(1) 'Local governance in India remains hamstrung and ineffective', critically examine

the statement and suggest the reason for the poor performance of local self-governance
in India.
In the era of globalization, decentralization is a principal countervailing trend which
can ensure that the growth process is inclusive. The idea of ‘Democratic
decentralization’ is based on the ‘principle of subsidiarity’ which means that what can
be done at a particular level should be done at that level and not at a higher level.
Thus, it is a means to strengthen the democratic fabric through participative
governance and responsive public service delivery according to the diversified
preferences of the people.
• Contribution of local government to governance structure.
• Enhance accountability of elected representatives
Local government provides a forum in the form of Gram Sabha for accountability that
can compel an elected representatives to face constituency periodically. The
accountability of representatives can be increased through provisions for continuing
social audit of their performances in the gram sabha and ward committees.
• Ensure enhanced and efficient performance of public facilities.
The main aim of political decentralization is to ensure that citizens are provided with
more power in decision making and implementation of public policies this will ensure
efficient performance of public facilities relevant to diverse interest in the society than
those provided by centralized authority. Moreover , such arrangement ensure that the
local governments are bound to take an active interest in the performance of public
institutions within their domains as compared to state and Central authorities located
far away from these institutions.
• Increased local participation strengthens democracy and its legitimacy.
Local government provides opportunities to involve people particularly those sections
hitherto excluded from the developmental process. The local government provides the
institutional structure to facilitate participatory and inclusive democracy either
through elections or reservation of seats for women, SCs and STs. From this
 perspective decentralization is a tool to improve the legitimacy of the democratic
system.

• In the Indian context 73rd and 74th constitutional amendment act (1992) has been
hailed as a big step towards the principle of democratic decentralization as it provides
the constitution status to the local government institutions in India.
• The 73rd and 74th amendment Act has strengthened the process of Democratic
decentralization in India in following ways----
(i) It created the institutions of direct democracy and made it mandatory to create 3-tier
Panchayati Raj system.
(ii) It provided for regular elections and established in dedicated institution (state
election commission) for the purpose.
(iii) In order to make democracy inclusive, it introduces reservation for the members of
neglected section of society such as SC's ST's and women.
• However it has been argued that 73rd and 74th amendment Act is a compromised
document and is considered as Half-Baked Cake or 'Bad Panchayati Raj'. There are
inherent weakness in the institution of Democratic decentralization as created by the
acts ----
• As a compulsory provision, it creates the institutional structures, but powers and
functions have been left with the state government. In addition, the provisions, on
which states have objections, have been made voluntary and left on states' will and
capacity.
• Though uniform institutions have been created, yet activity mapping has not been done
and, thus, there are variation among States.
• Gram Sabha doesn't have any significant power and functions as it has not been
provided by the acts.
• The Act ensures regular elections but doesn't suggest grounds for dissolution of
Panchayats which has been left entirely on the state governments.
• The state governments have been reluctant in devolution of funds and decentralize the
planning process.
• Thus, it is said that the 73rd and 74th Amendment Acts have introduced the skeleton,
while flesh and blood has been left on the state governments. This has failed to create
the required political environment in the country necessary for the sufficient
democratic decentralization in India. According to 2 nd ARC, local self-government is
the lowest tier of the government but not the least important. Thus, Punchhi
commission and 2nd ARC strongly recommended the proper implementation of the
‘Principle of subsidiarity’ and devolution of funds, functions and functionary to the
local governments.

