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SERIES IN ASIAN LABOR
AND WELFARE POLICIES
GENDER,
CARE AND
MIGRATION
IN EAST ASIA
EDITED BY REIKO OGAWA, RAYMOND K.H. CHAN,
AKIKO S. OISHI & LIH-RONG WANG
Series in Asian Labor and Welfare Policies
Series Editors
Chris Chan
City University of Hong Kong
Hong Kong
Dae-oup Chang
Sogang University
Korea (Republic of)
Khalid Nadvi
University of Manchester
UK
Asia has been the new focus of global social sciences. One of the key features
for the rise of Asia is the creation of the largest industrial workforce in the
human history. China, India and many other newly industrialized countries in
Asia have been transformed as ‘world factories’ for the global capitalism in the
past four decades. This development involves both extensive and intensive
migration of labour across Asia. Massive populations in the Asian countries,
who formerly involved in traditional self- subsistence activities, have become
wage labourers. In China itself, more than 260 million of rural-urban migrant
labours have been created in the past three decades.
The production and the reproduction of labour in Asia have therefore
become the major research themes in a wide range of disciplines such as
gender studies, development studies, policies studies, employment relations,
human resource management, legal studies as well as sociology, politics and
anthropology.
v
CONTENTS
vii
viii CONTENTS
Index 215
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
ix
x NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Priscilla Y.K. Wong is a social worker. She was previously Research Asso-
ciate at the Department of Social Sciences, City University of Hong Kong.
Her major research interests are family policy and counseling. She has
published in Asian Journal of Gerontology & Geriatrics.
LIST OF FIGURES
xiii
LIST OF TABLES
xv
xvi LIST OF TABLES
rendered invisible. Exclusion from the jurisdiction of labor laws and like
protection has undermined a perception of this work as “genuine labor” to
be assessed in terms of labor relations or unionization. For these reasons,
and with the exception of the work of feminist scholars and social policy
experts, discussions on care work have remained outside mainstream narra-
tives on labor history, political theory, and economic inquiry (Meerkerk
et al. 2015; Mies 1986; Tronto 2013).
In earlier decades, as a result of demographic pressure in economically
advanced countries, the issue of care was foregrounded not only within
various fields of academic inquiry but also within political debates in mul-
tifarious ways. The “crisis of care” (Zimmerman et al. 2006) or, more
broadly, the “crisis of social reproduction” (Anderson and Shutes 2014;
Fraser 2016) emerged as a major challenge relating to the foundation and
sustainability of a society. According to Fraser, the “crisis of reproduction”
is a consequence of a deeply embedded contradiction between production
and reproduction that has its roots in capitalist society.
Fraser (2016) further argued that capitalism “free rides” on the provision
of care mainly outside of the market and without proper compensation in
monetary terms. With the development of an industrial society, a gendered
division of the family occurred as a result of the separation of economic
production, associated with men, and social reproduction, associated with
women. Under Fordism, social protection was provided through the family
wage as compensation for the unpaid work of women that resulted in the
separation of the male breadwinner and the “housewife.” However, with
global capitalism mobilizing women into the labor market in developed as
well as developing countries in the post-Fordist era, this model was aban-
doned or, at any rate, subjected to change. By undermining the reproductive
process, this process of capital accumulation has thus proven self-destructive.
The tension between production and reproduction has been evident in
East Asia—the current growth center of global capitalism—which has expe-
rienced a rapid decline in total fertility rate and a rise in its aging population.
In particular, this tension has become apparent in relation to women’s work
and care responsibilities (Baird et al. 2017). Many studies have shown that
INTRODUCTION: SITUATING GENDER, CARE, AND MIGRATION IN. . . 3
marriages, and non-marriage constitute rising trends that have major impacts
on family care arrangements and strategies. Nevertheless, a significant pro-
portion of the responsibility for care still remains in the hands of families,
especially female members, regardless of whether these members are wives,
daughters-in-law, or daughters.
A fourth dimension is that to cope with the “care deficit” while
maintaining the family ideology, East Asian societies have introduced dif-
ferent strategies and institutional arrangements aimed at increasing paid
care through market expansion and/or through social insurance systems
(ILO 2016, 34). Japan and Korea (and more recently, Taiwan) have devel-
oped public provisions to support care through the expansion of social
solidarity mechanisms that are aimed at transferring the burden of care
from the family to “society” (quasi market). These societies have introduced
long-term care insurance (LTCI) to support the elderly who are dependent
on care through the provision of funding and a workforce for implementing
“socialized care.” Despite the shortcomings of LTCI in these countries,
relating to funding and limited coverage as a result of demographic pressure
and huge financial deficits, it is unlikely that these governments will
completely withdraw from the defamilialization of care as a matter of social
policy. On the other hand, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan proactively
facilitated the entry of women into the labor market and opted to introduce
migrants through a lenient migration policy and the mechanism of the
privatized market. Consequently, the number of migrants increased quickly,
reflecting the high dependence of families on migrants who could provide
round-the-clock care.
