Empire Ascendant: The British World,

Race, and the Rise of Japan, 1894-1914

Cees Heere
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OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 02/12/19, SPi

Empire Ascendant
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Empire Ascendant
The British World, Race, and
the Rise of Japan, 1894–1914

CEES HEERE

1
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 02/12/19, SPi

1
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
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It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
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© Cees Heere 2020
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
First Edition published in 2020
Impression: 1
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a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
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above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
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ISBN 978–0–19–883739–8
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198837398.001.0001
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 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 02/12/19, SPi

Acknowledgements

A great number of people and institutions contributed to the conception,

­prep­ar­ation, and writing of this book. Much of the original research was made
possible through the generous financial support of the British Association for
Canadian Studies, the Dr Hendrik Muller Fund, the Fundatie Vrijvrouwe van
Renswoude, the London School of Economics, the Royal Historical Society, the
Japanese Studies programme at the Suntory and Toyota Centre for Economic
Research and Development, and the Roosevelt Institute for American Studies,
which also offset the costs of image reproductions. I have incurred debts of a dif­
ferent kind to the archivists and librarians without whom little historical research
of any kind would be possible, least of all a project such as this, which builds on
archival materials spread out across three continents. Full acknowledgements are
given in the bibliography, but special thanks are due to Jennifer Toews at the Fisher
Library in Toronto and to Paul Horsler, my subject librarian at the London School
of Economics. I am also grateful to those institutions that have made historical
materials freely accessible to distant researchers in digital format. Australia’s Trove
and New Zealand’s Papers Past were indispensable resources, as were the various
iterations of Hansard cited in the bibliography. I also made extensive use of the
digital repositories of Cornell University Library, the Library and Archives of
Canada, and the Australian National Archives. I am grateful to my fellow travel­
lers, Benjamin Mountford, Jesse Tumblin, John Mitcham, and Graeme Thompson,
whose insights sharpened my own throughout the writing of this book.
Many colleagues and friends offered advice on the book or commented on the
manuscript in its various incarnations. The greatest thanks are due to my doctoral
supervisor, Antony Best, who saw potential in this project and helped nurture it
to fruition. I have benefited from his support and insight in more ways than I can
acknowledge. I am especially grateful to Tom Doherty, Justin Hart, Joanna Lewis,
Graeme Thompson, Naoko Shimazu, Takahiro Yamamoto, and the three an­onym­
ous reviewers for Oxford University Press for their comments and ideas. My doc­
toral examiners, Carl Bridge and John Darwin, brought a kind but discerning eye
to the book in an earlier stage. Jesse Tumblin and John Mitcham advised on its
completion. I remain, as ever, grateful to Chai Lieven for his wisdom and support.
My colleagues at the Roosevelt Institute, Dario Fazzi, Leontien Joosse, Damian
Pargas, Giles Scott-Smith, Paul Brennan, Celia Nijdam, Nanka de Vries, Debby
Esmée de Vlugt, and the interns who have presided over its magnificent library
all provided moral and intellectual support during the final stages of writing.
 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 02/12/19, SPi

vi Acknowledgements

Finally, I am indebted to the staff of Oxford University Press and its partners, and
especially to Cathryn Steele for her patience and encouragement.
Writing can be a lonely process, and it would have been still more so but for the
company and forbearance of friends in London, the Netherlands, and further
afield. I am especially grateful to Ece Aygün, Bastiaan Bouwman, Alexandre Dab,
Elif Durmus, Oliver Eliot, Marianna Ferro, Dominika Gamalczyk, Scott Gilfillan,
Jonas Fossli Gjersø, Anne Irfan, Jin Lim, Tommaso Milani, Anika Mashru, Arne
Muis, Eline van Ommen, Nilofar Sarwar and Morten Fausbøll, Simon Toner, Max
Skjönsberg, Wesley Stuurman, Yu Suzuki, and Takahiro Yamamoto. Above all,
I have relied on the love and support of my family, Thijs, Albert, and Sophia Heere.
This book is dedicated to the memory of my grandmother, Elze Heere-Bijlsma,
who fostered my love for history in more ways than she ever knew.
 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 02/12/19, SPi

Contents

List of Figures ix
List of Abbreviations xi
Note on Names and Style xiii

Introduction1
1. ‘The Englands of East and West’: Britain and Japan, Empire
and Race, 1894–1904 8
2. A War for Civilization: The Russo-Japanese War, 1904–5 46
3. ‘The Inalienable Right of the White Man’: Contact and
Competition in China 78
4. Empire and Exclusion: The Japanese ‘Immigration Crisis’ 100
5. The Pacific Problem: Race, Nationalism, and Imperial Defence 130
6. Alliance and Empire: British Policy and the
‘Japanese Question’, 1911–14 158
Conclusion194