(2) ‘Municipal governance has once again taken the center stage in Indian polity’.
Discuss. What has been the steps taken by the present government to address the state
of urban governance in recent years?
(i) In the era of globalization, decentralization is the principal counter-vailing trend,
which can ensure that the growth process is inclusive. In the Indian context, 73 rd and
74th constitutional Amendment Acts have been hailed as big step towards the principal
of ‘democratic decentralization’.
(ii) Urban areas (cities and towns) have been recognized as the engines of economic
growth –
• While cities and towns occupy only 2% of the total land, they contribute approx. 70%
of the GDP.
(ii) According to HPEC Report, higher levels of per capita are associated with higher
levels of urbanization across the country.
(iii) Cities play a vital role in faster growth of the economy, which requires a rising share
of industry and service sectors. Cities generate economies of urban agglomeration
and act as centres of knowledge and innovation and, thus , pull people out from
agricultural to industry and services.
• According to United Nations Population Fund Report(UNPFA), the world population
is turning urban. About 3.3 billion people live in urban areas and by 2030, about more
than half of the world’s population will shift to urban areas. In the Indian context, the
 annual growth in urban population between 2010 and 2015 was 1.1%, which is
highest among major economies (UN World Urbanization Prospects Report,2014).
Between 2015 and 2031, it is excepted to grow at CAGR of 2.1%.
• Due to the rapid enhancement of urbanization in India, arena of policy discourse has
been dominated by various initiatives such as smart cities, Swachh Bharat, AMRUT
to rejuvenate cities and housing for all.
AMRUT Mission and Progress so far
I. AMRUT, one of the flagship missions of the ministry of Housing and Urban
Affairs(MoHUA) was initiated to address the infrastructural challenges of water
supply and sewerage in 500 cities across the country. The central government has
approved the SAAP(State Annual Action Plan) for all states/UTs worth Rs.77640
crore for the entire mission in three years itself.
II. Under Amrut, 60 lakh households have been provided with new water tap connections
till August 2019. Similarly, investment of Rs 32,456 crore is underway under AMRUT
to enhance coverage of sewage from 31%(2011) to 62% by the end of mission period.
So far 40 lakh sewer connections have been added at household level in cities.

(3) 'India's aspirations for a five trillion economy depends on the centre and state
working together ' . Discuss. Suggest some of the recent concerns of the states with respect
to fiscal federalism in India .
Considering the diverse nature of Indian society Granville Austin has argued that the
Indian brand of federalism is based on 'inter-dependence' and internal 'give & take'
between the centre and the states. Thus a/q to him, unlike other federal system, the
Indian constitution has envisaged a 'cooperative federalism', rather than a division of
union & states in water - tight compartments, in the joint pursuit of national
development.
One of the most dynamic aspect of federal relation between central & state
governments is the fiscal relation between them. Fiscal federalism is the economic
counterpart to political federalism, which is concerned with the assignment of
functions to different levels of government as well as with appropriate fiscal
instrument for carrying at their functions effectively. However, the constitution has
distributed the resources in such a way that high yielding taxes has been under the
union government . Resources available to the states are very few , necessitating states
financially heavily dependent on the union .
However , a/q to Y.V. Reddy & G.R. Reddy in their book ' India's Fiscal Federalism '
, there has been momentous changes in India's fiscal federalism since 2014 which is
evident in developments such as establishment of NITI Aayog on the principle of
cooperative federalism , restructuring of centrally sponsored schemes (CSSs) ,
institutionalization of ' One Nation , One Tax ' (GST) etc.