From the perspective of the care labor market, national care workforces
in Japan and Korea are substantial in size, with more than 200,000 workers
in Korea and 1.7 million in Japan (Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare
2015; National Health Insurance Service 2015, 608–609). However, this is
not the case in Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Put differently, Japan
and Korea established their provisions on social care before opening the
labor market to migrants, whereas Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan
opened their care markets to migrants before establishing long-term care
provisions; or rather, care work undertaken by migrants became a conve-
nient solution, leading to the creation of the immigrant niche. It remains to
be seen how Taiwan is going to recalibrate its market mechanism to con-
solidate the newly introduced insurance system.
Hochschild (2000, 131) coined the term “global care chain” (GCC),
describing an informal system comprising “a series of personal links between
6 R. OGAWA ET AL.
people across the globe based on the paid or unpaid work of caring.”
However, East Asian care chains are regional in nature, although they
operate within larger global capitalism and international politics. Migrant
care workers do not come from other regions such as Africa or Latin
America but predominantly engage in what could be termed regional care
chains (RCCs) that entail intraregional mobility within Asia.3 These RCCs,
which are characterized by major flows of migrants from Southeast Asia
to East Asia, include both source countries such as the Philippines,
Indonesia, and Vietnam and receiving societies such as Hong Kong,
Taiwan, Singapore, Japan, and Korea. These divergent care commodifica-
tion strategies within the RCCs have resulted in different constructions of
care work in East Asia that have distinct implications for the existing
gendered order (see Orloff 1993; Sainsbury 1999). For example,
Singapore’s achievement in establishing gender equality is significant,
reflected in its ranking of 55 in the Global Gender Gap Index. However,
Japan ranks 111 and Korea ranks 114 out of a total of 144 countries (World
Economic Forum 2016). Still, the RCCs are gendered and racialized, as
migrant workers from disadvantaged countries cross borders to serve those
who are at the high end of the racial/ethnic/class hierarchy, creating new
boundaries and ruptures within Asia.
A final dimension relates to the growing literature and the development
of international norms and advocacy by civil society on the issue of human
rights and citizenship of migrants, an area which has also gained increasing
public attention. Numerous incidents of human rights violations have
occurred within the unregulated private sphere, leaving migrants in condi-
tions amounting to “neo-slavery.” Various factors contribute to the vulner-
ability of migrants who migrate under conditions of huge debt, lack of
regulations, and stringent immigration policies that do not allow them to
change their employers, as well as the nature of work that tends to be not
purely contractual. These conditions significantly restrict the bargaining
power of migrants as workers, compelling them to choose between endur-
ing hardship or running away and becoming undocumented. Studies have
also pointed to the embedding of care within an unequal social structure
differentiated by gender, race, and class (Anderson 2000; Parrenas 2003;
Razavi 2007). The issue of citizenship has been prominent, impacting on
migrants in a number of ways, and civil societies in both the sending and
receiving countries have been strongly advocating the provision of protec-
tion and secure human rights for migrants.
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sweetened drinks containing lactic acid in doses of 45 to 75 grains
per day may be given between the meals, or at intervals if the calf is
sucking.
Laudanum in doses of 6 to 10 drops per day administered in rice
water, extract of opium, weak solutions of tannin, etc., are also of
value. Filliàtre has successfully used tar water in the first stages. The
solution consists of vegetable tar 6 drachms, boiling water 1 quart.
This solution is used tepid in the proportion of 1 part to 3 parts of
warm milk.
Decoctions of spiked purple loosestrife, willow bark, etc., are also
of great value in certain districts.
The drug which appears least dangerous, however, is that so often
successfully used in young children—viz., subnitrate of bismuth. It
can be given in doses of 30 to 45 grains per day, with lactic acid in
doses of 75 to 150 grains, according to the size of the patients. If the
animals are greatly exhausted and have been ill for some time there
is less chance of recovery, and under these circumstances Dr.
Lesage’s anti-colic serum might be used.
It gives excellent results in infants, and it has proved successful in
simple diarrhœa of calves.
CHAPTER VII.
POISONING.
Under this title are included all forms of poisoning resulting from
the ingestion of bad fodder. Such expressions as “intestinal typhus”
and “typhic gastro-enteritis” only indicate a special stage in the
condition, which is never twice the same.