Bibliography 199
Index 217
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List of Figures

1.1. ‘Those Links of Kinship’, The Bulletin, 5 October 1901 40

1.2. ‘The Motherland’s Misalliance’, The Bulletin, 1 March 1902 44
2.1. ‘Regained!’, Punch, or the London Charivari, 11 January 1905 47
2.2. ‘Vote for the Conservatives, Who Gave You the Alliance’, 1905,
BLPES, Coll Misc 0519-22 65
5.1. ‘The Audience on the Japanese Night at the Princess’ Theatre’, Punch
[Melbourne], 24 May 1906 131
6.1. ‘That Alliance’, Punch [Melbourne], 20 July 1911. NLA Newspaper Collection 176
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List of Abbreviations

AWM Australian War Memorial, Canberra

BL British Library, London
BLO Bodleian Library, Oxford
BLPES British Library of Political and Economic Science
CAPD Commonwealth of Australia Parliamentary Debates
CCAC Churchill College Archives Centre, Cambridge
CGEM The Correspondence of G. E. Morrison, Vol. I: 1895–1912, ed.
Lo H.-M. (Cambridge, 1976)
CID Committee of Imperial Defence
CL/WDS W. D. Straight Papers, Cornell University Library, Ithaca, NY
CPD Canadian Parliamentary Debates
CRL Cadbury Research Library, Birmingham
CUL Cambridge University Library
DUL/AG Albert Grey, 4th Earl Grey Papers, Durham University Library
FRBL/JOPB J. O. P. Bland Papers, Fisher Rare Book Library, Toronto
ICS Institute for Commonwealth Studies
LAC Library and Archives Canada, Ottawa
LAC/WL Wilfrid Laurier Papers, Library and Archives Canada
LAC/WLMK William Lyon Mackenzie King Papers, Library and Archives Canada
LHC Liddell Hart Centre for Military Archives, London
LTR The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, 8 vols, ed. E. E. Morison (Cambridge,
MA, 1951–4)
ML Mitchell Library, Sydney
NAA National Archives of Australia, Canberra
NCH North China Herald
NI News International Archive, London
NLA National Library of Australia, Canberra
NMM National Maritime Museum, Greenwich
NSWPD New South Wales Parliamentary Debates
NZH New Zealand Herald
NZPD New Zealand Parliamentary Debates
PA Parliamentary Archives
SOAS School of Oriental and African Studies
SMH Sydney Morning Herald
SPG Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
TNA The National Archives, Kew
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Note on Names and Style

I have tried to render terms, names, and places from non-European languages into
English using the transliteration systems most commonly in use today. Chinese
names are given in Pinyin throughout, with the exception of Manchurian place
names that feature in the original sources, and whose modern rendering often
differs significantly. Here I use the contemporary name, followed by the modern
one in brackets, e.g. Mukden [Shenyang], Port Arthur [Lüshun], and Newchwang
[Yinkou]. Japanese names and terms have been rendered with macrons (e.g. ō, ū)
retained as a pronunciation aide, except in case of well-known place names such as
Tokyo (not Tōkyō). In keeping with regional custom, Japanese and Chinese names
are given with the family name followed by the given name.
This book deals extensively with late nineteenth and early twentieth century
perceptions of Japanese ‘race’, and thus it reproduces terminology from its source
material that may strike modern audiences as coarse or offensive. A work such as
this, which highlights the centrality of racial ideology to British perspectives on
their imperial system and the world it inhabited, must use the terms in which
these ideas were expressed. For this, I ask the reader’s understanding.
The late nineteenth century saw a shift in the mental geography of the British
Empire, as India declined and the settler colonies rose to prominence in imperial­
ist discourse. As the English radical J. A. Hobson famously observed in 1902, a
‘curious blindness’ had descended on ‘the average educated Briton when asked to
picture to himself our colonial Empire. Almost instinctively he visualises Canada,
Australia, and only quite recently South Africa—the rest he virtually ignores’.1 It is
with this caveat in mind that the book often uses the terms ‘colonies’ and ‘colonial’
to refer to the larger settler colonies, until 1907, when the more appropriate term
‘dominions’ becomes available. Similarly, it should be noted that con­tem­por­ary
phrases such as ‘white Australia’, ‘the white colonies’, or even the ‘white empire’,
denoted an aspirational self-identification rather than a material reality: all five of
the post-1907 dominions (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and
Newfoundland) contained large indigenous and immigrant populations that were
to varying degrees excluded from membership of the colonial nation.