However , despite these changes in India's fiscal federalism, there has been significant
concerns of the states regarding their fiscal autonomy (a) with respect to GST
considered to be the biggest tax reform since independence . GST is based on the
principle of 'One Nation, One Tax'. However , despite the federal nature of the council
, the centre holds an undemocratic veto power over all decisions . In the GST council
the centre will have a third of the voting rights , with the balance of two - third equally
shared among all states . The pleas to make distinction amongst the states in
weightage is not being heard. A/Q to economist Prabhat Patnaik , under the Indian
constitution , states have complete autonomy over levy of sales taxes , which on
average , accounted for 80% of their revenue . In the Constitution Assembly debates ,
maintaining his position that the states have the right to collect sales tax a/q to their
needs, B.R. Ambedkar opposed an amendment to put a ceiling on the sales tax to be
levied by states. The GST is against this principle of the original constitution as the
GST council takes away the rights of states to decide taxes a/q to their socio-economic
necessities. Moreover restrictions imposed by a uniform tax region could adversely
impact states that are more committed to welfare expenditures.
One of the biggest strengths of the indian federal fiscal structure has been on
independent finance commission. Over the past few years, finance commission have
been moving towards greater decentralization of power, thereby giving more
autonomy to states to decide how to spend their resources in line with their specific
needs.
 However, the terms of reference (TOR) of the 15th finance commission, constituted in
November 2017, have generated a lot of discontent & debate. Some indian states,
especially southern states, feel that the TOR is heavily in favour of the union
government and it ignores the states performance on development indicators.
The terms of reference (TOR), which reflect the union governments view of the states
fiscal situation, includes following debatable terms---
• Discontinuance of revenue deficit grants (grants used to cover gop b/w states
revenue & expenditure).
• Restrictions on loans- The TOR recommend that the 15th FC should formulate
additional conditionalities for providing consent to states for borrowing. The states
feel that this condition encroaches upon their powers to borrow & spend and will
have adverse impact on developmental spending by the state. It disincentivizes
independent decision making by the states, an important tenet of cooperative
federalism.
• Use of 2011 census to calculate population for allocation of union tax revenue in
place of 1971 census unlike all FCs (since 7th FC) that have used 1971 census for
devolution of taxes, duties & grants-in-aid, the 15th finance commission is mandated
to use 2011 population date for its recommendations. This change will have
asymmetric effects on states. For southern states like Kerala, Tamilnadu etc, the
change will result in smaller shares in the common pool of revenues. There states
have achieved slower- population growth as they've managed to keep a check on
population growth unlike several of the northern indian states like UP and MP, Thus,
these southern states are discontented with the terms of reference of the 15th finance
commission as they feel they're being penalized for their good performance on family
planning and population control.
A/Q to Y.V. reddy and G.R. reddy, the unprecedented elements the centre has
introduced in TOR of the 15th finance commission render the constitutional body an
instrument of policy of the union government and a shift towards centralization.
Therefore, they suggest that Centre should accommodate states concerns in order to
reforms the overall architecture of fiscal federalism.
 A/Q to Duvvuri subbarao, former RBI governor, as the economic centre of gravity
shifting towards the staes, which is evident from the growing importance of states in
economic federalism, especially their critical role in creating a conducive investment
climate in the country (Ease of doing business), India’s growth as well as its
aspiration for a $5 trillion economy, hinges on cooperative federalism (i.e. centre &
state working together in the joint pursuit of national development).

(4)’More than five decades after India launched Green Revolution, its war on hunger is
far from won’. Comment. Enumerate the positive and negative consequences of Green
revolution in India.
• Green revolution, refers to the effects of HYV seeds during the 1960s, was aimed at
ensuring India’s national food security. Today, India has achieved self-reliance in
food grain production as it has become the world’s second largest producer of both
wheat and rice and the largest exporter of rice.
• However, India’s increase in total food production haven’t translated into
proportionate decrease in malnutrition. While over the last two or three decades
higher rates of economic growth, declining poverty and availability of staples have
led to reductions in the number of undernourished to around 15%, malnutrition
remains high. As a result, India ranks 103rd out of 119 countries on the International
Food Policy Research Institute’s (IFPRI) 2018 Global Hunger Index (GHI) and is
home to the largest number of malnourished people in the world, about one quarter
of the global total. While the rates of child malnutrition have diminished over the last
two decades, child wasting and stunting are still widespread. According to the 2018
Global Nutrition Report, in 2015 about 21% of all children under five were wasted
and 38% stunted. Today agricultural households account for 50% of extreme poverty
in India.
Impacts of Green Revolution
Positive
(i) India became self-sufficient in food production. It led to substantial increase in
agricultural output. The production of wheat increased from around 24 million
 tones(1970-71) to around 96 million tones in 2013-14 and production of rice
increased from around 31 million tones(1965-66) to around 106 million tones (2013-
14).
(ii) In economic term, it is treated as a revolution as agricultural sector experienced
growth at the rate of 3-5% per annum which was many times more than the rate of
growth during the colonial period.
Negative
• Big farmers, who own 10 hectares of land or more, are benefitted most from the Green
Revolution, as they’ve more financial resources to buy better seeds, fertilizers and
other required inputs. Thus, the green revolution increased the gap between rich and
poor farmers, which resulted in widespread socio-economic tensions. Thus, there was
significant reversed of gains from land reform process.
• Apart from interpersonal disparities, the Green revolution also led to increase in
regional disparity. The process was started in areas such as Punjab with sufficient
water supply etc and was hoped that these areas would become pole of growth and
development. However this didn’t happened. Apart from it, it further increased the
phenomena of regionalism.

