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1
iv
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by, Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
v
For
Melissa, Lena,
and my parents
vi
vi
Contents
Acknowledgments ix
Introduction 1
3. Reimagining Marriage 77
Epilogue 171
Notes 177
References 229
Index 245
vi
ix
Acknowledgments
x Acknowledgments
For that matter, I first learned German from Margy Winkler and Heidi Galer
at Iowa City West High School, and I do not see how I would have even
come to this project in the first place without their excellent teaching and
inspiration.
Numerous institutions and archives were critical to the development of
this book, notably the Fulbright Commission, which funded a year of re-
search in Berlin; the German Historical Institute, without whose training
in reading the old German script I would have floundered in many of the
archives I visited; and the Iowa City Noon Rotary Club and Doris G. Quinn
Foundation, both of which provided important funding throughout the re-
search and writing process. Archivists in Germany—especially the staff at
the Landesarchiv Berlin, the Zentral-und Landesbibliothek Berlin, and the
Deutsches Tagebucharchiv in Emmendingen—were also ever helpful and
friendly to me as I came and went each day and made the research experience
a degree less lonely and isolating.
Special thanks are due to Cornell College, where I teach and have been
welcomed warmly by my colleagues in both History and Modern and
Classical Languages, not to mention the entire college. The very first course
I taught at Cornell was an upper-level German seminar on the history of
Berlin, and that first class of five students was treated to some early material
from this book. From the very beginning, then, my students have been won-
derful and insightful interlocutors on the many themes and topics that make
up this book.
I am thankful also to my editor, Susan Ferber, for taking such a keen
interest in this book and shepherding it through to its completion, as well
as to the anonymous reviewers of the manuscript, whose comments and
critiques without question made this book better. My friend Suja Thomas also
deserves many thanks for her creative ideas, advice, and friendship along the
publishing road.
My gratitude to my family extends well beyond this book, but they of
course helped in a variety of ways on this project, too. My father-in-law used
countless frequent flyer miles to cover flights back and forth from Berlin so
I could visit my wife back in Iowa during my year of research. My mother-
in-law, too, provided critical support for us throughout the process. And my
wife’s great aunt, Dorothee, who lived in Munich until her death in 2014 at
the age of ninety-three, was a dear friend and incisive historical interlocutor.
My visits to her nursing home were always filled with much laughter and dis-
cussion about Germany, past and present, and I am sad that she is not here to
see the finished product.
xi
Acknowledgments xi
My mom and dad, brother and sister, grandparents, and wonderful in-laws
have been enthusiastic supporters of this book project and were always eager
to celebrate each milestone along the way. Special thanks are due to my mom
and dad, who, among many, many other things, provided a most idyllic and
nurturing upbringing and set me on a path for success and, more importantly,
happiness. My siblings and their families have made every step along the way
fun and memorable, and I am so very thankful to my grandpa and grandma
for their innumerable kindnesses over the years.
This book is a history of love and dating, and it is dedicated to my own
two loves: my wife, Melissa, and our daughter, Lena. Though she was not in
Berlin with me when I made my archival discoveries, Melissa was the first to
learn about each find, first to hear my ideas for weaving this story together,
and always full of outstanding ideas for making it better. She has read, edited,
and praised every part of this book, and it is infinitely better for it. And I am
infinitely better because of her.
As for my daughter, I was editing portions of this manuscript as a week-
old Lena lay sleeping in my arms, and I was sublimely happy. Lena will be just
under a year old when the first copies of this book are printed, and while she
is not yet old enough to read it, I hope and trust she will be proud of her dad
when she is.