1 Hobson, Imperialism, p. 124.

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RUSSIA

Sakhalin
Harbin

Newchwang Mukden Vladivostok

Peking
Port Arthur KOREA
JAPAN

Tokyo
Osaka
CHINA

Shanghai

Taiwan
Hong Kong

Philippines

0 500 miles
East Asia, 1895–1914
0 500 kilometres
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Introduction

Hurrah the day! hurrah the day!

The East and West stand side by side.
The land where shines the rising sun,
And the land that knows no setting sun,
In alliance their hands have joined.
The alliance this day we celebrate,
’Tis a flag of peace raised for the world.
‘The Students’ Song’, Japan Times, 16 February 1902

On the evening of 14 February 1902, the staff of the British legation in Tokyo
witnessed a great movement of lights coming towards them through the winter
darkness. There were over a thousand of them: small oil-lanterns, carried by
students of the Keio Gijuku, the capital’s oldest and most prestigious school of
‘Western learning’, who held them aloft in celebration of the Anglo-Japanese
alliance that had been announced two days before. The parade had started at
dusk, and proceeded through the streets of Tokyo to the applause of a growing
crowd of spectators. First came a man-sized lantern, emblazoned with large kanji
proclaiming eternal Anglo-Japanese friendship. Then followed the headmaster,
Fukuzawa Ichitarō, whose father, Fukuzawa Yukichi, had founded the school in
1858 as an incubator for a modern Japanese elite. He rode on horseback and in
uniform, ‘as commander-in-chief of the procession’, leading the student band as it
played ‘Rule Britannia’ and a specially composed ‘Song of the Anglo-Japanese
alliance’. Then followed the school’s ‘rank and file’: fifteen hundred boys, each
carrying a lantern on a stick, marching and singing. ‘As they passed along the
streets, the sky was fairly illuminated’, noted a correspondent for the Japan Times.
‘The effect was splendid.’1 At the entrance to the legation, the band launched into
‘God Save the King’, and the students let up a chorus of ‘banzai’ (or ‘ten thousand
years’), while the British minister, Sir Claude Macdonald, looked down from the
balcony with a look of ‘great satisfaction’. In the weeks that followed, further cele-
brations were staged all across the empire, from the southern port of Nagasaki
(long Japan’s sole window on the West), to Shimonoseki, Osaka, Nagoya, and
Kyoto, where thousands attended a ceremony in honour of the alliance at the

1 ‘Torchlight Procession of the Keio-Gijuku Students’, Japan Times, 16 February 1902.

Empire Ascendant: The British World, Race, and the Rise of Japan, 1894–1914. Cees Heere, Oxford University Press (2020).
© Cees Heere.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198837398.001.0001
 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 19/11/19, SPi

2 Empire Ascendant

Heian shrine. ‘The Japanese can hardly contain their delight at the new alliance’,
one foreign observer noted. ‘It is unquestionably a triumph for them that the one
power which on principle has abstained from alliances should now enter into
an alliance, on terms of perfect equality, with the Japanese, who are of an utterly
different race.’2
Japan could celebrate its alliance with Great Britain, the world’s leading
im­per­ial power, as a moment of initiation—a sign that four decades after the
country’s forceful ‘opening’ to foreign trade it had at last been admitted to the
society of ‘civilized’ states. But for the British, the formation of the alliance repre-
sented an altogether more ambiguous reckoning with the altered circumstances
of their ‘world-system’.3 The British nineteenth century had been an era of
optimism, bolstered by imperial expansion, economic growth, and a borderline
utopian belief in the transformative power of industrial modernity. The twentieth,
by contrast, seemed poised to bring with it rivalry, conflict, and decline. The war
in South Africa (1899–1902) had shaken confidence in Britain’s ability to compete
in a worldwide struggle for ‘efficiency’ against an expanding cast of imperial
rivals.4 Economically, Britain had ceded its manufacturing edge to the United
States and Germany. In the Middle East, India, and China, its strategic position
was under pressure from an expanding Russia. The ‘imperial union’ with the
settler col­onies—Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and a unified South Africa—
on which British imperialists had pinned their hopes for geopolitical survival,
had failed to materialize. The Empire and the Century, a collection of essays pub-
lished to mark the centenary of Trafalgar in 1905, struck a recessional note. ‘Will
the empire last?’, one writer wondered. ‘Does it rest on permanent foundations, or
is it only a political organism in a certain stage of decomposition?’5
Set against this gloomy picture, the rise of Japan offered a striking contrast. The
speed and efficacy with which the Meiji state had adopted the hallmarks of
modernity, ranging from telegraphs and railways to a centralized administration,
a parliamentary constitution (1889), an industrializing economy, and a Western-
style army, was without parallel in nineteenth-century Asia, though many sought
to emulate its example.6 Following its successive military triumphs over China
(1894–5) and Russia (1904–5), Japan became the first Asian state to re-join the
society of ‘civilized nations’, whose membership had been practically confined to