(5) Critically examine the role of governor on the basis of recent case studies in India’s
cooperative federalism.
• The office and role of the Governor has emerged as one of the key issues in the Union-
state relations because of the Federal nature of Indian polity. According to the
Sarkaria commission, Governor is the 'linch-pin' of India's Federal structure . It has
to act as a communication link between the Union and the state.
• Governor is the chief executive official of the state and acts as a defender of the
Constitution in the state machinery. Under article 154, the executive power of the state
is vested in governor and all executive actions are taken in his name. In its landmark
judgement in UOI versus Valluri Basavaiah Chaudhary and others (1979) , the
 supreme Court, while emphasizing on the importance of the office of Governor, held
that the Governor, is a 'constitutional head of the state executive'.
• However, to quote Ambedkar, ‘ However a good constitution may be, if those who are
implementing it are not good, it will prove to be bad. Ambedkar's word of caution can
be aptly applied in the context of the office of governor. According to Sarkaria
commission, the office of governor has been criticized for partiality and lack of
objectivity and for being used by the Union government for its own political needs.
• The manner in which the discretionary power, given under Art 163, has been
exercised has been an extremely controversial aspect in the Indian Federal polity. It
has been exercised in an arbitrary manner in the interest of the centre. According to
soli Sorabjee, in his book ‘The Governor: Sage or Saboteur’ has held that arbitrary
exercise of the discretionary power has converted the institution of ‘cooperative
federalism’ to the institution of ‘Bargaining federalism’.
Instead of acting as an independent constitutional office of dignity, exercising
discretionary powers as 'safety valve' during emergency, the office of Governor has
been used as the centre’s Agent, which is against the spirit of federalism, a basic
structure of the Indian constitution.
• The role of governor has come under serious scrutiny in recent state legislative
assembly elections in the states of Goa, Manipur, Karnataka and Maharashtra. Article
164 (1), provides for the appointment of CM by the Governor, creates a wide room
for discretionary power of the governor in case of 'hung' assembly . But this
discretionary power has been misused by the Governor in the interest of the centre.
• Goa and Manipur (2017) - Governors of the states didn't invite the largest party to
form the government .ln Goa, BJP got 13 seats and INC-17 seats and in Manipur, BJP
secured 21 seats as against 28 seats of INC.
• Karnataka (2018) and Maharashtra (2019) - Governors of the respective States did
exactly the opposite and invited single largest party to form the government . Apart
from it, Governor didn't ask the invited party to prove its majority in the house as soon
as possible, which increased the likeliness of malpractices such as horse trading of
MLAs, defections etc.
 These cases, involving arbitrary use of discretionary power by Governor, has led to a
serious decline in public trust in the office of Governor.

• However, despite these controversies, the office of Governor still assumes a vital
importance having multifaceted role. According to the supreme court, in Hargovind
versus Raghukul Tilak case (1979), the office of Governor is an independent
constitutional office of dignity, which is not subject to the control of the union
government. According to the Punchhi commission, the importance of Governor has
not declined, rather it has increased because there has been growth in internal
security threats like communal violence.
Thus, in order to maintain the dignity and relevance of the governor's office, the
Governor should use his discretionary powers not as ‘representative of a party’, but,
according to Ambedkar, as a ‘representative of the people as the whole of the state’.

