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HUMAN RIGHTS INTERVENTIONS
i l i a x y p ol i a
Human Rights Interventions
Series Editors
Chiseche Mibenge, Stanford University, Stanford, CA, USA
Irene Hadiprayitno, Leiden University, Leiden, Zuid-Holland,
The Netherlands
The traditional human rights frame creates a paradigm by which the duty
bearer’s (state) and rights holder’s (civil society organizations) interests
collide over the limits of enjoyment and enforcement. The series departs
from the paradigm by centering peripheral yet powerful actors that agitate
for intervention and influence in the (re)shaping of rights discourse in
the midst of grave insecurities. The series privileges a call and response
between theoretical inquiry and empirical investigation as contributors
critically assess human rights interventions mediated by spatial, temporal,
geopolitical and other dimensions. An interdisciplinary dialogue is key as
the editors encourage multiple approaches such as law and society, polit-
ical economy, historiography, legal ethnography, feminist security studies,
and multi-media.
Human Rights,
Imperialism,
and Corruption in US
Foreign Policy
Ilia Xypolia
Aberdeen, UK
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
To Charalampos
Acknowledgements
This book has been in the making for several years and I owe several
people gratitude. I will be forever indebted to Bulent Gokay, a mentor
and friend who has ignited my intellectual interests and to Farzana
Shain. Much appreciation goes to Marios Evriviades for his sage advice
throughout the years. I would also like to thank, my editor Dr. Anca
Pusca of Palgrave for her meticulous work during the production process
of the book.
Many thanks are extended to my colleagues at the PIR Depart-
ment at the University of Aberdeen. The critical sharpness of the Arab
Transformations research team emcouraged me to anchor my focus into
such heterodox scholarship. I would like to express my gratitude to my
“Human Rights in Global Politics” students whose fierce debates helped
me refine the arguments presented here. Different friends and colleagues
have engaged in countless hours of conversation and provided advice and
support. Giulia Mengato’s and Dionysis Nikolopoulos’ prowess and input
have been invaluable for the development of ideas contained in this book.
Finally, on a more personal note, I have been blessed with an
amazing family. My sincere gratitude to my wonderful parents, Theodoros
and Charalampia, for their sacrifices and eternal love, my marvellous
siblings, Penelope, Dimitris, and Kyriaki, along with my in-laws for their
steadfast support for this and other projects. The recent additions to the
family Thodoris, George, and Charalampia have been a source of pure
joy and light. My appreciation and love are also extended to the families
vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ix
x CONTENTS
Bibliography 145
Index 153
Abbreviations
xi
xii ABBREVIATIONS
xiii
List of Tables
xv
CHAPTER 1
Abstract The introduction lays out the key arguments and the outline
of the book. The recent introduction of corruption into the US State
Department’s Annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices serves
the US-specific interpretation of human rights that diverge from inter-
national standards and embedded in US imperialism. The discourse on
human rights promotion has been criticised as the moral fig leaf covering
other US interests. Yet, the ACRs ultimately are a mechanism that
serves the function of the Foucauldian Panopticon apparatus. In partic-
ular, ACRs are an essential part of the power apparatus that observes,
examines, and normalises the discourse on countries’ human rights prac-
tices. Through this metaphor the importance of knowledge production is
underlined.
1 White House (2021b) Statement by President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. on the National
Security Study Memorandum on the Fight Against Corruption. https://www.whitehouse.
gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/06/03/statement-by-president-joseph-r-
biden-jr-on-the-national-security-study-memorandum-on-the-fight-against-corruption/.
In June 2021, the 46th President of the United States Joseph “Joe”
R. Biden Jr. issued a statement on the National Security Study Memo-
randum on the Fight Against Corruption. His administration had just
issued the memorandum as “a core U.S. national security interest” and
thus directed US government agencies to develop a Presidential strategy
that would bolster US’ ability to combat corruption.2 This initiative is
neither surprising nor accidental for US foreign policy and is intimately
woven with human rights. Efforts to establish corruption as an important
human rights issue for the US foreign policy agenda have been years in
the making. Although every US president has paid at least a lip service to
international human rights ever since the 1970s, it was not until the 1990s
that corruption gained momentum in global politics discourse and was
portrayed as a human rights issue. However, ten more years passed, in the
first decade of the twenty-first century, when the US State Department
explicitly discussed corruption within its most important foreign policy
tool, the Annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (ACRs).
The ACRs, published since the 1970s, shape the US State Department’s
ambitious foreign policy agenda on human rights and attempt to detail
the situation of human rights in all countries across the world. From
2009 onwards, the ACRs have added an important issue in the human
rights/democratisation agenda: corruption. The notion of corruption is
highly contested. Due to its elusive nature, there is no agreed-upon defini-
tion of corruption as a phenomenon. The US foreign policy, by including
corruption in the ACRs, has adopted a rather narrow understanding of
corruption and has produced a convenient discourse on anti-corruption.3
The main argument put forward in this book is that this recent intro-
duction of corruption into the US State Department’s ACRs serves the
US-specific interpretation of human rights that diverge from international
standards and embedded in US imperialism. Since the late nineteenth
century, and especially after the end of the Second World War, US “open
door” imperialism has been promoting free markets ostensibly coupled
with the promotion of (neo)liberal ideology, values, and institutions.
4 Michel Foucault (1979) Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York:
Vintage, page 184.
5 Ibid., page 192.
4 I. XYPOLIA
Book Outline
The next chapter highlights the importance of knowledge production for
the exercise of power in global politics. It begins by discussing cultural
imperialism as a significant apparatus important for the US foreign policy.
The third chapter looks at the so-called American Exceptionalism and
the use of human rights in the American foreign policy agenda. Then
it explores the role that human rights have played in US foreign policy
since the 1970s. In this context it focusses on ACRs which are arguably
the most valuable tool for the US foreign policy human rights agenda.
The fourth chapter examines one of the most significant tools for
advancing human rights in the American foreign policy agenda, the
Annual Country Reports. It starts by tracing the origins of the Reports
within the context of the 1970s. It then looks at the conflictual drafting
process and the structure of the reports. Contentious issues with specific
issues are also explored.
The fifth chapter focusses on the depiction of corruption as a human
rights issue. In particular, it examines the recent addition of corruption to
the ACRs. By looking at the emphasis on corruption within the neoliberal
discourse, it delineates the narrow framing of corruption. It then explores
the framing of corruption and highlights the prominence of that issue for
the so-called countries in transition.
The last chapter 6, discusses the impact of this corruption-human
rights nexus in the global political discourse. In particular, it looks at
how the issue of corruption is featured within the human rights centred
approach of the UN 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development
Goals.
CHAPTER 2
Every empire, however, tells itself and the world that it is unlike all other
empires that its mission is not to plunder and control but to educate and
liberate.1
1 Edward W. Said (2003) ‘Blind Imperial Arrogance’, Los Angeles Times. https://www.
latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2003-jul-20-oe-said20-story.html.