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The Relational Fabric of Community 1st ed. Edition Kenneth C. Bessant full chapter instant download
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The Relational Fabric of Community
Kenneth C. Bessant
The Relational Fabric of Community
Kenneth C. Bessant
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Nature America, Inc.
part of Springer Nature
The registered company address is: 1 New York Plaza, New York, NY 10004, U.S.A.
To my dear wife, Josie, for her constant support and encouragement
and
my late mother, Ida, for her immense respect for education
Foreword
vii
Contents
Afterword 237
Index 243
ix
CHAPTER 1
Conceptualizing Community
Academic discussions of community commonly draw upon a primordial
image of intimate social relationships, as contrasted with a more dissocia-
tive, contemporary way of life. Tönnies’ (1887/1957) quintessential view
of Gemeinschaft is often cited when authors harken back to a primordial,
socially embedded mode of existence that many deem to be fundamentally
lost. Delanty (2003) indicates that, from ancient Greek times to the
Enlightenment, the idea of community conveyed a “lifeworld” of direct
social relationships, commonality, sociality, and belonging, as distinct from
the rather stark and distant state. According to Tyler (2006), one of the
earliest understandings of community was that of “an organised body of
people,” which shifted, in the Renaissance, to matters of relationship,
INTRODUCTION: THE ENIGMA OF COMMUNITY 3
shared identity, and common good (pp. 21–22). He remarks that the
notion of community did not signify the members of a particular locale
until the modern era. And, so, some of the complexity of the community
concept stems from the accumulation of its diverse uses, as well as ongoing
efforts to reframe its meaning (Tyler, 2006).
Sociological definitions of community during the mid-twentieth cen-
tury typically outlined very general characteristics or inventories of dimen-
sional criteria. Parsons (1951) refers to community as a “collectivity” of
territorially situated people and their daily activities (p. 91). He treats
community as a localized context comprising actors who enter into rela-
tions with one another through social role complexes (e.g., familial or
occupational). In somewhat more elaborate terms, Mercer (1956) offers a
list of attributes deemed to be indicative of community: a geographical
area, an agglomeration of people, a shared culture, a core set of social
institutions, a structure or system, and a functionally interdependent
round of existence (pp. 25–26). These and other representations of the
time reflect the influence of structural-functionalist and social system-
oriented thinking about community.
Hillery (1955) conducted one of the earliest meta-analytic studies
aimed at assessing the level of consensus across varied (i.e., 94) definitions
of community. He concludes that the most oft-mentioned aspects of com-
munity include territory or place, shared social ties, and localized interac-
tion (Hillery, 1955, p. 118). Thus conceived, community constitutes a
geospatial locale in which people meet their everyday needs, engage in
sustained interaction, and act together in relation to common interests,
concerns, or problems. These elements combine to form an archetypal
and, for some, a largely antiquated understanding of community. Some
thirty years later, Wilkinson (1986, 1991) specified similar criteria: locality,
organized social life, and goal-directed collective action. He also acknowl-
edged that contemporary change dynamics were perturbing the core ele-
ments of community in the direction of indeterminate geospatial
boundaries, escalating extra-local social ties, and a reduced capacity to act
together on generalized interests (Wilkinson, 1991, p. 5). Despite these
observations, Wilkinson contends that people still live in shared spaces,
experience larger society in and through localized social life and, periodi-
cally, engage in collective community action.