(6) Critically examine effectiveness of interstate water Dispute Act,1956. Enumerate

the salient features of recent amendments in Inter-state water dispute Act
• The Inter-state relations in India run along the lines of both conflict and cooperation.
Sharing of water and territories are among the contentions issues between two or
more States.
• The interstate water disputes are one of the most contiguous issues in the context of
Indian federalism. This is so because in India many rivers run connecting two or more
states and most of them are swamped with interstate disputes.
Issues with the highest ISWD Act (1956)
(i) A separate tribunal how to me established for each Inter-state river water dispute. It
took 20 years to constitute the tribunal for cauvery water dispute.
(ii) Inordinate delay in securing settlement of such disputes tribunals Kaveri and Ravi-
Beas have been in existence for over 26 and 30 years respectively without any award.
(iii) Lack of uniform standards which could be applied in resolving such disputes.
 • However, in addition to the inherent defect in the constitution design and mechanism
to deal with these disputes, the Nexus between water and politics often subverts and
sabotage their resolution. Thus, it become a matter of responsibility of the union to
regulate into state river in the national interest.
• In pursuance of this responsibility, national government has introduced changes in
the interstate water dispute act 1956 with a view to streamline the adjudication of
interstate water disputes and make the present legal and institutional architecture
robust.
Key provisions of the interstate water Disputes (Amendment) Act, 2019
I. Dispute resolution committee (DRC) - to be established by the central government
before referring a dispute to the tribunal to resolve the dispute amicably by
negotiations within one year (extendable by 6 months) and submit its report to the
central government. If Dispute cannot be settled by the DRC, the central government
will refer it to the ISWD tribunal.
II. Establishment of a single Inter-state water Disputes tribunal by the Central
government which can have multiple benches . All existing tribunals will be dissolved
and the pending cases will be transferred to the new tribunal.
III. Composition of Tribunal - will include a chairperson, vice- chairperson, three
judicial members and three expert members. they will be appointed by the central
government on the recommendation of selection committee. Central government may
also appoint two experts serving in the central water engineering service as assessors
to advise the bench in its proceedings. The assessor shouldn't be from the states
involved in the dispute.
IV. Time limit - The proposed tribunal must give its decision on the dispute within 2 years,
which may be extended by another year.
• The decision of the tribunal shall be final and binding. It also makes mandatory for
the central government to make a scheme to give effect to the decision.
Analysis of the changes introduced by the Amendment
• The changes introduced are likely to speed up the process of dispute resolution, with
could avoid loss of time and property.
• The continuous evaluation or assessment of the river basins could be possible owing
to the maintenance of data Bank.
• On the other hand, some states like Tamilnadu and Odisha, have raised serious
concerns about the appropriation of more powers by the central government to decide
water disputes between States, which can use it unfairly in favour of states ruled by
the same party as that in central government.
Way forward
• Inter-state council can play a useful role in facilitating dialogue and discussion among
States.
• As recommended by the MIHIR SHAH Report, water can be brought into concurrent
list and Central water authority can be constituted to manage rivers.
• Inter-linking of rivers can help in adequate distribution of river water in the basin
areas.