Causation. The most important changes in the food ingested do
not consist in a mere modification in its chemical composition, but in
the presence of various parasites which develop in grain and forage,
after moistening, or after abnormal fermentation in the interior of
the grains. These parasites are chiefly represented by fungi belonging
to the genus Mucor: Aspergillus or Penicillium; blight—Puccinia
graminis, Uredo linearis; smut—Tilletia caries, Ustilago segetum,
Ustilago maydis; yeasts of different kinds resulting from the
fermentation of brewers’ grains; and, finally, unrecognised microbes
which act by means of the poisons they secrete.
The symptoms are always very vague. At first the only marked
symptom is loss of appetite, accompanied by dryness of the mouth
and muzzle, depression and constipation. The animals never clearly
show signs of gastro-enteritis; nevertheless, the changes in general
health point very clearly to a digestive origin.
In cases of acute poisoning the symptoms develop rapidly. Torpor
becomes more marked, the movements of the heart tumultuous, and
the temperature rises to 105° Fahr. (40·5° C.), diminishing later until
death occurs.
In chronic forms of poisoning constipation is present at first, but is
soon followed by profuse, fœtid, blackish diarrhœa, sometimes
containing streaks of blood and accompanied by abdominal pain.
In exceptional cases these digestive symptoms are amplified by the
presence of broncho-pneumonia, pleuro-pneumonia, nephritis, and
cystitis, as in poisoning by tannin and essential oils. These
complications are of infectious origin.
In young animals, like lambs and young pigs, still with their
mothers alimentary intoxication may also occur though the mothers
show no signs of illness. The passage of poisonous principles into the
milk cannot be disputed. Moussu has seen numerous cases of
alimentary intoxication in lambs whose dams were fed with
decomposed beet pulp, and in sucking pigs whose mothers had
received bad maize, turnips, etc.
Diagnosis. Careful examination of the substances with which the
animals are fed, and consideration of the history, prevent confusion
with ordinary poisoning. Anthrax as a cause can easily be eliminated.
The prognosis is grave, unless the practitioner is summoned
early.
The lesions are those of acute gastro-enteritis—congestion of the
mucous membrane, abomasum, and intestine, submucous
infiltration, shedding of the epithelium, which sometimes attains the
stage of ulceration, suffusion and intestinal or superficial
hæmorrhage, dilatation of the capillaries, etc.
The symptoms of poisoning are produced by the absorption of
toxic products, which pass from the intestine into the blood current.
Poisoning is frequently complicated by infection produced in a
similar manner.
Treatment. The first point is to change the food. This alone is
often sufficient to dispose of the digestive disturbance in a week or
two. In addition, mustard plasters may be applied, and purgatives,
stimulants and mucilaginous drinks may be given. Finally, diuretics
are useful in eliminating the toxic products accumulated in the
blood. They comprise general stimulants like wine, alcohol, tea,
coffee, etc. Subcutaneous or intravenous injection of physiological
salt solution is indicated.
POISONING BY ARSENIC.
PHOSPHORUS POISONING.
MERCURIAL POISONING.
Lead poisoning is very rare, and seldom occurs except near camps
or factories. It then results from swallowing lead “spray” mixed with
the grass or from inhalation of lead vapour.
The symptoms comprise salivation, nausea, colic, obstinate
constipation, tympanites, and arrest of milk secretion. A peculiar
form of trembling affects the head; epileptiform convulsions,
amaurosis, and paralysis may also occur. General sensibility
diminishes, and death follows.
The disease may assume a chronic form, characterised by a blue
line around the gums, changes in the joints, albuminuria, and bodily
wasting.
The lesions are those of ulcerative stomatitis, anæmia of the
mucous membranes, and fatty degeneration of the epithelium. In the
chronic form the kidneys are atrophied.
Treatment consists in giving substances which form insoluble
compounds with lead. It comprises the administration of dilute
sulphuric acid, solutions of sodium sulphate or magnesia, milk, eggs,
and iodide of potassium.
COPPER POISONING.
POISONING BY ALOES.
IODOFORM POISONING.
The causes are limited to the licking of wounds which have been
dressed with iodoform.
The symptoms include gastric disturbance, somnolence, coma,
and the signs of iodism.
The only lesions are those of fatty degeneration of the kidneys
and liver.
Treatment comprises the exhibition of vomitants, stimulants,
and diuretics.
The green tufts alone are toxic; the toxicity disappears after drying.
Prolonged administration produces nephritic colic and renal
lithiasis.
POISONING BY ACORNS.