Contemporary theorists continue to revisit many of the same dimen-
sions of community. Chaskin (2008), for instance, indicates that “local”
community can be viewed as a unit of close association, belonging, and
4 K. C. BESSANT
Common Interest(s)
The interest-based conception of community broadly refers to individuals
coming together around a common concern or sentiment with which
they identify personally and collectively. Interaction can assume different
forms and intensities, ranging from highly durable, localized interper-
sonal relationships to sporadic, technologically mediated social ties. In
some instances, there may be little if any direct contact. The term “com-
munity of interest” can be used to describe everything from a loosely
connected collection of online “gamers” to a highly integrated, territorially
8 K. C. BESSANT
Communion
In addition to spatial and interest-based dimensions, community is regu-
larly defined in terms of emotion-laden bonds or communion. Although
the concept of “communion” lacks definitive meaning, it is typically asso-
ciated with affective attachments, common sentiments, or collective (sym-
bolic) identifications. Taylor (2016), for instance, refers to communion as
“relations of shared emotional bonding” (p. 55). The general notion of a
“community of communion” can be traced to Tönnies’ (1887/1957)
typification of a primordial, all-encompassing way of life—a “unity of
being” premised on Gemeinschaft of locality, mind, or kinship (p. 42). He
makes a distinction between a community stemming from common
“external” or objective characteristics (e.g., language or occupation), as
compared to the relationship-affirming bonds of a more unifying “inter-
nal” or subjective nature (Tönnies, 1925/1971, pp. 67–68). And, while
people may live in the same location, speak a common language, or pursue
a mutual interest, a true sense of Gemeinschaft is reflected in the members’
collective and conscious sense of belonging together as a group. Tönnies
further indicates that the objective attributes of community can give rise
to close-knit social relations. By virtue of living, interacting, and working
together, individuals can conceivably develop communalized feelings of
psychosocial and emotional connectedness.
In direct response to Tonnies’ (1887/1957) work, Schmalenbach
(1922/1961) addresses the conceptual confusion between “community”
and “communion,” the latter of which he suggests is intimately linked to
emotional dynamics (p. 332). Although he acknowledges that communal
bonds possess psychic properties (albeit largely unconscious), Schmalenbach
contends that communities are not based on “feelings.” He defines com-
munity as an association of people whose life experiences coalesce around
INTRODUCTION: THE ENIGMA OF COMMUNITY 11
matters of kinship, culture, tradition, and place, among other factors, out of
which heightened feelings of belonging may emerge. These conditions
can engender within individual members the psychic—and perhaps unrec-
ognized—bases of community. By comparison, the relations of communion
are far more intense, unstable, and transitory than those of everyday com-
munity life. Wild (1981) likewise defines communion as an affectively
intense mode of belonging. It is this intersection of affectivity and social
relationships that accounts for some of the definitional ambiguity associated
with both concepts.
Buber (1947/2002) tends to use the terms “community” and “com-
munion” interchangeably with respect to a deep sense of intersubjective
closeness and intimacy. He points to the communalized elaboration of
mutual relations and existential openness to others. Communion involves
being drawn together in collective responsibility, affinity, and relation. For
Buber (1947/2002), genuine community or communion occurs when
members turn “unreservedly” to one another in true dialogue (p. 4). This
resonates with Stein’s (1917/1970) characterization of empathy as “being-
turned-toward” and acquiring an understanding of the other (p. 8).
Buckley (1992) discusses a related idea with respect to Edmund Husserl’s
notion of “authentic community,” which emerges when individuals are
able to build meaningful social relationships and social bonds with one
another (pp. 214, 220). In this sense, authentic community exists by virtue
of members willing and acting together in the pursuit of a common good
(see Bessant, 2011; Hart, 1992). It represents a “higher-order” communal
life that is founded on and inseparable from its co-constituents.
Calhoun (1980) makes the point that, at its core, the study of commu-
nity is concerned with social relationships, which can give rise to social–
psychological aspects of integration, belonging, and attachment.
Community is held together by intricate, multiplex relations that facilitate
a shared sense of belonging and collective identification. Selznick (1992)
similarly suggests that community stems from the basic human inclination
toward “interaction, commitment, and responsibility” (p. 359). However,
he cautions against equating community with communion insofar as he
considers the latter a form of “psychic unity” (Selznick, 1996, p. 201).
Selznick is adamant that community life cannot flourish in the face of
communal fusion. For some, a deep sense of collective attachment, soli-
darity, and belonging (i.e., communion) represents the penultimate basis
of community, while others view it as a foreboding condition of merged
social life. It would seem that a distinction can be drawn between a “com-
munity” of interconnected social interactions and relationships and a
“communion” of more emotionally charged sentiments or bonds.
12 K. C. BESSANT