(7)’India-Iran relations are far reaching and multidimensional yet varieties of issues
constrain their potential’. Discuss.
• West Asia has historically been one of the foremost foreign policy priority for India
and is a successful example of India’s foreign policy. The success of India’s policy in
West Asia is that India has largely balanced its relations with three major poles of the
region-Saudi Arabia, Iran and Israel.
• According to P.R. Kumarswamy, b/w Morocco in the west and Indonesia in the East,
Iran is the only other country which can be truly described as a ‘regional power’.
Geographically, historically and culturally, Iran has been the closest to India among
the countries of West Asia.
• According to Talmiz Ahmad, India’s relationship with Iran is based on ‘deep strategic
considerations’-----
• In its immediate neighborhood in the West, India’s interest lie in establishing an
influential position in Afghanistan and have close political, energy and economical
ties with the Central Asian Republics. In this context, Iran has a central role in
realizing both interests.
• For India, connectivity through Iran to Central Asia and Afghanistan is crucial. For
this purpose Indo-Iran cooperation is essential in development of Chabahar Port and
North-South Transport Corridor(NSTC).
• Along with other GCC countries, Iran is a natural energy supplier to India. India
imports almost 60% of its crude from West Asia and the Gulf and Iran.
(i) However, despite scope for a mutually beneficial relationship the diplomatic
trajectories of the two countries has shown divergence. A/Q to Kabir Taneja,
sanctions, economic blockades, covert wars and a race for regional supremacy makes
Iran a difficult partner.
(ii) A/q to Ambassador Ishrat Aziz, achieving the full scope of India’s relationship with
Iran has been constrained due to extraneous factors----------
• Tensions b/w Iran and the USA over Iran’s nuclear program-
A/Q to Talmiz Ahmad, since 2005, when steady progress in Indo-US relations began,
there has been a decline in Indo-Iran ties, which is evident in India’s role for IAEA
resolution(2005) that found Iran in ‘non-compliance’ of its safeguard obligations
under NPT. In addition, since 2010, Indo-Iran ties have been adversely affected by
US and EU, leading to a steady reduction in India’s import of Iranian oil.
• Iran and GCC countries tensions created greater and more direct challenges for
India’s interests in the region. Any conflict in the region can create a security problem
for Indian nationals living and working in GCC countries. In addition, the ethnic
conflicts(shia shunni conflict) in the region has the potential to disturb India’s internal
security.
• The hostility and tensions b/w Iran and Israel, the natural ally of India, has also
impacted Indo-Iran ties.
Way forward
• A/Q to K.C. Singh (Former Ambassador to Iran), if Indian democracy has to succeed,
the skill needed to engage this new Iran will have to be greater and sensitivity to their
concerns adequately factored in when partaking the theatre of GCC sheikhs and
Indian diaspora.
• A/Q to Amb. Dinkar Srivastava, India shouldn’t view its relations with Iran as a subset
of her relations with other countries, keeping in mind other countries of West Asia and
Pakistan.

(8) Discuss the current state of India-central Asia relations. Critically examine the
geo-strategic and geo-economic significance of the region for India.
• The collapse of Soviet Union created a new political reality on the vast expanse of
Eurasia in the form of 5 new central Asia Republics(CARs) – Kazakhzstan,
Krygyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. The geostrategic location of the
Central Asian states, lying at the cross roads of Russia, Middle East, South Asia and
Far East, has made this region extremely pivotal. As a result, any geopolitical changes
in the region inevitably extend their impact on several states in neighbourhood. This
is the region why Central Asia has been considered as a region of ‘Great game’
involving powers like Russia, China, India and USA.
• In the Indian context, the significance of this region in foreign policy matrix of India
cannot be ignored. India has traditionally attached great importance to its relations
with Central Asian as its ‘extended neighbours’. Following the Soviet collapse, central
Asians had also considered as a big and legitimate stakeholder to offset the conflicting
forces in the region, especially Russia and China. Therefore, on its part, India is also
expected to play a ‘balancing role’ in the big power games in central Asia. As central
Asia is the area from which threats to India’s security has historically emanated,
India’s interests in central Asia are also strategic.This means that a stable, secure and
secular central Asia is in India’s interest. It becomes important, especially in the
context of growing geostrategic and security concerns regarding the CPEC under the
Belt and Road Initiative(BRI).
 Current state of India-Central Asia relations
• Based on the recognition of the idea that India’s approach to central Asia cannot be
positive so that this strategically located region doesn’t become an area dominated by
forces hostile to India’s interests, India’s engagement with the region has evolved over
the period of two decades. However, under the current government, India has adopted
a coherent strategy to upscale its relations with central Asian through new initiatives.
The visit of India’s Prime Minister to all the central Asian republics in 2015 boosted
the momentum of the ‘connect central Asia’ policy of 2012 and , most importantly, it
marked a major shift in India’s diplomatic relations with central Asia as, for the first
time, India was looking at the region as a composite geographical unit. The reciprocal
high-level state visits by the leaderships of central Asian republics in the last few years
further highlight the evolution of the India-Central Asia relations. Also, in the last few
years, India has invested in projects such as INSTC and Chabahar port development
to counter the challenge of poor connectivity b/w India and central Asian region.
Apart from it, one of the most important developments is the induction of India as the
new member of SCO, which provides a platform to leaders of India and central Asia
to meet and discuss issues of bilateral and regional interest.
• The current political, strategic and economic scenario both regionally and
internationally, presents immense challenges but also potential for India and central
Asia to qualitatively enhance their engagement.