xi
xi
Introduction
prospects, or, crucially, money. It soon became clear that while Frieda Kliem
was, paradoxically, totally unknown and, for a few weeks during 1914–1916, a
sensation about whom every Berliner was talking, she was also the consum-
mate turn-of-the-century Berliner. Apart from the fact that she was violently
murdered, her concerns, her joys, and her everyday existence were shared by
thousands upon thousands of other similarly ordinary Berliners whose lives
were unremarkable enough that they have all but been forgotten.1
<<
Love at Last Sight is about Frieda Kliem’s world—more specifically, about
the in-between people and places that held it all together. The turn-of-
the-century city, indeed, the modern world it typified, was filled with
the aspirations and anxieties of people like Frieda, people who were in a
perpetual state of becoming.2 For Frieda, as for so many Berliners at the
time, “becoming” was all about becoming middle class, which stood above
all for financial stability but also encompassed a set of social and cultural
markers that conferred status and respectability. Frieda moved in and out
of the middle class, but she spent most of her time somewhere between the
working class and the lower middle class. Indeed, while her upbringing in a
relatively prosperous rural family imbued her with some of the pretentions
of the middle class, her independent spirit, her move to the big city of Berlin,
and no doubt her gender seemed to set her back perpetually and leave her on
the boundary of middle-classness, ever striving for a stable rung on which to
plant her foot and move up the social ladder.
The historical questions Frieda Kliem’s life raises are not new. Scholars have
long sought to shed light on the complexities of class belonging and striving,
on the tensions of urban life, and on the way intangible desires and emotions
render each of these still more complicated and fraught. Yet employing Frieda
as a prism for these topics—and focusing on love, intimacy, and dating—
fractures many of the established ways of thinking about the city, the middle
class, and modernity itself, and it reveals the mix of excitement and risk of
trying to piece together modern love and middle-class respectability.
At the center of this book is the middle class, or at least the dream of
being middle class. Working-and lower-middle-class Berliners like Frieda
were keenly aware of their city’s hegemonic middle-class moral and cultural
norms, and practically all men and women of these classes harbored not only
the desire to achieve and adopt middle-classness for their own lives, but also
the sense that it was possible and achievable, whether through hard work,
3
Introduction 3
Introduction 5
to those looking for love and, at the same time, the “place of the enlarged ho-
rizon of opportunities.”19
The definition of love was itself also contested terrain, and these muddy
conceptual waters raised the stakes even further. For the most part, middle-
class society at the turn of the century approached love warily. Love marriages
had famously been on the rise since the beginning of the nineteenth century,
but strategic unions remained the favored middle-class means of connection.
Casual sexual relationships were common enough but not acknowledged in
public; nor were these allowed to count as “love.” And love—where it was so
named—was certainly always heterosexual for middle-class tastes.
For its part, the Meyers encyclopedia of 1905—a fixture of the respect-
able bourgeois home—defined love as “the irresistible impulse for union”
and insisted somewhat provocatively that the purely physical nature of
“sexual love” was something different altogether.20 Other references saw in
love the very “will of the ‘race’ for procreation and evolutionary betterment,”
while more cynical commentators, as historian Edward Ross Dickinson
puts it, understood love as “really just the need for a highly desirable item of
consumption—sex.”21
In this book, love as a category of analysis extends beyond sex; indeed, it
refers both to a discursive set of values and conventions, on one hand, and, on
the other hand, to the totality or interwoven sum of affections, connections,
desires, and tendernesses that were so magnetic and deeply meaningful
for the men and women whose lives fill these pages. At the same time, the
modern metropolis effectively decoupled love and sex more than ever before.
Prostitution, fleeting liaisons, and pragmatic unions forged out of economic
necessity (to able to afford an apartment, for example) all moved sex further
away from “emotional unity” or something necessarily deeply meaningful.
Even though love and sex surely continued to go hand in hand for some,
the inverse was potentially true for a great many others. By that same token,
intimacy, as in physical or emotional closeness, also acquired a new set of
meanings in the city. Whether close, physical and emotional connection with
others or mere companionship, intimacy is located somewhere between love
and sex on a spectrum of emotions, though it is perhaps harder in the abstract
to isolate intimacy from either love or sex. After all, one often found intimacy
in loveless sex, and it is intriguing to consider the massive business of urban
prostitution at the turn of the century as not just an economic exchange but
also the search for physical and emotional intimacy.
Same-sex love was complex in an age when both sex and marriage were il-
legal and had to exist in a liminal, risky space outside the public eye. This book
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