteivät edes
elävinä tulisi verenhimoisten villien käsiin. Kaikki olivatkin jo
haavoitetut, kumpaisetki perämiehet kolmella keihäällä. Bob ei
myöskään helposti ja Jack raiskalla oli ruumiissaan seitsemän
keihästä, joista tosin viisi oli haavoittanut käsiä ja jalkoja, vaan
kahden jälkeen oli vaarallisemmat haavat, koska ne olivat
tunkeuneet selän kautta ruumiisen. Onneksi ei niillä ollut väkää,
joten ne olivat jo vedetyt ruumiista; vaan hän kärsi hirmuisia tuskia ja
valitti janoansa, vaikka ei kukaan taitanut hankkia hänelle veden
tippaakaan.

Kuin Hanso oli kiivennyt ylös jyrkkää rinnettä myöten ja ilolla

tuntenut molemmat perämiehet, ojensivat nämä kätensä häntä kohti
ja Black sanoi: "Hanso, minun rohkea poikani, te tulitte oikeaan
aikaan; puolen tahi neljännes tuntia myöhemmin ja emme enää
olleet elossa. Vaan mistä tulevat kaikki nämä miehet?"

"Eräästä kuunarista, herra; se on tiellä sanalla sanoen onkinut

meidät mereltä."

"Tämä on ollut Jumalan suoma — ja ettekö ole nähneet katteini

Oilytt'iä?"

"Me löysimme hänen tuolla ylhäällä; hän on kuollut ja villit ovat

ruumiistaan tehneet seulan."

"Vai niin… sitte hän on saanut mielettömyydestään

rangaistuksen."

"Vaan missä ovat tavaran-hoitaja ja kokki?"

"Kokki kaatui villien ensimäisessä hyökkäyksessä. Emme voineet

ottaa häntä myötä. Tavaran-hoitaja makaa tuolla ylhäällä kivien
välissä. Ei kumpainenkaan heistä tunne enää kipuja."

"Onneton tohtori! Kirvesmies ja Jim ovat myös murhatut

venheesen."
 "Ne verenhimoiset ihmiset!" sanoi merimies; "vaan kyllä te olette
hyvästi maksaneetkin heidän pahat tekonsa ja tätä tarpeellista
muistutusta eivät niinkään pian unhottane."

"Emmekö nyt, Black, mene tuonne alhaalle veden luokse?" sanoi

Ovens.
"Ne mustat roistot eivät nyt varmaankaan estä meitä enään."

"Mille vedelle?" kysyi Hanso, ja Ovens kertoi hänelle, kuinka kivien

takana olivat löytäneet vesikuopan, vaan siellä olivat mustat
hyökänneet kimppuunsa keihäillä. Hanso puisteli päätään ja sanoi:
"Jos niin on, kyllä he nytkin puollustavat paikkaa samoin; minä
tunnen heidät. Tämä on luultavasti su'un ainoa vesikuoppa koko
tienoolla. Jos tämä otetaan heiltä, ovat he hukassa tahi ovat
pahoitetut vaeltamaan monta päivän-matkaa tullaksensa toiseen,
jonka vuoksi he puollustavat sitä viimiseen saakka; muutoin olisivat
he jo kauan sitte peljättyjen tuli-aseitten edestä paenneet
erämaihinsa. Ei, Black, jos seuraatte minun neuvoani, niin
palaamme laivalle mitä sukkelammin; sitä paitsi on meillä kyllin työtä
kuolleiden kuljettamisessa ja kuunarin katteini on käskenyt meidän
palaamaan ennen auringon laskua. Missä on kokki?"

"Tuolla kallioiden alla, lähellä vesikuoppaa."

"Sitte hän saapi siellä ollakin; me emme saa kuolleiden tähden

panna terveiden ihmisten elämää alttiiksi. Jack’in kannamme ja
tavaran-hoitaja saapi myös rehellisen hautauksen, jos vaan sen
voimme hänelle hankkia. Bill, johtakaa te väkeä ja lähtekää vaan
liikkeelle. Jack-raiska tarvitsee hyvän hoidon."