2 Baelz, Awakening Japan, p. 154.

3 I borrow the term from John Darwin, The Empire Project, pp. 1–12; see also Howe, ‘British Worlds,
Settler Worlds’, pp. 697–9.
4 For a contemporary example, see Anon., Decline and Fall of the British Empire; on the Edwardian
‘cult’ of ‘National Efficiency’, see Searle, The Quest for National Efficiency; Tonooka, ‘Reverse Emulation
and the Cult of Japanese Efficiency’.
5 Moneypenny, ‘The Imperial Ideal’, p. 23; on ‘declinism’ see also Darwin, ‘The Fear of Falling’.
6 On Japan’s ‘Meiji revolution’, see Jansen, Making of Modern Japan; Ravina, To Stand with the
Nations of the World; Tsuzuki, The Pursuit of Power in Modern Japan; for a global contextualization see
Darwin, After Tamerlane, pp. 219–94.
 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 19/11/19, SPi

Introduction 3

white Europeans. Even after 1900, Japan’s racial identity made it an international
outlier. Thus as one observer wrote of the Anglo-Japanese alliance, London had
been bold ‘to disregard all social, political and religious prejudice to the point of
allying themselves with the youngest nation, really only half-civilised, heathen,
and of the Yellow race’.7 Across much of the empire, the conclusion of the Anglo-
Japanese alliance ‘had come as an immense surprise’, noted the British governor-
general in Australia, ‘as there has always been a feeling that the electors would
look upon a “yellow alliance” as something unnatural and distasteful’.8 The impli-
cations for global race relations, first signalled by the alliance, would be further
clarified with the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War two years later. Japan’s
ascendancy, as one British commentator put it in 1904, heralded the end of the
‘era of inequality of the races’, and the coming of a world where ‘white and yellow
man must meet on an equal footing’.9 But there was the rub: would that world still
accommodate British rule in India, the economic exploitation of China, or the
exclusion of Asian immigrants from the self-declared ‘white men’s countries’ of
the Pacific?
Empire Ascendant explores the British encounter with Meiji Japan from the
Sino-Japanese War (1894–5) until the outbreak of the First World War. In particular,
it attempts to understand how contemporary perceptions of Japan’s Asian identity
structured and complicated its integration into an international order under-
girded by cultural and racial hierarchies. It is thus, in part, a history of the role of
race in international relations. But it is also an imperial history, which explores
how Japan’s rapid rise to ‘great power’ status resonated across a British imperial
system that was itself in a state of profound flux. Historians have typ­ic­al­ly treated
the metropolitan and colonial dimensions of the Anglo-Japanese relationship in
separate compartments. By contrast, this book brings both together to reveal an
interconnected story, in which settler-colonial dynamics in Australasia, Canada,
or the China coast, where racial visions of Japan were formed and mobilized in
their sharpest form, could interact, challenge, and conflict with diplomatic and
strategic decision-making processes in London. In the process, it portrays an
imperial system struggling to redefine its organization and purpose as it negotiated
the geopolitical upheavals of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
In this book, I explore the story of British engagement with Japan along the
twinned arcs of race and empire to develop two distinct (though related) argu-
ments. The first concerns the ambiguity of Japan’s international status as an Asian
power in a world order dominated by white Europeans and their transatlantic
progeny. Studies of Anglo-Japanese diplomacy have typically started from the
assumption that both powers engaged one another on the basis of rational

7 Hippisley to Morrison, 9 March 1902, ML, Morrison Papers, 312/160.

8 Hopetoun to Barton, 14 February 1902, NLA, Barton Papers, MS 51/9/918.
9 Wilson, ‘Japan’s Trafalgar’, pp. 782–3.
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