"Vaan nyt ei enää", sanoi Black katsoen haavoitettua. "Hän

taistelee kuoleman kanssa."
 Hänellä oli oikeus, haavoitetun elämän lanka oli kohta katkennut.
Näytti kuin olisi hän tahtonut nousta ylös ja Hanso juoksikin jo
ottamaan häntä vastaan; vaan hän vaipui taas takaisin, veti itsensä
pitkäkseen ja oli kuollut.

Muiden haavoja pakotti ja ne voivat kuumuudessa pahentua; oli

siis sitä parempi, mitä pikemmin pääsivät laivalle. Jean, Francois, Bill
ja Bob tarttuivat tovereihin ja kantoivat heidät rinnettä alas ja kun pari
kuunarin miehistäkin auttoi, pääsivät he pian ainakin sille paikalle,
jossa tavaran-hoitaja oli. Myös tämänkin ottivat he myötä ja joskin
ruumiiden kuljettaminen jyrkkiä kallioita ylös oli hankalata, onnistui
se kuitenkin.

Siellä makasivat kuolleet villit; näky oli surettava. Eräs rippui

puoliruumiistaan viertämällä. Heidän seassaan oli myöskin tuskin
yhdeksän vuotias poika, johon luoti oli sattunut. Valko-ihoiset luulivat
tehneensä vallan oikein ja kuitenkin olivat mustat omassa
isänmaassaan ainoastaan puollustaneet sitä, joka itsensä ja
perheensä toimeentulolle oli tarpeellista — vettä.

Vaan merimiehillä ei ollut aikaa pysähtyä ruumisten luo, ja kun

tulivat katteinia nostamaan, vaati se kaikki heidän voimansa. Black
otti huostaansa kuolleen kirjan ja taskukellon, joka oli erään mustan
lähellä, jättääksensä ne katteinin perheelle. Myöskin hänen
kirjelaukkunsa löysivät he vähän matkaa siitä. Eräs villi oli tosin
ottanut sen halttuunsa, vaan heittänyt sen tarpeettomana
kappaleena pois.

Puolentoista tunnin kuluttua pääsivät he rannalle ja venhettä

odottaessaan koettelivat he sammuttaa janoansa mehevillä
hedelmillä, joita suuri joukko vielä oli metsässä.
 Puolen tuntia sen jälkeen tuli venhe; kaksi kertaa täytyi kulkea
edestakaisin viemässä lukuisammaksi tullutta väestöä parkaasiin
ynnä ruumiita ja noutaa sitte jälkeen jääneet. Villit eivät enää
hätyyttäneet, sillä luultavasti olivat nämä kahakassa kärsineet
suurempaa vahinkoa kuin nyt taisi luullakaan ja katselivat kaiketi
ilolla väkinäisten vierasten poislähtöä.

Vene otti sitte parkaasin köyteen ja sousi kuunaria kohden, joka

myötätuulessa tuli vastaan.

Parkaasia eivät voineet käyttää. Se oli liian suuri sille vähäiselle

laivalle. Vaan sitä ei myöskään tahdottu jättää mustille, koska nämä
sillä olisivat voineet häiritä toisia laivoja. Kuunarin kirvesmies sai siis
käskyn tehdä sen käyttämättömäksi, jonka hän kirveellään neljännes
tunnissa toimittikin. Sen kokka vedettiin kuunarille ja kun koko pohja
oli lyöty ulos, laskettiin se takaisin järveen, jossa se vesiromuna sai
kulkea pitkin aaltoja.

Shootingstar-laivassa nostettiin sitte purjeet, jotka raitis itätuuli

täytti ja neljännestunti myöhemmin, juuri kun aurinko tulipunaisena
laskeusi mereen pikku laivan kokan edessä, purjehti tämä, joka
salmeen oli ennättänyt niin hyvissä ajoin, myötätuulessa rannikkoa
pitkin Intian valtamereen.
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